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The Nation 


April 4th, 1908, to September 26th, 1908. 



he Nation 



A Free Hand for the State ... : 
American Parties, The Break-up ai 
American Radicalism, The Growth in 
A Moral from Hops ... oi 

An American Labor Party ... 

A New Political Development 

A New Triple Alliance? 
Anglicanism, The Weakness of ... 
Anglo- German Agreement, The Dey to an 
An Invasion of Liberty 

An Olive Branch 

An Untoward Incident 

A Vision of New Toryism 

A Word to the Labor Party... 

Back to the Lords ... 
Balkans, The Peril in the 

Campbell-Bannerman in the nn bee By the Rt. 
Hon. Lord Eversley fox ie 

Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry MP 

Catholic Church and Modern Life, The 

Civic Volunteer, The _ 
Club Life, Some Abuses of ... 
Continent, The Waste ofa ... 
Co-operators and Politics 

Crisis in Coffee, A ... 

Crisis in the Cotien Trade, ore 

Dark Side, The 5 

Democracy and the Peace Movement 
Destruction of a Myth, The.. 
Development in the Church ... 
Disorganised Labor ... Se 
Doctrine of Tolerance, The ... 

Eastern °48, The 
Empire, The Mood of 
_ England, The Wealth of a 
Entente of America and Australia, The |. 
Fiscal Fallacies :— 

II. The Single Trade Tests 
Free Trade as an International Policy 
Free Trade Finance, The Victory of 
Free Trade, The Triumph of 
Frontier War, The ; 


Germany, A Message from . 
Government and the Suffrage, The . 
Government, The ‘“ Main Duty ”’ of the 
Government, The New ; 
Government, The Peril of the 

Haggerston, A Lesson from ... on 
Harvest of London Reaction, The ... 
Home Rule, The Inevitability of ... be 
How to Regain the Liberty of the Road ... 

Idealism in Politics ... Ak 

India, Our Opportunity in ... 

indian Portent, The.. 

Industrial Arbitration, The ‘Limits Of 

Kings as Politicians ... 

Liberalism, The Vision of ... 1% 
Liberal Europe, The Growth ofa ... 
London Police, The Character of the 
Lord Morley’s Indian Reforms, ITI. :— 
The Mischief of Over-Centralisation. 
William Wedderburn 
Lords, The Danger with the... 
Lost Liberty of the Road, The 

wai Sir 

Macedonia, The New Hope for 
Message of Liberalism to the East, The 
Morocco, The Future of 

Mr. Hearst’ s Revelations 

Mutiny of the Expert, The ... 

Natal and the Native Question 
National Insurance, The Policy of ... 
Navy, The Quarrel in the ... 

New Railway Situation, The 

Peace, Further Steps to 

Peace, The Strenuous 

Peers and the Poor, The ... : 
Penal Policy, The Reversal of Our 
Pensions Bill, The Blot on the ~ 
Pensions Bill, The Final Form of the 
Pensions Bill, The Limitations of the 
Persia, Our Policy in 




Persian Revolution, The Plight of the... ... 443 
Poor Law and the Family, The ... a? vas hoe 
Portuguese Slavery ... eu ane ue eee Ou 
Position of the Monarch, The ... 4st aay 72 
Poverty and Pauperism ... ~~ ae Ste Sue oii 
Poverty and the State ey we Tee Yes 
Power of a Modern Newspaper, The... 517 
Prime Minister and Home Rule, The Late. By 
John Redmond, M.P. __... 217 
Prime Minister, The Late ... Lie sa ao 
Prime Minister, The New ... me ths SoS 
Prison Population, hee a eel OK} 
Protection, The ‘“ Broad’’ Road to an ... 334 
Protection, The Party of . a5 he bo eT 
Railway Policy, The Revolution in st ye 
Religion, The History of ... ae aes y Saeed 
Remitted to the Churches ... a ‘S, OL 
Road and the People, The ... eh aa 18 OOO 
Roosevelt Intervention, The i: a) Dn eaO8 

Socialism, Two Schools of ... ie 
South Africa, The Next Phase in ... 
South Africa, The Saving of 

South American Ruler, A . 
Speculative Revival, The ..t 

Tradition of the Barricade, The . 

Triple Entente, The Basis of the . a 
Tomlinson of Manchester, and Elsewhere ... 
Turkish Reform, The Problem of ... 
Turkey, The New Spirit in ... 

Use of the Lash, The 

Wanted, A New Scheme of Culture... er. 

Wanted, An Understanding with Sean 
West, The Problem of the ... : Me 
What Does ‘‘ Votes for Women ’’ Mean? . 
What Votes for Women Should Mean 


A Bit of a Philosopher. By the Rev. S. pret ag 413 
A Child. By John Galsworthy ... 9 
“A Distant Drum ”’ mt " aha 2) 
A Green Heaven .... ue ry! = ae 0G 
A Killing Competition ... ub? ae Sar OS 
American Statesman, An ... ate “ie Bema) 
America, The Romance of ... oye oe SEG 
An Earthly Paradise a she ely oP 
An Immortal. I. By the Rev. S. Henry sou 
do. II. do. do. De vieket f) 
An Impeachment of Cathedral Building ... unten’ |e) 
A Lost Child ... ee ne ae rg .. 484 
Another Point of View. By May Kendall OOD 
A Revolutionary. By the Rev. 8. Henry ee OL 
Are Wild Animals Born Wild? ... bn spasarned Uap 
Art of Opening, The be gOS 
A Saint. By R. B. Cunninghame bGrahar Be 
A Study in “ Overlooking.’’ “By W. Hale White 
(Mark Rutherford) a: ws BS eg sy Ab 
Background of Glory, The ... cue Nee wae (00 
Barmecide Feasts... S Se ds ae er tehedl 
Boat Race, The tn Ries are ae Sas oh 
Can Morals be Taught? ... a wes a OU 
Can Trout be Educated? ... hie re Braye Oe 
Careful Joy ... We A me fe sp TOL 
Caterpillars, The Year of ... a cr ie (atokth 
Child’s Fetish, The ... Me bee LLG 
Christian Dogma and Folklore... om eT, 
Churches and the Social Soul, The ... a Mian oe 
City of Dead Waters, The ... ss itd Po aN 
Complete Anarchist, The ... apes ae mee ih wl 
Cuckoo Habit, The ... “5s ee es a eaos 
Dead March, The ... sue Ret Ex. Bees ei U8 
Dearth of Genius, The ... feo Shs pee BUH 
Death of the Rick Man, The. By Padraic Colum 119 
Democracy and the Expert ue a mee Y hs) 
Despair of an Intellectual, The... eb: Peg) 

Do We Over-Eat? ... ; ae bee aT: 

Easter in Seville... 
End of the Land, The sa Be 
English Fiction, The Outlook for ... 
Englishman Born _... ea 
Ethiopian’ s Skin, The 

Faith of Free Thought, The 

Fear. By John Galsworthy 

Fiction, The Trade in : 

Fifty Years of Evolution . as sts 

From Mid-Devon to Manchester. By CorgeG: 
Masterman, M.P. Re bese ex 

Garden Primroses_... ote oat 
Grampians, Inthe. By C. H. Herford 

Hope. By John Galsworthy 

“In His Blindness ’’ 
Tronyy ca a 
Tuterval, The . 

John Morley as Interpreter 
Kitchen Garden, The 

Legend of Faust, The 

Life and the Poet ... 

Little Living Creatures - 

London, The Tyranny of ... 

“ Los Peares, un Minuto.” i R. B. ’. Cunninghame 

Maelshaughlinn at the Fair. By Padraic Colum 
Marathon, The oi ia 1 ae 
Mart, The... : fe: oe oie 
Meadow of the Dead, ‘The. "By Padraic Colum... 
Mediterranean, In the mp me ret 
Men Against Sportsmen 

“Merrie England ”’ ... 

Midsummer Trout, The 


LIFE AND LETTERS (continued). 

Millinery of Murder, The ... 
Mind of the Bee, The ae 
Mind of the Suburb, The ... 
Mob-Mind, The 

Moliére and Modern Drama 

Name of Gentleman, The ... 

Olympia Rediviva. 
One Point of View. 
Onlooker’s Risk, The AM 
Order. By John Galsworthy 
Over-Delicacy of Speech 

Paka the Cat. 
Panic ... 

Passing of the ‘Horse, thal) 

Pathetic Fallacy, The. By ea Kendall . 

Pleasant Land, The ... 
Poet of Freedom, The ce 
Power of the Voice, The ... 

Rush for the Sun, The 

Osman Digna. By H. N. Brailsford 


Pictures at the Artistes Frangais ... 
Pictures at the Paris Salon ... 

The Entente in Fine Art . a 
The Londoner and His Buildings ee 
The New Gallery we 
The Royal Academy ... 

The Sorolla Exhibition 


An Artist and Some “Stars ”’ 

The Error of Bayreuth 

The Significance of Richard Strauss 
Three Opera Singers .. 

By May Kendall 

By Sidhe C. H. Stigand 

267 Sameness of Fashion, The ... AE ba ... 482 
412 Samuel Butler, The Case of de Fe ... 483 
730 Scholar’s Melancholy, The ... 2s ae ia POG 
631 Science and the Supernatural We a eel ae 
520 Sharing. By RK. |. 7: Lae WV Si fae Tole 
Simple Life, The _... fe nes any ei © Alp: 
698 Single-Flowered Rose, The ... AY Ae Dn a 
Surplus of Summer, The ... Ae He ie O69 
By Professor Gilbert Murray /563 The Deformed Transformed 287 7 sat 697 
putea * FP Mhel Paine ose, Marah ath, Ahk vical AND 
78 Tipping, The Economics of ... aa re ay dL 
Le? Tolstoy, The Teaching of ... oe ct Hae toae 
485 Tongues of Pentecost, The ... ap es Aen BOO 
Town and Country ...-_... ae oe eo 83 
221 Tramp World, The ... as hy a enon ysl 
ae Tyranny of the Clock, The ... ie ut ml Ls 
766 Undercurrent, The ... ee ae te 1 11 
Ae Unnecessary Brock, The ... Wo on te oa0 
446 Visitors is a ey. fy Lah ~y- 862 
564 Water of the Moors, The ... bs ao .. 565 
184 Wild Bee, The Pep ee 1A aM te aU 
82 President Diaz ay ie ug sh toh OOD 
271 A Dramatic “ Conversation.’”’ By H. W. M.... 222 
120 A Parable of Life and Art. By H. W.M..... 416 
378 A Revival of Poetic Tragedy. By H.W.M..... 309 
601 Mr. Barrie’s Failure. By H. W.M. _.... eC 832 
154 Mr. Pinero’s Hel aaa of Provincial . Life. By 
187 H. W. M. 2 : ro see 220 
The Art of Stage Dancing. By H. W. M. ... 523 
“The Gay Lord Quex.’’ By H. W. M.... Bowl Oo 
PAGE The Immortal Snob. By H. W.M. ie oo) aD 
524 The New Shylock. By H. W. M. Bs A ty 
672 The Sad Case of Dr. Faust. By H. W. M. ... 866 
901 The Stage and Modern Life. By H.W. M..... 344 
269 anise, wa by Meow Mi, an a He hel 
By Professor The Problem of SDE By Professor G. M. 
; ae Se aoo Minchiniy an. 3 oe tiie eee hehe 

The Latest Conception of Matter. 
G. M. Minchin : 

vi | INDEX 


A New Force in Agriculture x bet THES 1 The Harmsworth Brand. Ve 
do. do. Vi 
Mr. M ’ : . ; : do. do. VII. eee an cy 
See meee arr se it ay wag eS 13 The Prospects of the Territorial Forces. By a 
a Pe oe on Territorial Officer ... a 
The Ref t By Joh 
Naval Expenditure in 1909. By the Rt. Hon. Papers ee at Organisation, rs ae" 
Lord Eversley _... Pe Es sy taps ie , 
Useless Naval Expenditure. By the Rt. Hon. 
The Harmsworth Brand. Lae ee el 567 Lord Eversley es eh ‘ a ae 
do. do. lie an ch EY 
do. do. TIT iB een DOG Will the Small ner Act Fail? By Charles 
do. do. PVE) ae bik wOTO Roden Buxton ; + ee 
Free Trade Betrayed. By Ernest Villiers, M.P. 307 The Problem of Rural deans, By Philip 
The Use of Public Libraries. By Dr. Ernest Baker 768 Morrell, M.P. ye a ae 
Bad Harvests and Wao ee: By J. A. The Hyde Park Demonstration. By H. W.N.. 
Hobson.) «=: be soe MIU The Income-Tax. By George McCrae, M.P. 

In the Women’s Ranks. By A Provincial Man 417 

Mr. Gladstone’s New Way with Old Offenders. 

By Tighe Hopkins ne if 673 
Mr. McKenna’s Opportunity. By “One Who 

Knows 7700... “ue see Pera 
The Control of the Upper Thames. By Philip 

Morrell, M.P. 527 
The Crisis in the Publishing Trade. By A Literary 

Agent ; 345 
The Cult of the Monster Warship. By “Admiral 

Sir Cyprian A. G. Bridge re ss re 487 

The Defects of the Housing Bill. By George Haw 155 
The Dual Policy in India. By S. K. Ratcliffe ... 802 

The International Peace Congress. 
The Largest of Our National Estates. By Resident 

By 'G. He 

The “ Messages ’’ from Frederic Myers. By John 
W. Graham e. as 
The South American Naval Armaments. By One 

Who Knows 7 
The State of the Daily Press. By A Journalist . 
The Sum of British Wealth. eae A Fellow of the 

Royal Statistical Society .. 
The Territorial Artillery. 

“There Is No Conqueror But God.”’ 

Cunninghame Graham 

‘By E. Crawshay- 
By R. B. 

Working Wives in Council. By Evelyn Sharp ... 



An Epilogue to an Unfinished Drama. By Dr. 
Ed. Bernstein : A e ial oN 

Austrian Policy in the Balkans. By Dr. Joseph 
Redlich i a ee aw 48 

Is Constitutional Covernmentin Turkey Possible ?—I. 
By ett Pears ... 2 Se ty iwMeOGS 
Do. 900 

Parties in the Prussian Elections. By Dr. Ed. 
Bernstein... ae Ny ee P a oe 

The German War Peril. By Dr. Ed. Bernstein 449 

The Character of the German Workers’ Insurance. 
By Dr. Ed. Bernstein... 

The Merciful Tsar. By An Englishman i in Russia 

The New Attitude of the United States to Canada. 
By Edward Porritt se 

The Prussian “ Urwahlen.’ By Dr. Ed. Bernstein 

The Stifling of Freedom. By Ixe ... 

The Tactics of M. Clémenceau ... 

The Two Heads of the Freisinn. 

The Zeppelin Movement and German Nationalism. 
By Dr. Ed. Bernstein 

To-morrow in Portugal. 

By Dr. i 

By An Old Resident. ... 









833 @ 










“Fiscal Fallacies’? (F. U. Laycock and R. C. 
Phillimore) ; The Suffragists and the Peckham 
Election (A. J. Marriott and J. Marshall 


Sturge); Tariff Reform and Motor-Cars (“ Con- 
stant Reader’’); Irish Liberalism ee An Trish 
Nationalist ’’) ) 

Fiscal Fallacies’’ (J. A. H. and Frank pea 

Tariff Reform and Motor-Cars (T. Palmer New- 
bould and G. G. Desmond) ; “ The Victory of 
Free Trade Finance’’ (“‘Cobdenite’’); “ The 
Simple Life ’’ (“ Home Counties ’’) ; Are Arma- 
ments Necessary? (Hugh Pennington) ; The De- 

tection of Fire (Frank Rowley); Protection and 
Public Plunder (R. Shindler) ; Hamburg (D. M. 
Stevenson); Peckham and Mr. Stiggins (C. J. 
Back); Women and the Pest (“ A Woman 
Conservative’’ and E.P.) : 

The Practical Reconstruction of Getta Life 

Bill (J. W. 

(Montague Fordham, M.A.) ; “ Fiscal Fallacies ”’ 
(R. C. Phillimore); Kangaroo Island (“ A Man 
of the Woods’’); The Justice of the Licensing 
F. Gillies, M.R.C.S., L.R.C.P.); 
The Problem of Medical Relief (G. C. C.); 
Hamburg (G. E. Harrison); Women Suffragists 
and the Government (J. M. Lloyd Thomas, “ Yet 
Another Woman Liberal,’’ and Jane Atkinson) ; 
The Use of the Lash (‘ A Liberal Member ’’ and 
Carl Heath) : 

Martial Law in Natal eet Greenwood, bes, 

The “ Crux ’’ in “ The Tempest’ (E. W. Lum- 
mis) ; The Garrotting Fallacy (‘‘Criminologist’’) ; 
“The Practical Reconstruction of Country 
Life’ (J. Frome Wilkinson); “ The Merchant 
of Venice’ at His Majesty’s Theatre (H.V.R.) ; 
Protection and Unemployment (Forrest Hewit) ; 
Women and the Suffrage (B. C. 8. and A. Kelly) 

“C.-B.”’ and Church Patronage (the Rt. Hon. 

George W. E. Russell); The New Policy of the 
Football Association (‘“ Footballer ’’) ; Women 
and the Suffrage (“ A Liberal Woman’”’ and 
J. S. F.); Armaments and Utility (A. Ry HA 
Shakespeare Memorial (‘‘ Observer’’); “ The 
Breaking Point’’ (C. Gasquoine Hartley); The 
Future of Poor-Law Administration AS E. 
Maurice) Ye. 

The Imprisonment of Osman en (“ An Heypt: 

The Sugar Convention (* Anti- Convention ° 

ian Correspondent ’’); Women and the Suffrage 
(Emma Hardy); “ Are Wild Animals Born 
Wild?’’ (G. G. Desmond); What a Colonist 
Thinks (Thomas Yorath); Beer and the Bible 
(‘A Manchester Man’’); Russian Horrors 
(P. M. G.); A Shakespeare Memorial (L. J. 
Roberts); The Research Defence Society (Dr. 
Greville MacDonald) ; The Groecon ini Lhe 
Tempest ’’ (Violet Churchill) ; The Sugar Con- 
vention (“ Spectator ’’); The Problem of Unem- 
ployment (Arthur Kitson) ; Peckham (the Hon. 
peed Lygon) ; The Explanation of the Licens- 

ing Bill (J. A. See la rane Life ee 
Marshall Sturge) . 

’); The 
Justice of the Licensing Bill (‘‘ Country 
Brewer ’’); The British Sunday and the Exhibi- 
tion (Yves Guyot) ; Life of Delane (Arthur Irwin 
Dasent) ; The Tradein Fiction (Clement Shorter) ; 
Pensions and the Sinking Fund (L. Chiozza 
Money, M.P. )3 The Dundee Election one Hubert 
Jones) ; 


Experiments on Animals (Dr. Stephen Paget) ; The 


Justice of the Licensing Bill (R. Mortimer Mont- 
gomery) ; The Educational Rapprochement (F. E. 
Pollard); The Sugar Convention and _ Italy 
(‘ Anti-Convention’’) ; Pensions and the Sinking 
Fund (T. A. Prest); The Riddle of the Bacchae 
(G. Norwood) ; What Does “ Votes for Women ’’ 
Mean? (A. Grimshaw Haywood) ; Bombs in India 
(A. St. John); The British Sunday and the Ex- 
hibition (Edward Brown) ; The Problem of Medi- 
cal Relief (G. C. C.) ts 

The Justice of the Licensing Bill (Sir Thomas P. 


Whittaker, M.P., 
Swanwick); “ Remitted 
(Austin Taylor, M.P.); “Simple Bible Teach- 
ing ”’ (the Rev. Th. Hill); “ The Riddle of the 
Bacchae ”’ (Professor A. W. Verrall); Experi- 
ments on Animals (Dr. Greville MacDonald) ; 
What Does ‘‘ Votes for Women ’’ Mean? (Nancy 
Lightman) ; The Russian Visit (R. B. Cunning- 
hame Graham); The Tolstoy Celebration: An 
Appeal (Edmund Gosse and Dr. C. Hagberg 
Wright) ; The Referendum (A. J. Marriott) 

a Country Brewer,’ and J. A. 
to the Churches ”’ 

The Justice of the Licensing Bill (R. Mortimer 


Montgomery) ; Does the Sugar Convention Betray 
Free Trade? (“A Free Trader ’’); The Basis of 
Educational Peace (“ Cheshire Incumbent ’ ’ and 
the Rev. Arthur W. Hutton); The Pole Trap 
(Frank E. Lemon); Experiments on Animals 
(Dr. Stephen Paget); Dr. Verrall’s Euripidean 
Theory (Professor Gilbert Murray) ; The Founda- 
tion of par eatin (the Rev. Th. Hill); The 
URGi gio ‘The Tempest’’ (Pfarrer E. W. 
Lummis) ; “The Russian and Servian Cases (Sir 
Edmund Verney) ; To Restore Confidence (Edwin 
Hill); The Landless Men in the West (Captain 
Bryan Cooper); Simple Bible Teaching (X. 3 
The Problem of Indian Self-Gover nment. (G. F 
Abbott); What Does ‘“ Votes for Women 
Mean? (Florence Travers); Human or Divine? 
(Ellen Tighe Hopkins) 


Does the Sugar Convention Bettay Free ‘Trade! 

(Ernest Villiers, M.P.); The Problem of Rural 
Housing (Philip Morrell, M.P.); Experiments 
on Animals (Dr. Greville MacDonald) ; Votes for 
Women (A. Grimshaw Haywood, Clementina 
Black, and Emily Tomlinson) ; ‘“‘ The Peril of the 

Government ”’ (R. Henderson Smith); The 
Meaning of “ Bande Mataram’’ (J. D. Rees, 
M.P.); Jesuits as Murderers (Aw Cabnouc 

Reader of Tuz Nation ’’); Political and Theo- 
logical Liberalism (C. HE. Maurice); Liberal 
Adullamites (the Rev. Malcolm MacCallum) ; 
Trade Returns for May (W. T.); The Gathering 
of Wild Flowers and Fruit (S.); The Defence of 
the Licensing Bill (Lieut-Col. D. C. Pedder) . 

The Basis of the Triple Entente (“ An Englishman 



in France’’); “ The Anti-Indian Englishman rf 
(J. D. Rees, M.P.); The Meaning of ‘“ Bande 
Mataram ”’ (“The Reviewer’’ and A. Porteous) ; 
“ The Lost Liberty of the Road ’’ (A. Shadwell) ; 
- An Invasion of Liberty ’’ (“ A London Clergy- 
man ’’); Does the Sugar Convention Betray Free 
Trade? (James Roberts) ; What Does “ Votes for 
Women’’ Mean? (Florence Travers and N. 
Lightman); The Trade Returns (W. T.); The 
Pan-Anglican Congress and Divorce (Richard T. 
Gates) ; “The “Crux”? of “The Tempest ”’ (V. 
Churchill) ; “The History of the Volunteers ”’ 

(Major Cecil Sebag-Montefiore) . id, 








The Pan-Anglican Congress and Divorce (the Rt. 
Hon. G. W. E. Russell) ; Why Pudsey Was Lost 
(“A Liberal Worker ’’); “ The Lost Liberty of 
the Road’’ (Earl Russell) ; Liberalism and Prison 
Reform (John M. Robertson, M.P.); Natives in 
the Indian Civil Service (G. F. Abbott); The 
Rating of Public Houses (the Hon. A. Holland- 
Hibbert); What Does “ Votes for Women’’ 
Mean ? (J. Abberley and (Mrs.) C. D. Rackham) ; 
“A Distant Drum ”’ (Laurie Magnus) ; The Pan- 
Anglican Congress (G. H. Godwin); The Prob- 
lem of Medical Relief (Francis Buxton); The 
Policeman’s Mtge mek of Rest (J. Fletcher 
Little) * : 

Votes for Women (R. N. H., Frank ‘Hoel and “A 
Radical Ex-Soldier ’’); The Meaning of “ Bande 
Mataram’’ (J. D. Rees, M.P., and 8. M. Mitra) ; 
“The Lost Liberty of the Road’’ (Peter Mac- 
donald, H. E. Gribble, Stuart J. Reid, D.C.L., 
J.P., and “ Viator’’) ; “An Invasion of Liberty ’’ 

(A London Cae 3 ; ‘A Distant Drum ”’ 
(‘The Writer’’) . , 

“The Lost Liberty of the Road’’ (‘ The Writer 
of the Article,’ “A Country Dweller,’ G.M.M., 
and Henry W. Beater); The Anglican Church 
and Marriage (Richard T. Gates); Is the Drama 
Dying? (Euphemia Stevens) ; “ Over-Delicacy of 
Speech ’’ (B.); The Prevention of Crime Bill 
(Hf. 8. Salt); What Does “ Votes for Women ”’ 
Mean ? (“ Manchester School,’’ Emily Tomlinson, 
A.Z., and T. Wilson) ; Association of Subscribers 
to Charities (Lord Avebury) ; 

Reform of the Upper Thames Conser- 
vancy (C. H. Cook); “The Lost Liberty 
of the Road’’ (Peter Macdonald and Charles 
Robertson); ‘The Tyranny of London’’ 
(Philip J. Dear); Is the Drama Dying? 
(William Poel, K. S., and Ella Levy); The King 
and Foreign Policy (Julie Jephson); The Inde- 
terminate Sentence (fhe Rev. W. D. Morrison) ; 
The Future of the Police (J. Fletcher Little) ; 
“ Suffragette ’’ History (W. A. J olly) 5 The Out- 
look for English Fiction (8.)_... 

“Wanted—A New Scheme of Culture’’ (A. E. Z.); 
The Working of the Small Holdings Act (Alfred 
Rowntree); Suffragists and the Temperance 
Cause (Kate A. Hessel) ; The Indeterminate Sen- 
tence (Arthur St. John and B. L.); The New 
Spirit in Turkey (T. Palmer N ewbould) ; “Ts the 
Drama Dying? ’’ (L. R. and Euphemia Stevens) ; 
Goethe’s 78th Venetian Epigram (David Wilson) ; 

“The Lost Liberty of the Road’’ (R. W. J., 

Henry Holiday, and 8. D. W.); The Court of 
Criminal Appeal (‘‘ A Criminal Lawyer ’’); The 
Licensing Bill and Temperance (J. W. Wilson) ; 
Politics in a Hurry (Edwin Hill) ; Imperial Poli- 
tics of Municipal Elections (Albert Raphael) .. 

“Wanted—A New Scheme of Culture’’ (Cloudesley 
Brereton); The Indeterminate Sentence (The 
Rev. W. D. Morrison and Henry W. Nevinson) ; 
Mrs. Humphry Ward’s Battalions (Mrs. Thomas 
Hardy); “The New Spirit in Turkey’’ (T. 
Palmer Newbould) ; “ The Art of Opening ’’ (R. 
Mudie-Smith); A Seaside Hotel for Working 
People (Lily H. Montague); Lord Cromer’s 
Speech (The Rev. W. Copeland Bowie); ‘“ The 
_ Lost Liberty of the Road’’ (G. Cook, Geo. 








“ A South American Ruler ’ 

‘The Lost Liberty of the Road ’’ 

Kdgar, J. E. Allan, and Henry S. Clough); 
Germany and England (Arnold Lupton, M.P.) ; 
Do We Overeat? (R. W. J.); Coastguard Ser- 
vice (Charles Sturge) 

(George Cal- 
deron, R. W. J., and S. D. W.); The German 
Gymnastic Fétes (“‘ Observer ’’); Mrs. Humphry 
Ward’s Battalions (Mrs. Florence Travers) ; An- 
other “ Marathon Race’’ (Andre de Bavier) ; 
Haggerston and After (F. W. gine “ The 
Tempest ’’ Crux (N. W. Hill) me 

“The Lost Liberty of the Road ’’ (‘ Cassandra,’’ 

L. Marshall, Henry S. Clough, J. Colquhoun 
Reade, and S. Hine); The Art of Opening (the 
Right Hon. Robert Farquharson); Liberalism 
and Labor (Arthur Ponsonby, M.P.) ; Heaven as 
Town or Country (A. Clutton Brock); Some 
Fruits of the Free Trade Congress (Charles 
Hancock) ; The Indeterminate Sentence (Captain 
Arthur St. John); The Dilemma of a Liberal 

Lawyer (“ Ignoramus ”) 5 Similes el Parnell ° 


The Lost Liberty of the Road (Sir Edmund 

Verney, Henry Broadhurst, A. M. Anderson, 
J. H. Chatterton, E. B. M., A. J. Marriott, 
i Fairplay,’ ahs Gretlkd « WB Francis Coutts, and 
“ Cyclist ’’) ; Haggerston and After (F. W. 
Soutter) ; 4 Propos de Bottes (Thomas Seccombe) ; 
Nursing the Voters (Edwin Hill); The Dilemma 
of a Liberal Solicitor (“ Another Liberal ’’ and 
“Teetotal Solicitor’’); “A Green Heaven ’’ 
(Richard F. Jupp); The Work of the Industrial 
Law Committee (Irene Cox); Liberalism and 
Labor (The Rev. J. E. Hand) ; The Art of End- 
ing (Max Judas); ‘James II.’s Statue uf Anti- 
quarian’’) . 

The Lost Liberty of the Road (Douglas Fox Pitt, 

Charles Hamfeldt, James Tinto, Henry Holi- 
day, W. G. Wickham, ‘ “A Lawyer,” W. Austen 
Bolam, “ New Forest,’’ J. C. Paget, and “ Pro 
Bono Publico ’ ’); “A Crisis in Coffee ’’ (Chas. 
Evers) ; “ A Propos de Bottes’’ (G. W. E. R.); 
“A Green Heaven’’ (Sir Samuel Wilks and 
“The Writer of the Article ’’); Heaven as Seen 
by Children (John Higgins) ; Emden and Anglo- 
German Relations (Arnold bike: The Dilemma 
of a Liberal Lawyer (C.) .. 

The Lost Liberty of the Road (H. F. H.); The 

New Daily Press (P. J. Reid); Concerning the 
“Imitation of Whitman’? (Henry Bryan 
Binns); Ideas of Heaven and Happiness 
(W. J. B.); A Green Heaven (J. M. Lloyd- 
Thomas) ; A Propos de Bottes (G. W. E. R.); 
“The Dark Side ’’ (Lawrence Richardson) ; The 
Date of George Fox’s Death (A. Neave Bray- 
shaw); The Maintenance of “ Dreadnoughts ”’ 
(G.) ; Officialism in the Channel Islands 2 Tax- 

payer ’’) 

’ (the Consul for Vene- 
zuela); Taine’s Letters (Frederic Harrison) ; 
“The Lost Liberty of the Road’’ (John W. 
Graham, ‘“ Active Resister,’’ Sir Jas. B. Smith, 
and H. Reynolds Brown, M.D.) ; Women Munici- 
pal Voters (J. Smith); England and Germany 
(A. Clutton Brock); Miss Beale and Women’s 
Suffrage (Mrs. C. D. Rackham) .. , 





Serhan at ee a Ee Seen 

a a 



A Protest (J. L. Balbi) ; “ The Lost Liberty of the 
Road’’ (T. Wilson, Thomas Howard, Alfred 
Ollivant, and J. Leng Sturrock); The Cause of 
Unemployment (J. J. Bisgood); The Trades 
Union Congress and Electoral Reform (John H. 
Humphreys); Catholics and Liberalism ads 
Knight of St. Gregory ’’ and W. P. ); “ Moder- 
ate and Extremist in India’’ (V. Chattopad- 
hyaya); Moral Education Congress (St. G. L. 
Fox Pitt) ; ; “The Dilemma of a Liberal esha 

(“ Ignoramus ’’) 868 

1, 33, 69, 105, 141, 173, 209,257, 293, 329, 365, 401, 
437, 473, 511, 555, 587, 623, 659, 691, 723, 755, 
787, 819, 851, 887. 


28, 64, 100, 136, 168, 204, 236, 288, 324, 360, 396, 432, 
468, 504, 550, 582, 618, 654, 686, 718, 750, 782, 
814, 846, 882, 922. 

The Lost Liberty of the Road (“A.,’’ “ Balak,’’ 
John Grubb, Sir Edmund Verney, John Higgins, 
and T. Wilson); Don Porfirio (R. B. Cunning- 
hame Graham); “ Peru’’ (C. Reginald Enoch, 
F.R.G.S.); Can Morals be Taught? (F. Kettle) ; 
“The Doctrine of Tolerance’’ (“A Liberal 
Mir Wa de eee NV 5 Francis, Walter Philip 
High, and M. L.); The “ Messages’’ from 
Frederick Myers (G. Stafford Ronan Lis German 
Foreign Policy (J. H.) . 





20, 54, 84, 126, 160, 194, 228, 278, 316, 351, 384, 


459, 532, 574, 608, 644, 677, 807, 838, 873, 908. 

Insurance.—Theatre Risks ... 


A Boy’s Heart. By C. H. Bewley... 272 Starlight Distilleth. By Herbert Trench ... 
A Chancery Ward. By Valentine Barlow 53 
A Connacht Folk Song. By Padraic Colum 193 
A Dream. By W. B. Yeats oa 525 
A Somerset Lullaby. By Edward S. Tylee 742 
A Song. By Herbert Trench 223 
A Song of Semiramis. By Ethel Talbot ... 494 
At Nightfall. By. R. C. K. Ensor 315 
Be Not Afraid. By Herbert Trench 607 
Companionship. By R. M.. 526 
Hoodwinked. By Wilfrid C. Thorley 573 
In the Pine Wood. By J. W. Feaver 423 
Joy and Pleasure. By W. H. Davies ; 676 
Light 0’ the Moon. By Edward §. Tylee ... 872 
Love’s Birth. By William H. Davies 526 
Nature’s Moods. By William H. Davies . 159 
On Your Account I Shall Not Die. ite Padraic 

Colum 776 

Starlight on the Hill. 
Sonnet, from Pushkin. 

By W. K. Fleming 
By C. Garnett ... 

Sonnet—To an are Room. Byars 

The Dreamers Know. By the Rev. Wilfrid Rich- 

The Forsaken Room. "By Ag. “Marjoram 
The Gad-Fly. By Padraic Colum ... 
The Gypsies’ Road. By Dora 

shorter es ¥ bo ry 
The Interval. By Herbert Trench fs 
The Moor Grave. By John Galsworthy ... 
The Old School. By Thomas Burke ; 
The Pauper. By Dora Sigerson Shorter ... 
The Pine by the Lake. By Edward S. ae 
The Ship Siren. Anon. _... »: 
Thoughts. By William Watson 

Sig verson 


Abbeys of Great Britain, The. By H. Claiborne 

Dixon a we oa ee Tey cant ... 466 
Absolution. By Clara Viebig ... : ... 426 
A Century of Political Rare pment: By Hector 

Macpherson 60 
Adam Cast Forth. By Charles M. Doughty a 90 
A Dictionary of Christ and the poreae Edited 

by Jas. Hastings, D.D. ... 745 
Admiralty of the Atlantic, The. By Percival 

Hislam ey 98 
African Nature, Notes, arid Reminiscences: By 

F. C. Selous, F.Z.S. Dy, 610 
Age of Shakespeare, The. By Algernon | Charles 

Swinburne (Professor Edward Dowden) .. 7009 

from the 
By Cecil 

A History of the Volunteer Forces, 
Earliest Times to the Year 1860. 
Sebag-Montefiore ... 

A Man of Genius. By M. P. Ww ellgocks ve 

American Shrines in England. By Alfred T. Brace 

A Mind that Found Itself. By C. W. Beers 

A Modern Judas and Other ieee By E. 

An Apostle of the Norte ay H. fy Cody 

Ancient Art. Vol. I of a History of Art. By Dr. 
G. Carotti ... 

Ancient Italy. From the Italian of f Signor Ettore 
Pais ... = 




REVIEWS OF BOOKS (continued), 

Anglican Liberalism. By Twelve Churchmen 
(Canon Hensley Henson) ... a ae or 
An Introductory History of England. By C. R. L. 
Fletcher. Vol. II. 1485-1660 ... sc he 3 
Anne Page. By Netta Syrett ae *h 
A Painter’s Pastime. By Margaret Thomas 
Armadin: A Tale of Old Winchester. By Alfred 
Bowker S ies ee er ve oe 
Art and Artless. By W. D. Howells x a 
Art of Singing and Vocal Declamation, The. By 
Sir Charles Santley ce ie a he 
A Set of Six. By Joseph Conrad ... 
Ashes. By Grazia Deledda... SEE a a 
Aspects of George Meredith. By Richard H. P. 
Curle sea Sa oe ne a8 ve 
A Star of the Salons: Julie de Lespinasse. By 
Camilla Jebb “a oe 
Astronomy of the Bible, The. 
Maunder >t ee ae fe 
A Surburban Scandal. By Gurner Gillmann 
A Tangled Web. By L. G. Moberley ae 
Autobiography of Montagu Burrows, Captain R.N. 
A Woman’s Way Through Unknown Labrador. 
By Mrs. Leonidas Hubbard, Jun. ee oe 

By E. Walter 

Babees Book, The. By Miss Edith Rickert 
Ballad of a Great City and Other Poems. By 
David Lowe By Bo eS be ae 
Ballads and Lyrics of Socialism. By E. Nesbit... 
Beau Brummell and His Times. By Roger Boutet 
de Monvel oS Ase : ag Ate 
Beaux of the Regency, The. By Lewis Melville... 
Beloved Physician of Tsang Chou: Dr. Arthur 
Per ell eae ye 2: ie Bs sah 
Birds and Their Nests and Eggs. By G. H. Vos 
Bishop’s Scapegoat, The. By T. B. Clegg ... sts 
Bonaparte and the Consulate. By A. C. Thibau- 
deau sie ae a es ee fas 
Bonapartism. Six Lectures delivered in the Uni- 
versity of London. By H. A. L. Fisher 
Bond, The. By Neith Boyce oA ee 
Bridge of Fire, The. By James Flecker . ste 
British Year Book of Agriculture and Who’s Who. 
Budget of Novels, A. (Various) ... bak ie 
Builders of Florence, The. By J. Wood Brown, 
Burden, The. By Anna Scott-Dawson ... 
Burning Cresset, The. By Howard Pease 
By Italian Seas. By Ernest C. Peixotto... 

Cambridge History of English Literature, The. 
Edited by A. W. Ward, the Master of Peter- 
house, and A. R. Waller. Vol. I. From the 
Beginning to the Cyclesof Romance... bee 

Castles and Keeps of Scotland, The. By Frank Roy 
Frapie coe ie ob #0 ee a 

Catherine of Braganga, Infanta of Portugal and 
Queen-Consort of England. By Lillias C. 
Davidson ... e at i + bok 

Captain Margaret: A Romance. By John Mase- 
field Tae sed sks ah AY. Lg 

Cane Boy, The. By Margaret A. McIntyre 

Centuries of Meditations. By Thomas Traherne. 
Edited by Bertram Dobell x eh AeA 

Century of Education, A. By H. Bryan Binns 

Chats on Violincellos. By Olga Racster ... aie 

Claude Achille Debussy. By Mrs. Franz Liebich 

Complete Oarsman, The. By R. C. Lehmann ... 

Complete Shot, The. By G. T. Teasdale-Buckell 

Concerning Lafcadio Hearn. By George M. 
Gould, M.D. Se <7 BAS es 


Confessions of a Beachcomber. By E. J. Banfield 
Colonel Saunderson, M.P. By Reginald Lucas ... 
Cradle of the Deep: An Account of a Voyage to 
the. West Indies. The. By Sir Frederick Treves, 
Bart. a he ee as ifs $i, 
Crossrigs. By Mary Jane Findlater 

Dan Riach, Socialist. 
Molivg9 ere. ae er s 
Dartmoor Prison. By Basil Thomson _... ri 
Dawn of the Constitution, The. By Sir James H. 
Ramsay... me ane Rt: a ae 
Dominy’s Dollars. By B. Paul Neumann nee 
Dorothea Beale of Cheltenham. By Elizabeth 
Raikes oe es YA ih, aS He 
Dual Heritage, The. By M. Godfrey-Faussett ... 
Duanaire Finn, the Book of the Lays of Fionn. 
Part 1. Edited by Eoin MacNeill i 

By the Author of ‘“ Miss 

Easter Eggs. 
von Schmid ca oe a ai ae 
Easy-go-Luckies, The. By Maud Stepney Rawson 
Edward Fitzgerald and “ Posh,’’ Herring Mer- 
chants. By James Blyth a ee ee 
Edward Grieg. By E. Markham Lee ... a 
Elements of Angling, The. By H. T. Sheringham 
Elizabethan Religious Settlement, The. By 
He Nie Birt O-Seb: ae A cu at 
England in the Seven Years’ War. By Julian S. 
Corbett (J. Holland Rose) AS ag ke 
English Local Government from the Revolution to 
the Municipal Corporations Act. Vols. IT. and 
IIf. “The Manor and the Borough.”’ By 
Sidney and Beatrice Webb (Professor Paul Vino- 
gradoff) re a ae 4 i oe aes 
English People Overseas: A History, The. Vol. I. 
By A. Wyatt Tilby .... ye Bic ir. 
English Society in the Eleventh Century: Essays 
in English Medieval History. By Professor 
Paul Vinogradoff (Sidney and Beatrice Webb) 

From the German of Christopher 

Fifth Queen Crowned, The. By Ford Madox 
Hueffer ee ois a Ee a om 
Flemings, The. ids bs at oe ae 
Folk Lore as an Historical Science. By, Ga ie 
Gomme (Edward Clodd) ... a Se As 
Forewarners, The. By Giovanni Cena ... 
Fourth Ship, The. By Ethel C. Mayne ... 
Fox Hunting, Past and Present ces ane 
Francesca di Rimini: In Legend and in History. 
From the French of M. Charles Yriarte... ee 
France in the Twentieth Century. By Wade 
George "5 Mis Pe oe ~ A 
French Novelists of To-day. By Winifred Stephens 
From a Hertfordshire Garden. By W. Beach 
Thomas... Ae sh Re ce we 
From Edinburgh to India and Burmah. By W. G. 
Burn Murdoch aA rif ee res my 
From Pekin to Sikkim. By the Count de Lesdain 
From St. Ive’s to Land’s End. By A. G. Folliot 
Stokes ae a ths we we wn 
From the North Foreland to Penzance. By Clive 
Holland 2); a 4s see Pts a 
Gandia, The Duke of. By Algernon Charles Swin- 
burne Ale me ot fs os aie 
Garcia, the Centenarian, and His Times. By M. 
Sterling Mackinlay Ms ae 3 a 
General History of Western Nations. By Emil 
Reich (Dr. Samuel Dill) ... ves Pe iy 
George Darley. The Complete Poetical Works of 

235 7 


REVIEWS OF BOOKS (continued). 

George Baxter, Color Printer: His Life and Work. 
my CO. 1. Courtney Lewis ... 
George Grenfell and the Congo. 


“By Sir Harry 

George Ridding, Schoolmaster and Bishop. By 
his wife, Lady Laura Ridding ... x 
Germany in the Middle Ages, 476- 1250. By 

William Stubbs, D.D. . 
G. K. Chesterton: A Criticism : 
Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion, 

The. By J. G. Frazer. Part IV. Studies in 

Oriental Religion (Edward Clodd) an 
Gospels of Anarchy and Other Contemporary 

Studies. By Vernon Lee 
Government of England, The. 

Lowell oe ae bee 
Granada: Present and Bygone. By A. F. Calvert 
Great Ralegh. By Hugh de Selincourt 
Great Schism of the West, The. By L. Salembier 
Grove’s Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Kdited 

by J. A. Fuller Maitland : 

By A. Lawrence 

Herbert Spencer, The Life and Letters of. By 
David Duncan, LL.D. .... iy Seas 
Heredity and Selection in Sociology. By George 

Chatterton-Hill ... 
Herodotus. Books VII., VIIL., Le 
duction by R. W. Macan 
Hero Lays. By Alice Milligan 
Hill Rise. By W. B. Maxwell 

With Trio: 

History of Ireland to the Coming of Henry I Li By 
| Arthur O’Clery ... wa 
History of Music to the Death of Schubert. By 

monn Ko Paine’ >’... 

History of Sculpture, A. By Ernest A. Short . 

History of Twenty-Five Years, 1856-1880, The. 
By Sir Spencer Walpole. Vols. III. and IV... 

History of the Evangelical Party in the Church of 
England, A. By G. R. Balleine bs 

History of the German People. Vols. XI. and XII. 
By Johannes Janssen... 

History of the Manchester Ship Canal. 
Bosdin Leech 

H. M. I.: Some Passages i in the Life of one of H.M. 
Inspectors of Schools. By EH. M. apt 
Kynnersley i 

Holland. By Edward Penfield... 

Holyoake (George Jacob), Life and Lettors of. 
Joseph McCabe .. e 

Hugo Wolf. By Ernest Newman ... 

Human Boy Again, The. By Eden Philpotts 

Humors of the Fray. By Charles L. Graves 

Hyde Park: Its History and Romance. By Mrs. 
Alec Tweedie a ee 

“By ie 

Ibsen, Copyright edition of. Vol. I. 
Archer and C. H. Herford 

Impressions of India. By Sir Henry Craik 

India, The Causes of Present Discontents in. 
C. J. O'Donnell ... a ae Ys. Wen 

India, The Real. By J. D. Rees, C.J.E., M-P.... 

India Through the Ages: A Popular and Pictur- 
esque History of Hindustan. By Flora Annie 

Innocent the Great. “By C. H. ©. Pirie-Gordon.. 

Insect Book, The. By W. P. Westell 

In Spain. By John Lomas (Major Martin Hume) 

Inward Light, The. By H. Fielding Hall 

Trish and English: Portraits and Impressions. 
Robert Lynd > 

Trish 1 Poems of Alfred Perceval Graves, The 

By William 














James Annand, M.P. By J. L. McCallum 
James II. and His Wives. By Allan Fea... 
James Thomson. By G. C. Macaulay 
Jean Racine. Par Jules Lemaitre 

Jerusalem. The Topography, Economics, ‘and His- 
tory from the Earliest Times to A.D. 70. By 
George Adam Smith, D.D. a: ; ae 

Jewellery. By H. Clifford Smith.. 

Johnson on Shakespeare. Raleigh 

John Stephenson Rowntree: His Life and Work. 
Memoir by Phebe Doncaster... 

John Thadeus Delane: His Life and Correspon- 
deuce. By Arthur Irwin Dasent 

“ Kaiser Karls Geisel. 
Gerhart Hauptmann a 

Keepers of the House. By Cosmo Hamilton 

Kent. By Walter Jerrold . nas 

Key of the Door, The. By R. Ramsay 

King’s Customs, The. By Sart Alton and 

Ein Legendenspiel.’’ Von 

H.H. Holland... 
King’s General in the West, The. “By Rev. Roger 
Granville... te e vas 
Kitty Tailleur. By May Sinclair ... er 
Knocking at the Door and Other SS Di The. By 
Alice Maddock om 
Land of Enchantment, The. Illustrated. By 
Arthur Rackham ... am it es 
Land of the Maple Leaf, The. By B. Stewart ... 
Land’s End, The. By W. H. Hudson it 
Last Shore, The. By Vincent Brown ... Hi 
Later Years of Catherine de Medici, The. By 

Edith Sichel a eee ae pa: 
Leaf and Tendril. By John Burroughs ... 
Leonardo da Vinci. By H. H. Cust... 
Letters from Queer Street. By J. H. M. Abbott 
Letters of the Wordsworth Family from 1787 to 

1855. Collected and edited by William Knight. 

3 Vols. (Professor Edward Dowden) .. 

Liége and the Ardennes. By G. W. T. Omond 
and A. Forestier 

Literary and Historical Essays. By Henry Grey 

Graham... ae ige 
Literary History of the Arabs, A. By R.A: 
Little Brown Brother, The. By “Stanley Portal 

Little Dauphin, The, “By Catherine Welch 

London Churches: Ancient and Modern. ue 
T. Francis Bumpus... ae 
Lord Wantage, V.C., K.C. Baw Memoir. By his 

Wife i 
Lotus Leaves. By Israfel .... 
Love Letters of oa Wollstonecraft to Gilbert 

Imlay, The ... 
Love’s Shade By “Ada Leverson 
Magnate, The. By Robert Elson... 
Making of Ireland and Its Undoing 

1600. By Alice Stopford Green 
Many Junes. By Archibald Marshall 
Many Mansions. By A. L. Lilly . 

Marie de Médicis and the Court of France in the 

XVIIth Century. By Louis Batiffol. Trans- 

lated by Mary King, and Edited by H. W. C. 

| The. 1200- 

Marotz. By John Ayscough : 
Maurice Guest. By Henry H. Richardson - 
Michael Davitt, Revolutionary, Agitator, and 

Labor Leader. By F. Sheehy-Skeffington 



xii ; INDEX 

REVIEWS OF BOOKS (continued). 

Military Geography of the Balkan Peninsula. By 
Professor Lionel Lyde and Colonel Mockler- 

Ferryman = wou 
Medievalism: A Reply to Cardinal Mercier. By 

George Tyrrell as 710 
Memories of Eight Parliaments. By H. W. Lucy 

we LODY. OM bt )i os. 164 
Memories of London in the ’Forties. By David 

Masson re oe en ... 426 
Memories of Men and Books. By The Rev. A. J. 

Church sad 282 

Memoir of the Life and “Military Services of 
Viscount Lake, 1744-1808. By Colonel Hugh 

Pearse 286 
Memoirs of Edward ‘Vaughan Kenealy, LL.D. 

By Arabella Kenealy if 358 
Memoirs of Field-Marshall Sir ‘Henry Wylie 

Norman. By Sir William Lee-Warner RET 
Mr. Apollo: A Just Possible Story. By Ford 

Madox Hueffer... =f a AES 
Mr. Clutterbuck’s Election. "By Hilaire Belloc ee Le 
Mr. Crewe’s Career. By Winston Churchill ... 284 

Mr. Gladstone at Oxford, 1890. ByC. R.L.F.... 546 
Mr. Saffery’s Disciple. By L. Parry Truscott ... 842 
My Devonshire Book. By J. Henry Harris ... 748 
My Father: An Aberdeenshire Minister. 1812- 
1891. By W. Robertson Nicoll (Hector Mac- 

pherson) . 281 
My School and ‘My Gospel. “By Sir Hubert Herk- 
omer 98 
My Son and iB “By Mrs. M. H. Spielmann. .. 542 
Municipal Lessons from Southern Germany. By 
Dry pe adnti re. = 33 eS te ... 466 
Muse in Motley, The. By Hartley Carrick ... 611 
Modern Egypt. By the Earl of Cromer. (Second 
Notice) re e aN Le Sp cans! ee 

Modern England: A Record of Opinion and 

Action, from the Time of the French Revolution 
to the Present Day. By Alfred William Benn... 575 

Modernism: A Record and a Review. By A. 

Leslie Lilley sh aw eyes Fs) 
Mont St. Michel and Other Poems. By Rowland 

Thirlmere ... 645 
Moral Instruction and ‘Training i in Schools. Edited 

by Prof. M. E. Sadler ... 910 
More Society Recollections. By English Officer ... 394 
Morning of Life, The. By Augustus Ralli ... 645 
Mothers in Israel. By J.8. Fletcher... 24 
Motor Tours in Wales and the Border Counties. 

By Mrs. Rodolph Stawell.. ion 548 
National Idealism and a State Church. By Stan- 

ton Coit. (G. K. Chesterton) . 245 

Nature Rambles in London. By Miss K. M. Hall 652 
Nature Studies by Night and Day. By F.C.Snell 652 
Never Say Die. By the Grand Duke Michael 

Michaelowitz < eh 392 
New Poems. By St. John Lucas rt oes ... 645 
Nineveh. By G. S. Vierick ic as sae aotets 

North-West Passage, The. By Roald Amundsen 425 
Notable Scottish Trials: The Trial of A. J. Mon- 

son. Edited by John W. More ... ; 204 
Old England: Her Story Mirrored in Her Scenes. 

By W. Shaw Sparrow and James Orrock ... 650 
On Cumbrian and Cambrian Hills. By Henry 

Salt ... oe ae ro ne ms ia OO 
Opera, The. By R. A. Streatfield... ee ae neLe 
Our Lady in Art. By Mrs. Henry Jenner Liao 
Outposts of Empire. By John Lang .. 684 
Oxford English ones The. Parts of Vol. 

VI. and VII. a 318 

Parerga. By Canon Sheehan > i 

Passing of Morocco, The. By Frederick Moore . 

Peak Country, The. By W. Biscombe Gardner 
and A. R. Hope Moncrieff oP Bas 

Perfect Garden, The. By Walter P. Wright “a 

Peru. By C, Reginald Enoch, F.R.G.S. (R. B. 
Cunninghame Graham) ... oh ‘: aes 

Photographic Handbook, The. By C. Harrison 
and J.C. Douglas ... 

Plainer Fare and Less of It. ‘By Miss Alice 
Braithwaite.. . 
Poems of Love and Death. "By Lady Lindsay oe 
Poems Old and New. By Margaret L. Woods ... 
Portuguese Architecture. By W. C. Watson (L. 
March Phillipps) . ne 
Practice and Theory ‘of Navigation, ‘The. “By the 
Earl of Dunraven ... , se 
Principles of Western Civilisation. “By Benjamin 

Priory- Church of Bartholomew the Great, The. 
By George Worley : 

Quaker and Courtier: The Life and Work of 
William Penn. By Mrs. Colquhoun Grant ... 

Quelques Lettres, sur des questions actuelles et sur 
des événements récents. Par Alfred Loisy 

Rachel Gurney of the Grove. By Sir Alfred E. 
Pease ae and 

Rambles of an Australian Naturalist. By Thomas 
. Ward : ay 

Raw Edges. By Perceval Landon.. 

Recollections. By David Christie Murray | 

Records of Stirring Times, 1726-1822 , ae 

Red Lily, The. By Anatole France. Translated 
by Winifred Stephens a eee 

Rhine: Its Valley and History, The | ne Ge 

Richard Kennoway and His Friends. By 
Katherine Stewart 

Richard Wilson. Makers of British Art Series. 
By Beaumont Fletcher 

Riddle of the Bacchae, The. By G. Norwood (Gil- 
bert Murray) : 

Romantic Tales from the “Panjab, with ‘Indian 
Nights’ Entertainment. By Charles Swynnerton 

Royal House of Stuart, The. By Samuel Cowan ... 

Sacred and Profane Love, and Other Poems. By 
Alfred Austin, Poet Laureate ... ie we 

Sanity of William Blake, The. By Dr. Greville 
Macdonald . es a ay 

Search for the Western Sea, The. By cli, J. 
Barpee Be. ; se 

Servitude. By Irene Osgood ‘ ae 

School Books ... 914, 

Shakespeare Apocrypha, The. Edited by E. F. 
Tucker Brooke ; 

Shakespeare Library, The ... i. oe 

Shakespeare Problem Re-stated, The. By,.GaaGs 

Short History of the English Bar, A. By Bernard 
W. Kelly : 

Socialist Movement in England, The. By 
Brougham Villiers.. & 

Social Law in the Spiritual | World. tie Rufus M. 

Pe Somesiritinhi idan 

Songs of the Uplands. By ‘Alice Law... 

Sorrowful Princess, The. By Eva Gore- Booth . 

Soul of Spain, The. By Havelock Ellis (Major 
Martin Hume) ee ee \* ve 

South Africa at Home. By Robert H. Fuller... 394 
Speeches by the Hon. G. K. Gokhale, C.I.E. ... 809 
Sport and Life on the Pacific Slope. By Horace 
Annesley Vachell . 60 
Stained Glass Tours in 1 France. By C. H. Sherrill 358 
St. George for Merrie England. By Margaret H. 
Bulley sce “ aeaOS 
Stories by Edgar Allen Poe . cs OO" 
Story of English Diplomacy, The. “By Laert a Bs 
Escott a5 ... @86 
Story of the Guides, ‘The. By Colonel Young- 
husband... 844 
Studies of Political “Thought, from Gerson to 
Grotius, 1414-1625. By J. N. Figgis ... erraco 

Summer Tour in Finland. By Paul Wainemann 748 
Swiss Democracy: The Study of a pias 
People, The. By J. A. Hobson.. : 714 

Tragedy of Korea, The. By F. A. Mackenzie... 286 
Téin, The: An Trish Epic Told in English Verse. 

By Mary A. Hutton 280 
Talmudic Legends: Hymns and Paraphrases. By 
Alice Lucas ... 645 

Thief on the Cross, The. By Mrs. Harold Gorst 544 
Thirteen Colonies of North America, The. By 

Mew veery, . .. ie te ery en 26 
Through a Pier Glass: Winnie’s Adventures in 
Wastemonster. By Arthur Waghorne... 166 
Through Finland to St. poate By A. Mac- 
Callum Scott a 430 
Through the Depths of Space: “A Primer of 
_ Astronomy. By Hector Macpherson, jun. ... 882 
Tower of London, The. mh John ie and 
_ Arthur Poyser_... 614 

Baker, Dr. Ernest:—The Use of Public Libraries 768 
Barlow, Valentine:—A Chancery Ward ... Soy AOS 
Bernstein, Dr. Edward :— 
An Epilogue to an Unfinished Drama LPR Y 
Parties in the Prussian Elections ... ey Rene § | 
The Character of the German Workers’ 
Insurance : fo 2 OR RES: 
The German War Peril tus 1 era 4d 
The Prussian ‘‘ Urwahlen’”’ ... aa eno L 
The Two Heads of the Friesinn a. iu adad tele) 
The Zeppelin Movement and German 
Nationalism Bue ie Pt oO 
Bewley, C. H.:—A Boy’s Heart we te eat aa 
Brailsford, H. N.:—Osman Digna... 82 
Bridge, Admiral Sir Cyprian A. G. -—The Cult of 
the Monster Warship... 487 
Burke, Thomas :—The Old School . 806 
Buxton, Charles Roden :—Will the Small Holdings 
Act Fail? ... rs 414 

Chesterton, G. K.:—An Agnostic Establishment 245 
Slodd, Edward :—- 

The Golden Bough ... ae ey Phe teh) 

The History of Folk-lore we ee moh ak? 
Solum, Padraic :— 

A Connacht Folk Song... ah ee eel gs 

Maelshaughlinn at the Fair ... o Eee auG 

On Your Account I shall not Die... ote 16 


REVIEWS OF BOOKS (continued), 

Trout Waters of England, The. By W. M. 

Gallichan es : vee tas 
Truth about Port Arthur, The. By M. E. K. 

Nojine Ai bad ... 202 
Tryst, The. By L. M. Watt i 388 
Types of Tragic Drama. By C. E. Vaughan 96 
Tyrol. By W. A. Baillie- esi 1.2 648 
Vales and Wolds of Yorkshire. By Gordon 

Home ve ive me a -» 394 
Valladolid, Oviedo, and een By Awe, 

Calvert + 716 
Victorian Chancellors, The. By oes “Atay. 

Violen Lie. 5 498 
Victoria the Woman. By Frank Hird 880 
Vigil of Brunhild, The. By Frederic Manning .. 645 
Voltaire, Montesquieu, and Rousseau in England. 

By J. Churton Collins oy ..- 424 
Vom Riickgang der deutschen Biihne. Von Paul 

Goldmann ... .. 245 
West Country Verses. ene Arthur L. Salmon ... 645 
White Rose of Weary Leaf. By Violet Hunt ... 134 
White Wedding, The. By M. P. Shiel ... 542 
Whistler. By Bernhard Sickert ... 358 
Wild Geese, The. By Stanley J. Weyman 680 
Wild Honey from Various Thyme ... 538 
William Clarke: A Collection of His Writings. 

By Herbert Burrows and J. A. Hobson ww. 234 
Woman Who Vowed, The. By Ellison Harding 546 

Short Notices and Reprints 62, 100, 204, 236, 324, 
360, 396, 432, 468, 504, 550, 577, 582, 616, 654, 

686, 780, 812, 882, 922 


Colum, Padraic (cont.) :— 

The Death of the Rich Man ... 

The Gad-Fly ye 

The Meadow of the Dead ; 
Crawshay-Williams, E. :—The Territorial Artillery 

Davies, William H. :— 

Joy and Pleasure 

Love’s Birth 

Nature’s Moods.. 
Dill, Dr. Samuel :-—Through Fellowship to Faith 
Dowden Professor dard — 

Mr. Swinburne as Kulogist ... 

Wordsworth as a Letter Writer 

Ensor, R. C. K.:—At Nightfall ... 

Eversley, The Right Hon. Lord :— 
Campbell-Bannerman in the Abbey ... 
Naval Expenditure in 1909 ... :; 
Useless Naval Expenditure 

Feaver, J. W.:—In the Pine Wood i 
Fleming, W. K. :—Starlight on the Hill ... 

Galsworthy, John :— 
A Child ... 
Order ae } 
The Moor Grave 








a ee ae 

AUTHORS’ INDEX (continued), 

Garnett, Mrs. Constance :—Sonnet, from Pushkin 
Graham, J. W. :—The “ Messages’ from Frederic 

Myers ee: x cen bi 
Graham, R. B. Cunninghame :— 
AO Sanh its. an i at 
“ Los Peares, un Minuto ”’ 

‘“ There is no Conqueror but God” ... ‘ 
Grifiths, John:—The Reform of Liberal Organi- 
sation ... ae af a ae Ak 

Haw, George:—The Defect of the Housing Bill 
Henry, The Rev. S. :— 

A Bit of a Philosopher... 

A Revolutionary of 

An Immortal. I. 

DGre OO me Ll: i: os Spe 
Hensley Henson, Canon H. :—Anglican 
Liberalism ... 

Herford, Professor C. H.:—In the Grampians ... 
Hobson, J. A. :—Bad Harvests and Unemployment 
Hopkins, Tighe :—Mr. Gladstone’s New Way with 
Old Offenders i ed ea ee) gs 
Hume, Major Martin:—Spain through English 
Spectacles a of dh es oe 
Ixe :—The Stifling of Freedom 

Kendall, Miss May :— 
Another Point of View a a -- 
One Point of View 
The Pathetic Fallacy 
Macpherson, Scottish 

Hector:—A Study in 

March Phillipps, L.:—The Arab in Architecture 2 

Marjoram, J. :— . 

Sonnet.—To an Empty Room... 

The Forsaken Room... oS or a 
Masterman, C. F. G., M.P.:—From Mid-Devon to 

Manchester... ee dene en ae 

McCrae, George, M.P. :—The Income-Tax 
Minchin, Professor G. M. :— 

The Latest Conception of Matter 

The Problem of Flying... ; 
Morrell, Philip, M.P. :— 

The Control of the Upper Thames 

The Problem of Rural Housing 
Murray, Professor Gilbert :— 

Olympia Rediviva ae 

The Riddle of the Bacchae 

Pears, Edwin :—Is Constitutional Government in 
Turkey Possible? ... .. 863, 








Perris, G. H. :—The International Peace Congress 
Porritt, Edward:—The New Attitude of the 
United States to Canada ... ee ee ae 

Ratcliffe, 8. K.:—The Dual Policy in India... 
Redlich, Dr. Joseph:—Austrian Policy in the 
Balkans |... a * ie a ae 
Redmond, John, M.P. :—The Late Prime Minister 
and Home Rule ... Sy 33 an 5f 
Richmond, The Rev. Wilfrid:—The Dreamers 
Know i. i At me bad es 
Rose, Professor J. Holland :—The Strategy of Pitt 
Rutherford, Mark (W. Hale White) :—A Study in 
Overlooking aes ae Fee nde = 

Sharp, Miss Evelyn:—Working Wives in Council 
Shorter, Mrs. Dora Sigerson :— 

The Gypsies’ Road 

The Pauper 2 re ibe a 
Stigand, Captain C. H. :—Paka the Cat ... 

Talbot, Miss Ethel :—A Song of Semiramis 
Thorley, Wilfrid C. :—Hoodwinked 
Trench, Herbert :— 

A Song se 

Be Not Afraid ... 

Starlight Distilleth 

The Interval... 
Tylee, Edward S. :— 

A Somerset Lullaby 

Light 0’ the Moon H. 

The Pine by the Lake ... 

Villiers, Ernest, M.P.:—Free Trade Betrayed ... 
Vinogradoff, Professor Paul :—A History of Local 
Government as Bo) ee ee x, 

Watson, William :-——Thoughts 

Webb, Sidney and Beatrice -—The England of 
Domesday ais ae =e one eee 
Wedderburn, Sir William :— 
Mr. Morley’s Indian Reforms. II. ... 
Do. do. TTT ee 
Yeats, W. B.:—A Dream ... 
J. A. H.:—The Single Trade Test ... 
K. :—Sharing 
R. M. :—Companionship 

H. W. N.:—The Hyde Park Demonstration 

7 \ 
y \ 

The Nation 

Vou. IIL, No. 1.] 

a2) “Fiscal Fallacies.” By F. U. 
Pepe Ce AND ARPATES ; Laycock and R. 0, Philli- 
| The Inevitability of Home more is ~~ a: 18 
Rule ee ee 4 The Suffragists and the 
An Olive Branch see tee 5 Peckham Election. By A. 
_ The New Hope for Macedonia 6 J. Marriott and J. Marshall 
j The Victory of Free Trade Sturge ... a sid aig 
Finance ... eee eT Tariff loge and tigi ; 
| oak ars. By Constant Reader 19 
wh bila. etic Tone Gals- Irish Liberalism. By An Irish 
OA eee ae) Nationalist .. .. «. 19 
The Dead March He ar LO But 
The Undercurrent a “coat tik POETRY: 
| TheSimpleLife.. ..  .. 12 The Interval. By Herbert 
PRESENT DAY PROBLEMS: ane on Ubu a ated 
Mr. Morley’s Indian Reforms. THE WORLD OF BOOKS vo» 20 
II. By Sir William Wedder- Books to be Read muh bpescrh 20 
burn vee oor one eee 13 REVIEWS ae 
LETTERS FROM ABROAD :— Wordsworth as a_ Letter 
To-morrow in Portugal. By Writer, By Professor 
an Old Resident .. .. 14 Aula Denes ie Me 
ay oisy’s Apologia te fc 
ee OSAMA - TwoStudiesin Life ~. .. 24 
Thrills.” By H.W. M. .. 15 Booksin|Briefiii.i0 ws.) t/ew 224 
The Income-Tax. By George Theatre Risks .. 1. «28 
McCrae, M.P. ... ae .. 16 | THE WEEE IN THE CITY bp utt33 


[ The Editor will be pleased to consider manuscripts if accom- 
panied by stamped and addressed envelopes. He accepts 
no responsibility, however, for manuscripts submitted to him.] 

Diarp of the Geleck. 

Mr. Joun Repmonp’s resolution, demanding for 
the Irish people “the legislative and executive control 
of all purely Irish affairs,’’ was carried in the House of 
Commons on Monday by a majority of 156, with the 
addition of a rider by Mr. Simon subjecting an Irish 
Legislature to the “supreme authority of the Imperial 
Parliament.’’ A directly negative amendment, moved 
by Lord Percy, was defeated by a larger majority 
of 192. A small body of twenty-two Liberal members, 
including Lord Dalmeny, voted against Home Rule, the 
majority consisting of a union of Liberals, Labour men, 
and Nationalists. Mr. Redmond’s main object was, as 
he said, to free the hands of the Liberal Party for the 
future, and Mr. Balfour pointed this hint by asking 
the Government, through Mr. Asquith, to say whether, 
though they were still favourable to Home Rule in 
principle, they abandoned it in practice, or whether 
they would make it the first plank in their next elec- 
toral platform. Mr. Asquith answered Mr. Balfour’s 
first question, but not his second. The final solution 
of the Irish problem could only, he said, be found “ in 
self-government in regard to purely local affairs,’ sub- 
ject to the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. Home 
Rule, however, was part of a still larger change—namely, 
the general separation of Imperial from local affairs. 
The reconciling of Imperial supremacy with local 
autonomy represented the secret of Empire. Mr. Healy 
received this declaration with cold disdain. “ Glad- 
stone was dead, the Prime Minister was stricken, Ire- 
land had now to deal with the Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer.’’? What was to be the leading question at the 
next General Election? It was the Government’s busi- 
ness to produce a plan, not as Mr. Birrell had suggested, 
a party representing poor peasants. Mr. Healy's 
speech found no echo in his party, but the “ Freeman's 


[Price 6p. 
Postage: U.K., 4d. Abroad, 1d. 

Journal ’’ remarks that “if Ireland is to be governed 
by a Unionist party, it will not be a Liberal Unionist 

# * % 

Tue Bishop of St. Asaph’s olive-branch in educa- 
tion seems likely to take root. The second reading of 
his Bill was not pressed in the House of Lords on Tues- 
day owing to Lord Lansdowne’s carping speech, which 
was doubtless inspired by Mr. Balfour, and the opposi- 
tion of the High Church section, led by Bishop Gore. 
But the Primate, in what Lord Rosebery called a “ brave 
and noble”’ speech, gave it a personal and official bless- 
ing on the ground that it offered “freedom of religious 
choice’ both to parents and teachers. Dr. Davidson 
added a still more significant tender of peace to Noncon- 
formity on the ground that the time had come for “ men 
who really care” to stand together. This note has been 
emphasised in the “ British Weekly,” and less strongly 
in the “ Methodist Times,” the former warning its 
readers that “simple Bible teaching ” cannot be forced 
on objecting Churchmen. The Government, while of 
course adhering to Mr. McKenna’s proposal, practically 
accepted the St. Asaph Bill as a “ basis” of discussion. 
“General facilities,’’ said Lord Crewe, were their “ first 
love,’’ but the difficulties were serious. Lord Lansdowne 
suggested and led up to Tory opposition, but admitted 
that the responsibility of rejecting a settlement would be 
great. The Ritualists, unselfishly led by Dr. Knox and 
Dr. Wace, are in arms against the Bill, and the Catho- 
lics, Irish and English, are necessarily hostile in its 
present form. Mr. Hirst Hollowell also attacks it, as 
a scheme for sectarianising the public schools. But its 
moral success is considerable. 

% % % 

THE financial year, which ended on Tuesday, has 
been something of a bumper for the Chancellor of the 
Exchequer. He has obtained £3,703,000 more revenue 
than he anticipated, and the departments have spent 
less than he expected by £493,000. This leaves a 
balance of about five millions for the relief of the 
National Debt. The outstanding feature of the revenue 
returns is the striking success of the Chancellor’s scheme 
of differentiation. In spite of the threepenny reduction 
for earned incomes under £2,000 a year, Mr. Asquith, 
who budgeted for a loss of £1,100,000, has secured an 
increase of £780,000. As for the future, the Chancellor 
should have ample means of initiating his old age 
pensions scheme in the last quarter of the coming year. 

* * * 

Tux Irish University Bill, introduced by Mr. Birrell 
on Tuesday, follows the line we expected it to take. It 
was accepted by all sections of the Liberal Party, includ- 
ing the Nonconformists, and by the official Opposition, 
represented by Mr. Balfour, the only dissenting section 
being the Ulster Unionists, who commanded twenty-four 
votes. It leaves Trinity College alone, and establishes two 
new teaching Universities, one a single-college institu- 
tion in Belfast, the other a three-college establishment 
on a federated basis, including the Queen’s Colleges of 
Cork and Galway and a new college in Dublin. The 
purely examining Royal University will be dissolved, 
and outlying institutions like Magee College, Maynooth, 


[April 4, 1908. 

and University College, Dublin, will in one form or 
another be merged in the coming University. Tests are 
excluded from the two new institutions, which will even- 
tually be governed by their Senates, after an opening 
period of nomination. Students and professors of all 
creeds will be eligible, and the State will only subsidise 
secular instruction. The new Dublin College, which is 
the centre of the scheme, is to have an endowment of 
£32,000 and a building grant of £150,000, which strikes 
us as inadequate to the founding of a residential college. 
Trinity has about £70,000 a year. The two Universities 
cannot be described as denominational, though, as Mr. 
Birrell said, one is planted on Protestant, the other on 
Catholic, ground. The measure seems sure of a passage, 
though the Irishmen will probably ask for more money. 

* * * 

Tue Bill for reconstituting the Port of London under 
the control of a public, but not a municipal, authority, 
was introduced on Thursday. It bears evidence of Mr. 
George’s fertile mind and genius for negotiation and 
arrangement. The model chosen is that of Liverpool. 
The scheme properly separates the upper and lower river 
at Teddington Lock, appointing a new and appropriate 
authority for each. For the lower river, there is to be 
an expert commercial body—why not with a repre- 
sentative of labour ?—for the upper river, a local guar- 
dianship. All the dock companies have come in to the 
terms of voluntary purchase, and their shareholders will 
take dock stock in exchange for their present holdings. 
The new Dock Board will consist of twenty-five 
representatives, fourteen elected by a joint consti- 
tuency, of payers of dues, owners of river craft, 
and wharfingers, and ten nominated by public 
bodies. The London County Council only gets five re- 
presentatives, two of them “experts ’’ from outside. On 
the other hand, it is not asked for a guarantee from the 
rates. The new Port Board is to be self-supporting, it 
must expand its income by raising its dock or harbour 
dues, and extensions and improvements will have to be 
supplied from fresh capital. In all, the purchase-money 
will, says the “ Daily Chronicle,’’ amount to £21,852,491, 
nov an unreasonable figure. It will be seen that the plan 
involves neither nationalisation nor municipalisation. It 
is unification, with public control. 

5 * * 

Tue Liberal Party has properly resumed its earlier 
work of forcing Mr. Balfour into specific declarations in 
favour of Protectionist policy. A resolution of Mr. 
Mond, ably argued on Tuesday, condemning Mr. Bal- 
four’s latest tactic of small duties on many articles, was 
carried by 280 votes to 91. This plan, as Mr. Rea said, 
ineant a recurrence to the abortive and vexatious policy 
of 1842, whose failure converted Peel and Gladstone to 
Free Trade, and whose application would be disastrous 
to our intricate modern industry. Mr. Balfour spoke 
with embarrassment. His thesis was the failure of 
Free Trade finance. In the face of Mr. Asquith’s sur- 
plus of five millions, and the increase in, the yield of the 
death duties and the income-tax, he maintained that 
no more could be got out of either of these imposts, or 
out of the tea and sugar duties! Incidentally Mr. Bal- 
four showed thati he was ignorant of the fact that Ham- 
burg was a free port—a somewhat discreditable omission in 
his education as an economist. He favoured an increase 
in the number of custom duties, combined with prefer- 
ences. In a vivid answering speech, Mr. Runciman, 
declaring that the Opposition leader was committed to 
a “ general tariff,’’ got from him the admission that he 

was pledged to a 


“very wide increase in the basis of 
Mr. Balfour listened in silence to a further — 

statement that he was now pledged to “food taxes.’’ 
We wish him joy of his new electoral cry, “ More taxes” 

} 7? 

and plenty of them 

% * * 

THE appointment of Dr. Hill to succeed Mr. Tower 
as American Ambassador in Berlin has occasioned a 

most instructive episode. — 
proved some months ago by the Kaiser, but apparently 
he later changed his mind, and formally, or informally, 

The appointment was ap- 

suggested that it might be revoked. The only ground 

of objection to Dr. Hill, who is a scholar of eminence, 
as well as an experienced and_ skilled diplo- 
matist, was his lack of money, and the “ Vossische 
Zeitung,’’ in an amazing article, explained that 

he “does not possess the financial means to make ~ 

an appearance in a manner corresponding with the posi- 
tion of the United States as a World Power.’ This 
illuminating estimate of the nature and machinery of 

diplomacy has provoked a good deal of feeling in | 

America, more particularly as American people pride 

themselves on not letting money appoint their Ambas- — 
The episode has been closed by the Kaiser — 

withdrawing all objections to Dr. Hill, and by President 

Roosevelt formally announcing his determination to — 

make war on the doctrine that only millionaires are fit 
to represent the United States abroad. 
* % * 

THE result of the Cape elections seats the Merriman 
Ministry firmly in power. It will possess commanding 
majorities in both Houses. In the Council it will 
hold seventeen seats against eight Progressives. In the 
Assembly, though the returns are incomplete, the South 
African Party has already gained ten seats, winning 
some of them even in the towns. The task of the new 
Government is the unification of South Africa. 

# ¥ * 

Mr. Burns’s Housing and Town Planning Bill fol- 
lows largely the lines of the forecast published in TaE 
Nation a few weeks ago. So far as housing procedure is 
concerned, the measure embodies no sensational, hardly 
even a novel, departure. It rather proceeds upon the 
principle of simplifying and loosening existing 
machinery, and placing large powers of compulsion in 
the hands of the Local Government Board. Local 
authorities will be able, if they please, to proceed easily 
and effectively with the work of clearing slum areas, and 
to compel neglectful owners to maintain working-class 
dwellings in a proper condition of repair and sanitation. 
The consent of magistrates to closing orders is dis- 
pensed with, and procedure in the way of demolition is 
accelerated, but the owners of the property concerned 
are given the right of appeal to the Local Government 
Board. Part IIT. of the Housing Act of 1890, under which 
municipal building schemes can be set on foot, loses its 
adoptive character, and takes effect automatically, whilst 
tue conditions under which money is borrowed are eased. 
In the event of local authorities neglecting to exercise 
their powers, the Local Government Board can step in 

with its mandamus upon a simple “ representation.” If 

Parliament approves this centralisation of housing incen- 
tive a separate department will have to be established at 4 

the Local Government Board for carrying out these new. 
and somewhat complex duties. 
Act may easily become a dead letter. 
administration, dealing with one of the most reactionary 

departments in the public service, can reduce it to little | 

or nothing. 

Unless this is done the S 
A reactionary _ 

April 4, 1908.] 

Tue town planning powers embodied in the Bill 
‘are limited, but they include the compulsory purchase 
of land. Here again the operation of the measure will 
be made or marred by the Local Government Board. 
No local authority will be able to proceed with the mak- 
ing of a town plan without the consent of the Govern- 
ment Department, whose sanction will be needed at 
almost every stage of the scheme. The local authorities, 
however, will be given full powers to enforce their town 
plans, and, in regard to the compulsory purchase of land, 
they will be able to apply the principle of “ betterment ”’ 
for the relief of persons whose property may be injuri- 
ously affected. This latter is one of the most valuable 
features of the town planning clauses. Another useful 
provision is that enabling local authorities to combine for 
the purposes of town planning. The chief peril in 
administering the Bill will be the creation of inflated 
values, which may encourage the erection of block 
dwellings and the overcrowding of sites—a fatal develop- 
ment. It is a danger which, as correspondents of THE 
Nation have testified, is very real in many parts of 
Germany. The reception of the Bill is, on the whole, 
favourable, and it will be handled on non-party lines. 
It is defective in some points. It does not set up a 
compulsory register of houses—one of the most valuable 
and necessary of reforms. And it does not give cheap 
enough money—the terms are not as good as those which 
Irish tenants have secured. Why should England be 
worse off than Ireland? 

* % % 

Tue Finnish Diet has precipitated an untimely 
Ministerial crisis. The present Finnish Executive or 
Senate came into office after the general strike of De- 
cember, 1905, and consists of Moderate Constitu- 
tionalists. Ina very difficult situation it has thought 
the best way to preserve Finnish liberties was to yield 
a good deal to the demands of the Russian Government, 
especially in the matter of political arrests. This policy 
has brought a double attack upon it in the Diet. The 
Old Fennomans complained that it was not active 
enough in surrendering political suspects; the Social 
Democrats that it was too subservient to Russian Reac- 
tionaries. An Old Fennoman vote of censure was re- 
jected, but a Social Democratic vote of censure was car- 
ried, owing to the Old Fennomans abstaining from 
voting, and the Senate resigned. The Senate is not 
theoretically dependent on Parliament, and it is not 
certain that the Czar will accept the resignation. It 
will not be easy to get a successor, because a Social 
Democratic Senate is out of the question, and the Old 
Fennomans are more reactionary than the Moderate 
Constitutionalists. The episode is the more untimely 
because the Duma is taking an unfriendly interest in 
Finnish affairs, and strong influences are steadily at 
work against Finnish liberties. 

* * * 

Prince Buetow last week explained his attitude 
towards the franchise question. By way of justifying 
the existing Prussian class franchise, he said that the 
Imperial universal suffrage was certainly not sacrosanct, 
and many wise persons had their doubts about it. Still, 
he did not propose to alter it, but certainly he would 
not introduce it into Prussia, where it would put the 
Socialists into power. He could not understand, he 
added, how Liberals could face that prospect. There 
is not much evidence that they are anxious to run the 
risk. Their franchise agitation in Prussia is of the 
most lukewarm character, and their representatives in 
the Reichstag have just made another hole in their 
traditions by consenting to a compromise on the lan- 



guage clause of the Associations Bill, which will 

| straightway prevent large sections of Poles, Danes, and 

Alsatians using their mother tongue at public meetings, 
and, after twenty years, put a gag upon them all. The 
bloc is rapidly destroying what sincerity remained in 

German Liberalism. 
% * * 

A RatHER flighty sensation has been caused by 

_ Colonel Maude’s statement in the “Contemporary Re- 

view ’’ that Mr. Simpson, the metallurgical expert, had 
invented a weapon able to impart an initial velocity of 
10,000 yards a second to projectiles of all dimensions 

practicable in war. This would represent more than 

| ten times the velocity to which gun-makers have attained, 

and, according to Colonel Maude, would enable users 

| of this arm to throw thousands of shells in succession 

from London. to Paris. The seriousness of this invention 
has been greatly discredited in a letter to the “ Evening 
Standard,’’ but Colonel Maude’s argument is ingeni- 
ous. He shows that in spite of the increased deadliness 
of weapons and projectiles, war tends to be less dangerous. 
At Marston Moor a man’s life was only worth four hours’ 
purchase. The life of a British soldier at Waterloo 
worked out at three days of eight hours each. At Mars 
la Tour in the Franco-German war, in spite of the inven- 
tion of breech-loaders and rifled artillery, the soldier could 
count on a life chance of four days of twelve hours, and in 
the two chief Russo-Japanese battles of not less than a 
fortnight. This change is due to the fact that the more 
dangerous the weapon the greater is the reluctance of 
soldiers to expose themselves to it. On the other hand, 
argues Colonel Maude, an immense and revolutionary 
change would be brought about by weapons inflicting 
little loss of life but immense material damage. This 
would tend to make war so costly as to be prohibitive. 
What with airships and Simpson guns it certainly seems 
as if we were speculating somewhat rashly in “ Dread- 

* * * 

Tue University Boat Race has been marred by a 
rather sinister incident. This was the secret trial of 
the Oxford crew over the full course. Hitherto, with 
one exception, all trials have been open. The departure 
from this healthy practice was sanctioned by the Oxford 
coach, and ingenious precautions were taken to deceive 
the public. Another, and it seems to us detestable, inno- 
vation has been the action of one of the coaches and of 
both the strokes in writing articles on the race for popu- 
lar newspapers. We hope that both these practices will 
be vetoed, even though they may have issued from sheer 
thoughtlessness. We all know why secret trials are 
resorted to in horse-racing. They are used to preserve 
and promote the gambling interests of owners, or a small 
inner circle of operators, and they can obviously be 
worked against the ignorant outsiders. But the interest 
of the Boat Race is not a gambling interest, but one of 
pure emulation. If that be destroyed, and this specially 
interesting and innocent form of amateur sport is cor- 
rupted or vulgarised, it had better cease. 

* * % 

News of a naval disaster in the English Channel, 
attended by great loss to life, comes to hand as we go 
to press. During an exercising cruise the destroyer 
“Tiger ’’ ran across the bows of the cruiser “ Berwick,’’ 
and was cut in two by the force of the impact. So 
sudden was the collision that most of the crew were 
thrown into the water. Twenty-one men were picked 
up by boats, but it is feared that the remaining thirty- 
five have been drowned. One of the men rescued was 
so exhausted that he succumbed on the way ashore, 


Politics and Affairs. 

It is characteristic of our politics that within a few hours 
of declaring that Home Rule was impossible, the leader 
of the Opposition should be assenting to a plan of Home 
Rule in higher Irish education, and admitting that Mr. 
Birrell, a Home Rule Secretary, had succeeded where he, a 
Unionist, had failed. This illustrates the 
fact that, call the principle of self-government by 


what name you please—Home Rule, the management 
of Ireland according to Irish ideas, the delegation of 
powers, the extension of local government—it advances, 
often without the conscious co-operation of the two 
British parties, and even in face of their ill-will. In order 
to realise this very simple truth, it is only necessary to 
compare the governmental machine in Ireland to-day with 
what it was in 1886. The Home Ruler of the twentieth 
century need no longer concern himself with the buying 
* which was the second 
care of his predecessor twenty-two years ago. He will 
not trouble himself over the University question, and the 
fear of the submerging of Trinity College passes away. He 
will find half the problem of local government settled for 
him. He will not have to reckon with a solid and 
irrationally hostile Ulster. The fury of the land war has 
died down ; no extreme violence or inhumanity of temper 
exists among the peasantry to revive the passionate dis- 
like and fear which crippled the early Home Rule propa- 
ganda. Every anti-Irish argument which was used in 
the debate of last Monday was, therefore, a reduced ver- 

out of the “ English garrison,’ 

sion of the original Unionist case. Mr. Balfour could still 
speak of the difficulties of settling the Irish representa- 
tion in the Imperial Parliament, or of fixing the finan- 
cial relationship. But he knows that his own Govern- 
ment came, at one time, rather near to creating a separate 
Irish Exchequer. Lord Percy could represent the Irish 
bodies which his friends created as unfair to Irish 
Unionists. But he could adduce no serious signs of unfit- 
ness for local government. Indeed, the whole ground- 
work of Unionism, which is that Providence first created 
a race temperamentally unfit to govern themselves and 
then tempered the wind to the shorn lamb by providing a 
neighbouring nation to do the work, is undermined by 
the experience of the last few years. There is no sign 
of incapacity. There is no evidence of abiding savagery 
or even of unfairness in the Irish people. The sting 
of Lord Percy’s charge disappears when we remember 
that it is the refusal of self-government which compels 
Mr. Redmond to keep the Irish local bodies intact as 
strongholds of nationalism, and that the fusion must 
begin as soon as the nation as a whole is liberated 
to do its administrative work, Such a fusion has already 
set in, and gone further than careless observers suppose. 
The Gaelic revival, the growth of scientific agriculture, 
the Sinn Fein agitation, have all brought new forces 
into play. Nearly every one of them has attracted re- 
cruits from the landlords’ camp. How much of the anti- 
national force will survive the growing conviction that 
one day—sooner or later—this country will leave Ireland to 
work out herown salvation, subject to the general superin- 
tendence by the Imperial Power? How much of a similar 

[April 4, 1908. 

spirit and organisation in South Africa has survived the 
grant of a free constitution under which the cult of 
“Joyalism,’’ ¢.e., of a specially favoured minority of 
office-holders and expectants of office and favours, does 
not pay? 

In Ireland, therefore, we may conclude that all is 
fluid, and that all the changes are tending in the direc- 
tion of Home Rule. Are we sure that here things are 
not changing with equal rapidity? Mr. Balfour may 
not change, but what of the temper and policy of his_ 
party? Within twenty-four hours of the passing of the 
Home Rule resolution on Monday, the ‘“ Morning — 
Post”? was hinting at an accommodation between 
Unionists and Nationalists, under which Ireland might 
have the advantage of maintaining a Protectionist tariff 
specially adapted to her needs. We are apt to forget 
the not unimportant constitutional fact that, while 
British parties go up and down, the balance of the Irish - 
representation remains unaffected. This generation is 
unlikely to see another British Government resting on a 
majority of 200 votes. On the contrary, every states- 
man who looks before and after realises that we may at 
any time be brought back to the capital year, 1885, when © 
the Irishmen held the balance of power. We hope that | 
in such a contingency the party best able to make a bid 
for power will not be the Protectionists. But we are | 
quite certain that if they approach any such position, the | 
musty formule of Unionism, revived without an ounce 
of conviction in Monday’s debate, will not stop them 
from grasping it. What of the Liberals? What deters 
them from taking up Home Rule again? Not the new 
recruit to politics, the Labour Party, which is Home Rule 
to aman. Nothing in Mr. Asquith’s declarations, which 
even if they are less warm in tone than those of the Prime 
Minister, represent, with all deference to Mr. Healy, no 
retractation or diminution of the Liberal obligations to | 
the Home Rule cause. Not the insignificant new Unionist 
Rump of a score members, which the concentration on 
Free Trade has brought into brief existence. And not 
the necessity of defending Free Trade, whose maintenance 
may very well depend precisely on an Irish decision be- 
tween Home Rule and a Protectionist offer of a separate 
or a specially favourable Irish tariff. 

These, however, are matters of tactics, and we 
do not wish to rest the Irish case purely on tactical — 
grounds. The grounds are moral, and depend on how 
long British democracy, while using to the full in its 
service the richly varied capacities and charms of 
the Irish people—their quick and sympathetic intel- 
lects, their adaptive talents for war, government, com- 
merce, the arts—is going to rule them in their own 
country, through a selfish clique without brains or im- 
agination, instead of frankly surrendering the task into 
their hands. It is impossible to conceive any end to this _ 
process other than a form of Home Rule. No good 

that we do to Ireland helps her or us in our actual re- 

lationships. We are slowly abandoning coercion, be- 
cause, as a matter of fact, the Irish community is 
becoming homogeneous, and the internal warfare in- 
creasingly petty and innocuous. We are at last going 
to give the country a series of self-governing Universi- 

ties, a generation or two after they were due. If, 

April 4, 1908.] 

in face of such maintain the 
Union as it stands to-day, we are simply sharpen- 
ing the sword for our own flanks. And we are 
doing an essentially unjust and short-sighted thing. 

We admit the moral power of the Irish case, when we, 

concessions, we 

a nation of forty millions, refuse, in uncritical fear, 
self-government to a nation of four millions. 
makes the strongest man fear the weakest. 

And we 
are acting without reason, for, while the poverty and 
discontent of the Irish under Unionism subsist, un- 
affected by our remedies, our money, our talk, all their 
talents and aptitudes for government remain also as wit- 
nesses and accusers of our fault. It is a chief asset of 
Liberalism that it retains and advances the only cure 
for Irish troubles, and holds itself ready at any con- 
venient hour to propound it afresh. It is fortunate 
indeed that last Monday’s debate left the Liberal Party 
a Home Rule Party. For when it ceases to merit that 
title, it will cease to be a party at all. 


THosE who affect to disbelieve in the efficacy of moral 
forces in public life may do well to reflect on the political 
events of the past fortnight. They will, it is true, see 
these forces routed in a direct frontal attack in a single 
election; but if they look closer they will find an indirect 
effect of a strong assertion of social principles working 
itself out in altogether unforeseen ways. The action of 
the Archbishop and the majority of his colleagues on 
behalf of the Licensing Bill could not win the Peckham 
election, but it has effected a marvellous clearing of the 
air in another quarter. It has deeply, and we trust 
permanently, affected the relations of Church and Non- 
conformity in the matter of education. It is only on a 
surface view that this result will seem illogical. 
The truth is that the firmness of the Archbishop brought 
the world back to some sense of proportion. It made 
people realise anew that in the main the social struggle 
is one struggle—the struggle against the forces of 
material self-interest, that in this struggle the leaders 
of the Established Church and the leaders of the Free 
Churches stand side by side, and that the differences 
which part them are far smaller than the ties of 
agreement which unite them. The result was to 
secure an atmosphere for the reception of the Bishop 
of St. Asaph’s Bill such as has never existed since 1902, 
and which, whatever the fate of the Bill, will, we hope, 
become a permanent, as it is a healthy, condition of our 
political life. Had Mr. Birrell’s Bill found such an 
atmosphere awaiting it, it would long since have passed 
into law. 

We do not say that this atmosphere is all-pervasive. 
There are certain interests which the Bishop of St. 
Asaph’s Bill would not satisfy, and it is natural that 
these should make their voices heard. There are also cer- 
tain less legitimate interests to which peace is unaccept- 
able merely because it is peace and would greatly smooth 
the path of the Government. The two great Bills now 
before Parliament form the main stones of stumbling 
which all men have foreseen in the path of the party in 


power, and it is political human nature that the party in 
opposition should desire to keep them in being. If the 
education question is settled by agreement a great diffi- 
culty in the way of the Government will be overcome, 
and it is to the party interest of Unionism that the ques- 
tion should be kept alive. Mr. Balfour, as the most 
adroit of tacticians, may be trusted thoroughly to appre- 
ciate this side of the position. We know the extent of 
his influence with the House of Lords, and we regret to 
see a hint of an opposition based on considerations of this 
kind in the speech of Lord Lansdowne. But we do not 
believe that such a purely factious opposition would suc- 
ceed. If a basis of agreement can once be found the 
Bill embodying it would go of itself, and the opposition 
of the Lords would be swept aside. 
Is compromise possible? 
failed. Is it possible, in a more favourable state of 
opinion, for any new proposal to succeed ? 

Let us try to locate the points of difficulty, with a 
view not to emphasising them, but to seeing how they 
may be overcome. Broadly speaking, the Bishop’s Bill 
provides a possible line of working agreement as be- 
tween the bulk of Moderate Churchmen and the Non- 
On the one hand, it establishes public 
control, and recognises the religious freedom of the 

The question is: 
Hitherto every attempt has 


teachers; on the other, it gives facilities for denomina- 
tional instruction at the cost of the denominations where 
the parents desire it. The one real crux involved here 
is the position of the teacher. 
main free. 

Professedly he will re- 
Will it be possible to secure him real free- 
dom to decline to give 
will his appointment 
pendent on his 

religious instruction, or 
in practice be made de- 
consent? If adequate 
tees can be given on this point, the teacher will 
stand to gain rather than to lose from the Bishop’s 
Bill. If not, he may lose the position which he now 
enjoys in the provided schools. The first problem, 

therefore, is to consider the methods and conditions of 


appointment, and to come to an agreement on some 
provision which will secure to the teacher in law the 
position which we believe that both sides alike desire 
to give him. 

There remains the much more real difficulty of the 
Catholic schools, Anglican or Roman. We cannot simply 
puti these schools aside as a small minority. If we are to 
have a settlement by consent, it must be an all-round set- 
tlement ; and the question is whether any settlement is 
possible which would concede so strong a claim as that 
which the Catholics make upon the State. We fear it 
must be frankly recognised that this can only be done 
by allowing of an exception within the general State 
system, and this brings us back at once to something 
like the regrettable expedient of contracting out. But, 
in the first place, contracting out on this basis would be a 
very much smaller affair than is contemplated in Mr. 
McKenna’s Bill as it at present stands. It would not 
only be confined to the urban areas, but to certain non- 
provided schools in which a large majority of the parents 
of scholars should desire it. If we may trust the 
Bishop of Birmingham, there is not one parent in fifty 
who will take the trouble to demand any special form of 
religious instruction in addition to that offered by the 


[April 4, 1908. 

public authority. Nevertheless, the suggestion of leaving | which was the alternative to the San Stefano Treaty, | 

even a small minority of schools to muddle along ineffi- | 

ciently without rate aid is very rightly distasteful, and 
we think that experts might well give their minds to 
considering whether the Catholic proposal for the ear- 
marking of a portion of the education rate is, after all, 
unworkable. If this proposal were accepted it would, to 
begin with, come into force only where a large majority 
of parents of children in a non-provided school ask for 
special treatment, and the school would be placed on this 
basis only if the fund ear-marked for the purpose should 
be sufficient, together with private contributions, to main- 
tain it in a manner satisfactory to the Board of Educa- 
be numerous, but they would meet the Catholic claim, 

Under these conditions the exceptions would not 

and to meet it is worth some cost in point of cumbrous- 
ness of machinery. The alternative is contracting out 
pyre and simple. There has not yet been devised by the 
wit of man any simple and uniform system which will 
meet all the complicated and inconsistent demands of the 
rival parties in the educational world. The problem now 
is to find the lines on which the new spirit that has arisen 
may work itself out into practical proposals without en- 

countering some insuperable obstacle. 


Maceponia has once again become the centre of Euro- 
pean interest. Last autumn that unfortunate land 
seemed to be settling down into a condition of enduring 
anarchy and decay. The so-called scheme of European 
Reforms had been everywhere checked and blighted. 
The native Christian populations were fleeing to 
America, or being decimated by rival bands of 
Nationalist propagandism from Greece, Servia, or Bul- 
garia. The European gendarmerie officers, impotent for 
amelioration, were watching this chaos with a deepen- 
ing disgust. The Turk was rejoicing over the check- 
mating of all European attempts to ensure the good 
government which had been solemnly guaranteed by 
the Treaty of Berlin. The “interested Powers ’’ were 
content to allow the whole affair to fester into corrup- 
tion and decline. Austria was secretly working for 
the extension of the Bosnian railway system into Euro- 
pean Turkey. Russia was wrestling with her own in- 

ternal revolution. Of the others, Germany, closely 

allied with the Sultan and posing as the protector and | 

friend of Turkish interests, was dominating the situation 
at Constantinople. The inaction of England under a 
Liberal Government. was the subject of free comment; 
a comment of perplexity and despair amongst the 
Eastern nationalities and in the disturbed districts that 
had been led by Lord Lansdowne’s action to hope for 
eventual reform ; a comment of satisfaction by all those 
who desired the perpetuation of the present: confusion 
and who hoped, by judicious fishing in these troubled 
waters, to gather in some substantial gain. 

Suddenly, however, and most fortunately, Sir 
Edward Grey proclaimed to Europe that British patience, 
long enduring, had at last become exhausted ; that Eng- 
land intended to demand an active pursuit of the policy 

accepted solemnly by all the signatory Powers of the | 
Treaty of Berlin. The tearing up of the provisions which | 
constructed a greater Bulgaria out of Macedonia in- — 
volved, in the thirty-third article of that Treaty, the f 
acceptance of a European responsibility for security to t 
life and property of those Christian people who had been | 
placed again under the Turkish rule. On December 

18th last the British Government communicated to the ~ 
five other great Powers which make up “the Concert 7 
of Europe’ an exceedingly mild programme of reform. a 
Recognising the deplorable condition of that unfortunate | 
country, with murder and assassination unchecked, and — 
a practically permanent condition of civil war, Sir © 
Edward Grey suggested immediate action in “ adopting #| 
such effective measures as may be calculated to avert a . | 
crisis which, in default of such action, cannot fail to 5 
arise.’’ Protesting against “the gradual extermination — 
of the Christian inhabitants of Macedonia,’’ where the — 
Ottoman authorities “ have displayed an utter incapacity 4) 

to maintain public tranquillity,’’ the British Foreign | 

Minister suggested a fresh remedy, in the entrusting of iF 
a full measure of executive control to the foreign staff — 
officers in Macedonia, with the substantial increase in 
numbers of the gendarmerie and an “adequate equip- — 
ment ’’ for the establishment of mobile columns designed _ 
to hunt down and to destroy the bands which are a curse 
to the countryside. Each of the five Governments re- | 
plied, in answers that are printed in the White Paper 
issued this week; each rejected the British proposals. 

Austria and Russia, in a joint reply, announced that the 

time was inopportune. The condition of the officers in 

such circumstance would be “ very unsatisfactory,’ and 

the proposal ‘‘ would undoubtedly meet with a cate- ‘ 
gorical refusal from the Sublime Porte.’’ The Italian — 
Government rejected the scheme mainly, it would appear, _ 
because it had been informed that the Russian, German, 
and Austro-Hungarian Governments had already rejected i 
it, though it urged also the inefficiency of the gendar- — 
merie as at present organised for such work, and that the 
preliminary step of first ensuring this efficiency should be 
pressed upon the Sultan. The French also, as it seems, 
somewhat regretfully considered the proposals difficult, 
while other reforms—such as the judicial scheme—remain 
unfulfilled. And Germany—the evil genius of the 
Balkan imbroglio—in curt phrases—assured us that the 
proposal was “ impracticable.’” 

In reply to these variable counsels of timidity and 
scarcely concealed private interests, Sir Edward Grey 
addressed to the Powers of Europe, on March 3rd, an 
appeal which may be destined to occupy a position of 
historic importance. After declaring the “ regret ’’ and 
“ disappointment ’’ with which the British Government 
received the rejection of its scheme and the failure of 
any alternative suggestion, and some elaborate guard 
against the somewhat flimsy objections which had been 
advanced in its defence, the British Foreign Minister, 
in words of dignified and grave determination, invited 
the component Powers of the Concert of Europe to con- 
front the essential facts of a situation full of danger. The 
present position of the three vilayets, Sir Edward Grey 
again declares, “is so serious as to call for immediate 

April 4, 1908.] 


and effective action.’’ “It is certain that serious con- 
sequences may ensue from a continuance of the present 
state of disorder and violence in the vilayets, especially 
if it is believed that the European Concert is unable or 
unwilling to find a remedy.’’ And the result of the 
rejection of the milder suggestion is the challenge of an 
effectual remedy for a situation which “cannot be 
remedied by half measures.’’ That challenge is offered 
in the scheme outlined by Sir Edward Grey in the 
Macedonian debate of March 3rd to the House of 
Commons. It revives the old proposal of Lord Lans- 
downe of four years ago, of an independent Governor 
given “a free hand and irremovable for a term of years, 
except with the consent of the Powers, with an adequate 
force of gendarmerie placed at his disposal for the 
restoration of public order.’’ “ His pension should be 
guaranteed by the Powers, and provision made for it in 
the Macedonian Budget.’’ 

crushing burden to Macedonia—would be largely re- 

The Turkish troops—a 

duced, and in return, while this system lasts, the in- 
tegrity of Macedonia as a portion of the Sultan’s 
dominions would be guaranteed by the Powers. Sir 
Edward Grey at the same time offered favourably to 
consider any alternative proposal which might be put 
forward by the Powers. All he demanded was some 
action, instead of this fatal and paralysing silence and 
impotence which was rendering the Concert the laugh- 
ing-stock of the world. “If the Powers are not pre- 
pared to assume this attitude,’’ he concluded, in solemn 
warning, “they will, in effect, declare that they are 
powerless to secure anything, and that the Concert, as 
an instrument for securing reform, has ceased to 

This demonstration of the prolonged and serious 
character of British concern in the welfare of Mace- 
donia has fallen like a bombshell upon the divided 
While Austria, in 

the person of Baron von Aehrenthal, is making separate 

counsels of the European nations. 

treaties with the Porte for railway concessions, and 
Germany, in the person of Prince von Biilow, 1s pro- 
claiming friendship and admiration for the Sultan, the 
British Government, roughly and somewhat indelicately, 
reminds that slow-moving and clumsy combination of 
the very object of its existence—the welfare of the 
subject Christian populations of the Near East, and, 
through the provision of that welfare, the avoidance of 
the perpetual menace of insurrection or actual warfare 
in the Balkans. In England over a hundred members 
of Parliament have signed a letter expressing satisfac- 
tion at the renewed action of the British Government. 
officially, however, there comes the information that 

There is no official news as yet as to its reception. 
Austro-Hungary have rejected it. There are certainly 
elaborate discussions on this subject in the descent of 
Prince Biilow on Vienna and the calling into consulta- 
tion of the third member of the “Triplice.’’ Unoffi- 

cially, also, there appears the outline of counter pro-— 

posals which Russia, now somewhat tardily, offers for 
the consideration of the Concert. These counter pro- 
posals recognise the collapse of the Mirzsteg programme 
and the substitution of the action of the whole Concert 
for the action of the Mandatory Powers; and, in so far 

atte — 

as they thus represent an advance towards reality, they 
may be welcomed. Otherwise they would seem to be 
totally inadequate to the actual situation. The In- 
spector-General is to be guaranteed security of tenure 
as long as the 3 per cent. increase of Customs is sanc- 
tioned. But Hilmi Pasha (the 

General) is not hampered by lack of “security of 

present Inspector- 

tenure.’’ His effort, in recent times, has always been 
to get away from an impossible situation. The diffi- 
culty has been not to prevent him going, but to per- 
suade him to stay. The Financial Commission, with 
the full status now possessed by the civil agents of 
Austria and Russia, are to be endowed with some vague 
and rather uncertain powers of justice and public 
safety under a gendarmerie, with which is to be in- 
corporated the local village guards. If this implies 
full executive control to the representatives of the 
European Powers, it might be accepted as satisfactory. 
But that can only be judged when the full and definite 
proposals are established. If it were linked up with 
Sir Edward Grey’s proposal of an independent Governor, 
it might prove adequate to the situation. Any- 
than full would be 

It is interesting to find the “ Novoye 

thing less executive control 
utterly useless. 
Vremya’’ condemning this vaguely outlined scheme, 
and warmly supporting the British suggestion. It con- 
cludes that “ Russia will ultimately be obliged to adhere 
to the British proposals, which alone can bring a bene- 

are suggestions, on the other hand, that in face of a 

ficial change to the Macedonian population.”’ 

non possumus from the two Germanic Powers, the three 
Western nations which have hitherto acted together in 
this matter with Russia in agreement, will go forward 
to press the policy of reform upon the Sultan. The 
situation has become at once extraordinarily critical 
and extraordinarily 
holds the field. 
regained the confidence and gratitude of the Balkan 

interesting. The Grey policy 

By its advance this country has 

nations, which we were in danger of losing from our 
long inaction, and assumed its rightful position of re- 
sponsibility for a burden deliberately accepted thirty 
years ago. 

From the large, almost the magnificent, surplus which 
has accrued to the Exchequer at the close of the finan- 

cial year, it is quite clear that, if the policy 
of military and naval retrenchment promised to 
the country at the last General Election by 

the leading Ministers and by the great majority 
of the Liberal Party—a policy persistently ad- 
vocated in these columns—had been fully carried out, 
Mr. Asquith would have been able this year to present 
a Budget so brilliant as to revive the memories of the 
great Gladstonian achievements, restore the popularity 
of the Government, and earn the admiring gratitude 
of the whole nation. This, we say, is quite clear; for 
even without vitally challenging the policy of over- 
blown establishments, by merely modifying the extra- 
vagances of the War Office and Admiralty, Mr. Asquith 
can claim to have restored the financial equilibrium. Nay, 


[April 4, 1908. 

more, at a time when the trade of the world is declining, 
and our three greatest rival Powers—the United States, 
Germany, and France—are embarrassed by heavy and 
menacing deficits, our Chancellor can boast not only of 
large reductions effected by an operative sinking fund, 
but of a substantial realised surplus at the close of this 
Mr. Asquith has himself admitted that 
total of unproductive expenditure is still at a war level ; it 

financial year. 
the reductions so far effected are insufficient. 

presses heavily upon the poorer taxpayers, and requires 
the maintenance of war imposts (like the sugar tax), a 
grievous cause of unemployment. 

But for the moment we are well entitled to look 
at the cheerful side, and draw encouragement which 
should be a stimulus to fresh efforts for economy 
on the war services. Mr. Harcourt, who inherits a 
love of sound finance, put the case for the Government 
in a fair and friendly way at Reading the other day. 
Our naval expenditure, he said, including votes and 
loans, was 35} millions in 1905; to-day it is under 32 
millions ; and if we add to that a decrease on the Army 
Estimates of 44 millions, it makes the total decrease of 
warlike expenditure of £8,500,000 in little more than 
two years. But the comparison of a single year does 
not always give the full effect of these operations, and 
Mr. Harcourt was justified in comparing the total naval 
and military expenditure of the last two years of the 
Tory and the first two years of the Liberal Government. 
In the former case the expenditure amounted to 149 
in the latter to 133} millions, which 
means a saving of 154 millions in two years. It is very 
probable that every penny of these 15} millions would 
have been spent and added to the National Debt by 
Mr. Balfour’s Government. The debt, therefore, would 
have been 15 millions larger, and that would have in- 
volved a permanent charge for interest of between 
£400,000 and £500,000, of which the taxpayer has now 
been relieved. Altogether Mr. Asquith has swept away 
over a million of interest on the debt as a result of his 
Sinking Fund operations, and has done far more in this 
direction than any of his predecessors in the same space 
of time. This is no small achievement. Its effect has 
been felt in the Money Market, and has materially 
helped us to come with flying colours through the inter- 
national crisis that followed on the American panic. 

But, of course, a saving of fifteen millions in two 
years does not represent the whole advantage gained by 
the country. Mr. Balfour, as leader of the Opposi- 
tion, has lost no opportunity of urging additions 
to warlike expenditure. He has even declaimed 
against the abandonment of borrowing for military and 
naval works, and he has instructed or allowed his col- 
leagues to plead for a naval programme which must soon 
add from five to ten millions to the Navy Estimates. 
But Mr. Balfour’s advocacy of lax profusion in warlike 
expenditure is now accompanied by a declaration that 
the basis of taxation must be “ broadened ’’ in order to 
provide an adequate revenue. This is the sum and sub- 
stance of his speech on Mr. Mond’s resolution and this new 
policy ought to be vigilantly watched and criticised. We 
do not accuse Mr. Balfour of deliberately inciting his 
opponents to military extravagance so as to throw the 
income-taxpayers into the arms of the Tariff Reformers. 
This would be a subtler stroke than Mr. Balfour’s milder 
Machiavellianism would approve. But though the 
member for the City of London may be excused of any- 
thing worse than looseness of mind and a cheerful willing- 


ness to oblige any friendly faction at the public expense, 
it is clear that another motive actuates some of his 
followers—or shall we say his leaders? They are not, as 
a rule, very well informed about economic conditions in 
other countries. But they are dimly conscious that in 
Germany and France and the United States militarism 
fosters Protection ; not because a heavily burdened nation 
suffers less under Protection than under Free Trade—it 
suffers far more—but because its Government can win 
over powerful sections of capitalists to endorse costly 

programmes by promising them that the new taxation | 

shall be divided between favoured interests and the ex- 
chequer. L 
be imposed on imported corn, the agricultural landlords 
are naturally enthusiastic ; for, as two-thirds of our corn 
is imported, they will pocket ten or twelve millions. 
Thus out of a tax of seventeen millions paid by all who 
eat bread, five go into the Exchequer and twelve into the 
pockets of a small class. To the Tariff Reform League 
this seems an admirable way of raising money. Indeed, 
the one argument for it is the political one that it enlists 
for any given tax the enthusiastic support of a rich class 
which can well afford to contribute heavily to the pre- 
liminary work of “education.’”’ But any thoughtful 
student of public finance will see that this policy of 
“ broadening the basis ’’’ and giving “a little Protection 
all round ’’—which is what Mr. Balfour means—would 
very soon prove fatal to the public revenue. It might 
take a year or two for its consequences to develop. But 
the futility of a pile of little taxes, such as our tariff 
contained before the ’forties, would speedily appear. The 
best and the worst that could be said for this policy, as 
Mr. Churchill put it in his masterly speech at Man- 
chester, is that it would greatly increase the taxation of 
the poor in order to diminish slightly the burdens of the 

We see to-day, in the contrast between Great 
Britain and Germany or the United States, how the in- 
teraction of tariffs and revenue works out. Our actual 
expenditure in money on the Army and Navy in propor- 
tion to population is much greater than that of Germany, 
and vastly greater than that of the United States. Yet 
these two nations are so burdened by Protective tariffs 
that the monetary crisis has plunged them into the ut- 
most. embarrassment. New York and all the great 
towns of the United States are swarming with unem- 
ployed. At least forty thousand men are workless in 
Berlin ; 185,000 is the calculation by Protectionist papers 
of the number in New York. Serious rioting has 
occurred in both countries. In the United States the 
falling off of the customs under tariff influences is so 
serious that a deficit is inevitable, and borrowing must 
ensue. Still more critical is the case of the German 
Empire. Instead of a five million surplus, Germany is 
faced with a six million deficit on its ordinary expendi- 
ture, and a further deficit of ten millions on what is called 
its extraordinary expenditure. While Mr. Asquith cancels 
fifteen millions of debt, the Finance Minister of the Ger- 
man Empire has to borrow sixteen millions sterling in 
order to balance his annual accounts. 

If we turn from general considerations to the figures 
themselves, we find that the only item on which there 
was a serious decrease of revenue for the year was 
customs, though excise only showed a very trifling gain. 
Mr. Asquith’s great successes were the death duties and 
the income tax. The former has fully justified last year’s 
graduation, and in the latter Mr. Asquith has actually 
obtained £780,000 more than last year, though he allowed 
for a loss of £1,100,000. He has given a relief of three- 
pence in the pound to people with earned incomes of from 
£700 to £2,000; but he has so improved the machinery 
of collection that this handsome concession to honesty 
has been more than made up by those who had hitherto 
sent in dishonest returns. Mr. Asquith’s income-tax ex- 
periment has, therefore, proved wholly successful; and 
the success is not only of good augury for next year’s 
Budget, but also a conclusive vindication of the 
superiority of direct over indirect taxation, a victory 
both for Free Trade and for progressive finance at a 
moment when an ill-informed statesman, in shifts for 
a party and a majority, is threatening both. 

If, for example, a tax yielding five millions © 

April 4, 1908.] 

Life and Wetters. 


In Kensington Gardens, that February day, it was very 
still. Trees, stripped of every leaf, raised their bare, 
clean twigs towards a sky so grey and so unstirring that 
there might never have been wind, or sun. And on 
those branches pigeons sat, silent, as though they under- 
stood that there was no new life as yet; they seemed 
waiting, loth to spread their wings, lest they should 
miss the coming of the spring. 

Down in the grass the tiniest green flames were 
burning—a sign of the fire of flowers that would leap 
up if the sun would feed them. 

And on a seat there sat a child. 

He sat between his father and his mother, looking 
straight before him. It was plain that the reason why 
he looked so straight before him was that he really 
had not strength to care to look to right or left—so 
white his face was, so puny were his limbs. His 
clothes had evidently been designed for others, and this 
was fortunate, for they prevented the actual size of him 
from being seen. He was not, however, what is called 
neglected. His face was clean, and the utmost of pro- 
tection that God and the condition of his parents had 
vouchsafed was evidently lavished on him, for round 
his neck there was a little bit of draggled fur which 
should have been round the neck of her against whose 
thin and shabby side he leaned. This mother of his 
was looking at the ground, and, from the expression of 
her face, she seemed to think that looking at the ground 
was all life had to offer. 

The father sat with his eyes shut. He had shabby 
clothes, a grey face, and a grey collar that had once 
been white. Above the collar his thin cheeks had evi- 
dently just been shaved, for it was Saturday, and, by 
the colour of those cheeks, and by his boots, whose 
soles, hardly thicker than a paper sheet, still inter- 
vened between him and the ground, he was seen not to 
be a tramp or outdoor person, but an indoor worker of 
some sort, and very likely out of work, who had come 
out to rest in the company of his wife and family. His 
eyes being shut, he sat without the pain of looking at a 
single thing, moving his jaw at intervals from side to 
side, as though he had a toothache. 

And between this man who had begotten, and this 
woman who had borne him, the child sat, very still, 
evidently on good terms with them, not realising that 
they had brought him out of a warm darkness where 
he had been happy, out of a sweet nothingness, into 
which, and soon, perhaps, he would pass again—not 
realising that they had so neglected to keep pace with 
things, or that things had so omitted to keep pace with 
them, that he himself had eaten in his time about one- 
half the food he should have eaten, and that of the 
wrong sort. By the expression of his face, that pale, 
small ghost had evidently grasped the truth that things 
were as they had to be. He seemed to sit there review- 
ing his own life, taking for granted that it must be 
what it was, from hour to hour, and day to day, and 
year to year. 

And before me, too, the incidents of his small 
journey passed. I saw him, in the morning, 
getting off the family bed, where it was sometimes 
warm, and chewing at a crust of bread before he set off 
to school in company with other children, some of whom 
were stouter than himself—saw him carrying in his 
small fist the remnants of his feast, and dropping it, or 
swopping it away for peppermints, because it tired him 
to consume it, having no juices to speak of in his little 
stomach. I seemed to understand that, accustomed as 
he was to eating little, he almost always wanted to eat 
less, not because he had any wish to die—nothing so 


extravagant—but simply that he nearly always felt a 
little sick. I felt that his pale, despondent mother was 
always urging him to eat, when there were things to 
eat, and that this bored him, since they did not strike 
him as worth all that trouble with his jaws. She must 
have had a “ job’’ indeed to persuade him that there 
was any point in eating; for, from his looks, he could 
manifestly not now enjoy anything but peppermints and 
kippered herrings. I seemed to see him in his school, 
not learning, not wanting to learn, anything, nor know- 
ing why this should be so, ignorant of the dispensations 
of a Providence who, after hesitating long to educate 
him lest this should make his parents paupers, now com- 
pelled his education, having first destroyed his stomach, 
that he might be incapable of taking in what he was 
taught. That small, white creature could not, as yet, 
have grasped the notion that the welfare of the future 
lay, not with the future, but with the past. He only 
knew that every day he went to school with little in his 
stomach, and every day came back from school with 

All this he seemed to be reviewing as he sat there, 
but not in thought; his knowledge was too deep for 
thoughts; he was simply feeling—as a child that looked 
as he looked would naturally be feeling—on that bench 
between his parents. He opened his little mouth at 
times, as a small bird will open its small beak, without 
apparent purpose, and his lips seemed murmuring : — 

‘My stomach feels as if there were a mouse inside 
it; my legs are aching; it’s all quite natural, no 
doubt! ”’ 

To reconcile this apathy of his with recollections 
of his unresting, mirthless energy down alleys and on 
doorsteps, it was needful to remember human nature, 
and its exhaustless cruse of courage. For, though he 
might not care to live, yet, while he was alive, he would 
keep his end up, because he must—there was no other 
way. And why exhaust himself in vain regrets and 
dreams of things he could not see, and hopes of being 
what he could not be? That he had no resentment 
against anything was certain from his patient eyes— 
mot even against those two who sat, one on either side 
of him—unaware that he was what he was, in order 
that they, who, against his will, had brought him into 
being, might be forced by law to keep a self-respect they 
did not want, and have the unsought pride of giving 
him an insufficiency of things he could not eat; for he 
had as yet no knowledge of political economy. He 
evidently did not view his case in any petty, or in any 
party, spirit; he did not seem to look on himself as 
just a half-starved child that should have cried its eyes 
out till it was fed at least as well as the dogs that 
passed him; he seemed to look on himself as that im- 
personal, imperial thing—the Future of the Race. 

So profound his apathy! 

And, as I looked, the ‘‘ Future of the Race”’ 
turned to his father. 

“? Ark at that b y bird!” he said. 

It was a pigeon, who, high upon a tree, had sud- 
denly begun to croon. One could see his hesd outlined 
against the grey, unstirring sky, first bending hack, 
then down into his breast, then back agaiv; and that 
soft song of his filled all the air like an invocation of 

“The Future of the Race’’ watched him for a 
minute without moving, and suddenly he laughed. That 
laugh was a little hard noise like the clapping of two 
boards—there was not a single drop of blood in it, 
nor the faintest sound of music. So might a marionette 
have laughed—a figure made of wood and wire. 

And in that laugh I seemed to hear innumerable 
laughter ; the laughter in a million homes of the myriad 

So laughed the Future of the richest and the freest 
and the proudest race that had ever lived on earth, that 
February afternoon, with the little green flames lighted 
in the grass, under a sky that knew not wind or sun— 
so he laughed at the pigeon that was calling for the 
spring. : 





Tue Volunteer was forty-five years old when he passed 
away last Tuesday as the clock struck midnight. Only 
forty-five, he was, by regulation, and his father’s name 
was Fencible. It seemed impossible that all we knew 
of him could have been crowded into those few years— 
less than two generations, not time enough to allow 
him to win his long-service medal twice over. Yet we 
could have wished him no fitter demise. Cut off in his 
prime, he fell with harness on his back. At his 
obsequies drums were heard, and funeral notes; many 
soldiers discharged their farewell shots, nor did an 
enemy, with sullen firing, disturb the sad festivity of 
the scene. In conformity with his career, his end was 
martial peace. 

That ‘Last Post,’’ how sad and sweet it is, 
whether it sounds over lonely graves soon to be indis- 
tinguishable, or warns the canteen of bedtime! ‘‘ Good- 
night, good-night!’’ it cries. “Sleep well in 
the grave—sleep!’’ Or else, like the blue-water 
school when the fleet is at three-Power  stan- 
dard, it says, “Sleep well in your beds.’’ To 
the Volunteer last Tuesday night it said noth, 
and, after the burial of his name, the man went 
home to slumber. We would not speak without respect 
of anything that is past. One remembers those verses 
in the “ Daily Chronicle ’’ that first drew attention to 
Mr. Edgar Wallace’s art ten years ago. The thing was 
called “ Ginger James,’’ and it told how an insignificant 
and rather worthless private suddenly came to be 
honoured by all the regiment. His comrades saluted 
him, the colonel took off his hat, the guard stood at 
the Present, he rode in a carriage, and his travelling 
rug was the Union Jack, when he drove away to a 
rather slow selection from a piece that is known as 
“Saul.’? And all this for nothing he had done. So 
with the Volunteer. He was alive, and is dead. The 
War Office made him; let him pass for a soldier. 

He has been dead and buried only these four nights, 
but already we begin to think of him with regretful 
tenderness, and fond memory brings the light of other 
days around him. We see him as he first appeared, in 
hard, high cap, with flat, projecting peak, and a little 
ball or plume of cock-feathers at the top. That was 
the time when his officers wore long pointed whiskers 
that waved over their shoulder-straps in the breeze, and 
his youthful courage was maintained by assurances that 
he would be sent out of England only in case of in- 
vasion. It was the time of Ritualistic movements, 
when the defaulting Volunteer pledged himself to come 
to drill in Lent. It was then that he got his rifle mixed 
up in the wheels of his omnibus, and could not imagine 
where to hide the unsightly ribbon of wood and iron 
that came out. Then that, mistaking the wooden 
Highlander in front of a tobacconist shop for one of the 
London Scottish, he called him “ poshtively a dishgrache 
to the serviche.’’ Then that, being discovered by his 
adjutant asleep among the furze-bushes on Wimbledon 
Common while a field-day was raging, he explained that 
he had been a Volunteer quite recently, but had just 
resigned “owing to tempry indishposition.”’ 

“ Punch ’’ was then his record, his chronicle, and 
service-sheet. ‘‘ Dress up, indeed!’’ he retorted to his 
sergeant-major. ‘‘Confound you, I’m better dressed 
than you are!’’ And once he had to display obedience 
to the direction, ‘““Has you were! ’Alt! Mark time! 
The ’ole will bear in mind that my word of command is 
merely a Caution.’’ Or he imbibed the instruction, 
‘““When I says Fix, mind you baint to fix, but when I 
says Baynets, whip ’em out smart.’’ The brave days of 
Wimbledon faded away like youth, but still something 
of the old spirit remained, and it was in actual camp 
at Aldershot that the Volunteer put the guard-tent 
prisoner on sentry-go while he went for a walk with his 
girl. It was at Aldershot that he fired at a rook 
with a round stone and a blank cartridge, and both he 
and the rook survived. 

We owe a great deal to one who added so much to 

[April 4, 1908. 

the gaiety of the nation, nor will we lightly talk of the 
spirit that is gone. Looking at him as he lived, we 
have often marvelled at his humility and devotion. The 
thing may not have been particularly well done; the 
wonder was it should be done at all. Some, as we 
know, attributed the Volunteer’s zeal to a form of snob- 
bery—to a delight in fine clothes and sounding titles— 
to a sense of rank and command—to a passion for mess- 
tent revelry. There was, perhaps, no great harm in 
liking to be decently dressed once a month, or even once 
a week, but people who said these things never knew 
the Volunteer from inside. They never knew the 
Regular’s scorn, the Militiaman’s contumely. They 
never knew what it was to be a Volunteer officer and 
see a private in the Foot Guards turn about and walk 
in the opposite direction rather than salute you, or to 
hear soldiers three discussing whether to salute, and 
deciding not. They never knew what it was to hold an 
advance party together for pitching camp in rain and 
wind, or to be summoned at daybreak to see that the 
fat on the raw sides of ration flesh was of a wholesome 
hue. They never knew the mess-tent revelry of sopping 
grass and puddled clay, of stinking stoves and luke- 
warm soup. 

It could not have been snobbery that made the 
Volunteer. There was no social pride in being called 
a “ mutton-slayer,’’ or even a “ Saturday soldier.’’ There 
was no undue distinction in the glance that observed the 
silver buttons, nor in the sniff that went by. The cause 
remains something of a mystery; it was so easy not to 
be a Volunteer, yet so many were. Something savage, 
we suppose, was mingled in their blood—the touch that 
makes a box of soldiers so welcome to a boy, or that 
drives people to tour in gipsy-vans far from their desir- 
able residences. Some natures also are born to obey; 
they enjoy the decisiveness of commands, the relief from 
hesitation, the comfort when only obedience is required. 
Others sought comradeship—the true and only society 
in a common cause. These may have been among the 
reasons why the Volunteer existed. The defence of the 
country has also been alleged. 

But, whatever his reasons for existing may have 
been, there is no question as to the Volunteer’s influ- 
ence upon our physical and intellectual condition. The 
movement started at about 160,000 strong, and it put 
on about 100,000 more before it was done. It was some- 
thing to have that considerable number of young men 
engaged in definite exercises week by week for all those 
years. It was more that their thoughts should be 
diverted from the backyard and street to wider interests 
and subjects attractive to military minds—the reform of 
the War Office, foreign relations, or the lessons they 
could draw from Napoleonic campaigns. One of the 
Volunteers, by nature himself Napoleonic, by destiny a 
banker’s clerk, was lying out with his company upon an 
African hillside. Being under cover for the moment, he 
was asked what he thought of active service, and replied, 
“T think it has extended our horizons.’’ A few minutes 
later the scope of his horizon was again extended, for he 
was dead. 

That is, perhaps, the best: thing to remember when 
we recall the episode of the Volunteers in our history. 
Of their military value it is impossible to judge, for it 
was never tested, and the hottest field-day is not in the 
least like war. Indeed, the only danger of the move- 
ment lay in accustoming men to think that war would 
not be very much different. But, allowing for all the 
seriousness of this danger, we may still say that for 
several hundreds of thousands the movement widened an 
horizon otherwise narrow, and when ridicule has said its 
worst, still that is something to boast of. To take the 
dear old Volunteer’s place, we are now promised “ Terri- 
torials,’’ with County Associations, converted artillery, 
168 battalions formed into 14 divisions, and one 
knows not what beside. But in burying our Volunteer, 
let us not think bitterly of the morrow. One of the 
characteristic things about the funeral is that we are 
not sure whether he is really dead, or whether, like the 
evening and the morning star, it is only his name that 
is changed, | 

April 4, 1908.] 


Unper the rush and bustle of the day, by the gaiety 
and loneliness of night, the movements of its troubled 
depths are half concealed. But it is always there. 

For just beneath the surface it flows on, like the 
under-rush of some vast river big in flood, which swirls 
and eddies and sweeps along below, but only at intervals 
reveals itself; so that its force and volume are not 
known or are misjudged by the little surface ripples 
which deceive. So, in the City of the Great Unrest, a 
mighty undercurrent seethes—beneath the onward rush 
of outward things. 

To the heaving surge and hurry of the streets, 
where vast oblivious crowds pass to and fro, to shop for 
pleasure or necessity, or just to gaze at unaccustomed 
sights, or hurry through a little social round, it adds 
the deeper, fiercer restlessness of hidden things. While 
ordered millions work and rest and sleep in smooth 
routine of regulated lives, it boils with the passion, 
jealousy, and despair of those who live wilfully or 
blindly by desire. And underneath the carelessness 
and mirth of all who dine or sup or watch the play, in 
quiet respectability or guarded ease, it surges, swollen 
with realities of love and sin and avarice and want. 

Silent, submerged, and turgid with intrigue, it 
seethes with the complexities of unbridled lives and the 
tossing destinies of those who do not live or know the 
life of home, but struggle fiercely through a swirl of 
plots and strife and robbery and fear. 

The driftwood of its flood is mad humanity. Wild, 
lawless men who do not stop to think, except to manage 
women, raise a loan, or circumvent their pressing 
creditors. | Men who still seek adventures of their 
youth, or because of their loneliness lead double lives. 
Suave, callous men, who smile and screw their eyes, 
while they listen to a woman’s tearful prayers, or threats 
of hate from creatures in their power, or gauge the 
gullibility of those they engineer acquaintance with, to 
rob. And men with bloated faces and loose mouths, 
who talk the jargon of the betting ring, and bring the 
roguery of racing tricks, and a gambler’s licence to 
guide their lives. And all the hirelings of vice and 
crime, who take their orders for shameful deeds in 
drinking bars, nor care for whom they spy or whom 
they trap, so long as they can earn the means to 

Swelling the turbid stream of men’s iniquities are 
women, loving and deceiving men; and many who obey 
from want or fear. Vain women, crazed with rivalry 
and pride, who smile with advertised integrity, and 
trade on the passions of enamoured men to pay their 
debts and help them flaunt abroad. Frail, dainty 
women, born to be caressed, who idolise some careless, 
bragging youth, or yield to a crafty blackmailer of 
town, because they fret or wither in their homes. Mad, 
reckless women, jealous for an age, who hang a leaden 
weight of fearing years, as tribute to their importunity, 
around the neck of tempted, threatened men. The 
strange, hard women, married or divorced, who never 
had or have forgotten youth, and always live in com- 
pany with men, and help them in their schemes, and 
talk their talk, and act as a hostess, accomplice, or 
decoy, at men’s enforced commands. And they who 
reach for better company, with youthful indifference to 
risk or wrong, drawn by the glamour of pleasures out 
of reach. And all the many Daughters of Despair, 
who loved an easy luxury too well, or wanted food— 
fierce, callous, cunning, passionate, and sad—who drift 
in the restless currents for a space, and sink and sink 
and finally go down—clutching and struggling and 
gasping as they go down. 

With every ache and passion and desire wherewith 
these men and women are perturbed, the eddying under- 
current’s drift is swelled; so that the busy, crowded 
outward life seems sinister with what is underneath. 
For the little flashes of its under-rush are everywhere. 

Tete ONPAPE LOW. 11 

In the more secluded places of the parks, men sit 
and fidget, frowning into space; and women, dressed to 
ruffle it in crowds, stare down an unfrequented path, 
sitting and watching and pretending not to look ; and 
hired broughams stop at distant points just long enough 
to let a man step in; and couples pace the little-trodden 
grass, talking with earnestness which shows, but does 
not see. All keep a day-time tryst not safely possible 

In the noisy reeking pack of drinking halls, sallow- 
faced evil men with cruel eyes mutter their angry warn- 
ings or commands into scared women’s faces, blotched 
with tears; or, slouching in, make signs to seated 
friends, and point with little signals of their own the 
unconscious victim of their ripening plot; or ply with 
seeming jollity and drink a circled man to make him 
easier to rob. Girls with flushed cheeks and pouting, 
childish mouths, flounce round, in imitation finery and 
paste, from group to group; and, while they laugh and 
jest, and look around with the impudent self-conscious- 
ness of youth, you seem to see the horror of their end. 
And, silencing the clatter and the buzz, rise gasping, 
bitten oaths of fighting men, or women’s choking cries, 
as suddenly with a sentence and a blow the smoulder- 
ings of a long vendetta burst; and men or women hit 
and tear or dodge. And in the lounges of the music- 
halls, heavy with scent and hot with burning lights, 
beneath the ordered crush of painted pain and the regu- 
lated boisterousness of drink, the undercurrent boils 
and rises up: in the murmured supplications of a youth, 
the corner conferences of scowling men, in avoided meet- 
ings, and quick whispered words, in altercations about 
wild happenings, or in an angry woman’s mocking smile. 

The rushing panorama of the streets teems with the 
little scenes which half disclose. Men stand as if to 
look into a shop, while they watch and track a couple 
or a man, with the furtive cunning of hired spies— 
moving with careful carelessness along the street. A 
cab draws up against a quiet kerb, and the woman 
leaning back inside sits still; and where it stops no light 
shows in the door, or, maybe, the house is empty or 
to let. A covered carriage passes quickly by, showing 
a flash of struggling within, and only the raising of the 
shuttered window breaks the cry. In all the little 
actions unexplained by the everyday routine of ordered 
lives, the undercurrent shows: in the hurry of a woman, 
late at night, who stops her cab a street away and walks, 
speeding around the corner to her home; in the fum- 
blings with an unaccustomed key of the man who checks 
the impulse to look round to see who comes along the 
silent street; in late departures from unlighted doors, 
in strange companionships, and open tears, by secret 
signals, and in looks of hate, in the visits of rich people 
to mean streets, in the vigils and the scuffles of the 

5 The mirth and brilliance of restaurants hide more 
than they disclose; save that the well-known plun- 
derers of town, suave and well-dressed, dine sumptuously 
at their ease; and jewelled women, notorious for a list 
of ruined men, sup with some careless or unconscious 
youth, or with the man who helps them to spend their 
gains. These by their presence conjure up the depths. 
And the boredom and disdain of silent pairs, the cool 
intrusion of unwelcome men, and the secret passage of 
a scribbled note, ruffle the surface of gay merriment. 
And even in the intervals of plays, the hungry watch- 
ing of a lonely man, a studied insult in the crowded 
lounge, or a woman’s start and glances of surprise, tell 
of the deeper dramas of real life. 

Thus, by an infinite variety of sudden glimpses it 
reveals itself. And the intricacies of its mysteries appal 
the mind; for only the little ripples are perceived. But 
still it winds and rushes and sweeps on in a tortuous, 
seething, hidden confluence of self-indulgence, want, 
intrigue, and crime. And with the foolish insolence of 
youth, the evil cunning of experience, and the frailty, 
the cruelty, the greed of those who battle strongly for 
a while, mingles the wreckage of those who sink. For 
in its troubled waters many drown. 



THE usual conception of the simple life is distant and 
rural. It comprises rose bowers but no green fly, apple 
alleys unvisited by the codlin moth, lawns wherein the 
plantain never appears. The blackbird flutes to us all 
day long and never turns his attention to the straw- 
berries; rabbits skip amiably and never enaw our 
choicest trees; the warm red walls whereon the peaches 
lie are unslimed by slug or snail ; the garden patch bears 
every vegetable in its season and never a troublesome 
weed. Everything grows by itself. At any rate, the 
garden is a three-hundred and sixty-five day clock which 
we have only to wind once a year, and which will run 
with happy tick while we read our poetry, pay visits, 
and generally enjoy ourselves. For we have always 
heard that the greatest of all country delights is that of 
getting back home after a week or two spent in town. 

Into this Eden of the imagination strides the well- 
informed writer and worker who calls himself “ Home 
Counties,’’ scattering thistle seeds and couch grass. At 
his nod, down come Kah-gah-gee and his black hordes 
to devour the fruit we had intended for dessert. Blight 
falls upon our garden, blistering every leaf. Wireworm 
takes it by the root, mildew in the bud, drought parches 
it, or unremitting rain turns it intoa swamp. The book 
of verses must be flung down and we must work morning, 
noon, and night if we would save a mere tenth from 
destruction. Not only that, but, as it is not given to 
us to know what and when is the right thing to be 
done, we shall often be aiding the ruin rather than 
hindering it. All the books ever printed are useless. 
The worst of them (and the most attractive and best 
advertised) are works of imagination written by jour- 
nalists. The best can only tell the novice how little 
he knows and how necessary it is for him to gain ex- 
perience before he begins to run a farm of his own. 
He cannot learn from a neighbour without paying him 
a fee to come in and give periodic advice. The simple 
life of the country, evidently, has not yet produced the 
simple soul that makes a free gospel of the good things 
learned. The assumption that it has can only be based 
on the fallacy that Nature yields her secrets for the 

This book of ‘The Townsman’s Farm ’’* contains, 
of course, a great deal of necesary truth. Too many men 
are ready to rush off to the land without properly count- 
ing the cost. Learning that a grain of wheat when 
planted will produce a thousand grains, they jump to 
the conclusion that. agriculture must be very profitable ; 
learning again that the “stupid”’ farmer is all out-of. 
date by comparison with the last word in laboratory 
science they think it quite an easy thing to take a short 
cut and get ahead of him. The very cheapness of farm 
eggs by comparison with the price at the stores, which 
ought to be a warning to them, becomes a promise of 
large profit. The optimist takes four hundred pounds 
out of Consols, where it has been yielding three per cent., 
invests it in a farm, and goes down to wait confidently 
for it to give him ten or twenty. He expects three 
hundred acres of grass land to make him a better living 
than the three or four square yards of City office-room 
by which he has hitherto done pretty well. But his 
City office has drawn tribute from the ends of the earth 
and, perhaps, actually from a hundred such farms as 
he is about to settle on. 

The simple life, as most. men imagine it, is far more 
easily attained in the town than in the country. We 
spent a week-end lately with one who asked us to “ come 
and try our simple life on the hills.”’ The simplicity of 
the life was mainly manifest in the fact that only two 
motor cars were kept at this summer residence, the staff 
of domestics only numbered six, and we did not dress for 
dinner. Needless to say, the establishment was not 
maintained from the difficult and hazardous operations 
of agriculture, but from one of those simple operations 
of industry that are carried on in the town. A man 
can make a living in town by devoting a third or so 
of the twenty-four hours to making heads for pins he is 
never to see sharpened, or by casting up daily a certain 

* Cassell & Co. 

[April 4, 1908. \ 

number of figures by the infallible and unchanging 
method of arithmetic. He gets tobacco from the Indies, 
oranges from Spain, apples from Tasmania, by the simple 
process of walking into a shop and giving in exchange 
a portion of his automatic wages. If Argentina fails 
him, India will not; if he doesn’t like the French wines 
and is a hardy experimental kind of man, he can try 
Australia. We need not go to his shop-keeper, as the 
countryman must go to Dame Nature and make provi- 
sion six months ahead for what he will require. There 
is no simplicity like this in the country. 

All very true and trite? Then why does the towns- 
man fear to go to the country lest he should become 
stupid like the countryman, and why does he flee back 
to his pin-making with the plea that the country was 
‘“so monotonous’’? He must come to look upon his 
own life as too simple and monotonous, and to sigh for 
the endless variety and mental stimulation of a country 
life before he will make an effective back-to-the-lander. 
It seems to us that the highest success can only be had 
by making entry at the foundation, whereas too many 
try to get in by the roof. He must obey Thoreau, and 
“not being in the least awed by many celebrated works 
on husbandry,’’ live simply and eat only the crop he 
raises, raise no more than he eats, and not exchange it for 
‘an insufficient quantity of more luxurious and expensive 
things.’’ An ideal to be aimed at rather than reached, 
but the right side from which to approach this problem 
of back to the land. It must, at any rate, be some time 
before we can buy a grand piano and a motor car out of 
agricultural profits. The bonanza farm must grow from 
a seed just as any oak upon it. An abundance of these 
things must be looked upon as the solace for a towns- 
man’s slavery, whereas the countryman has not the same 
need for them. 

The simple, automatic means of getting a living 
from the land does not exist. Even the feeding and 
tending of poultry is not like the incessant making of 
pin-heads, and it is one of the tenets of ‘‘ Home Coun- 
ties ’’ that a poultry farm will not pay. Neither will 
a fruit farm, nor a bee farm, nor a sheep farm, nor a 
farm without any occasion to shed blood, such as the 
humanitarian longs for. Poultry must be treated as a 
term in a system of rotation, just like clover, and as a 
link in the chain of agricultural sequence, like basic 
slag. The fruit trees will be the better for them, and 
even if the profit is not distinguishable in the egg 
account, it may be found in the fruit account. Nor 
must it be forgotten that the blossom is the counterpart 
of the bee, and that the man who keeps bees but no 
fruit, only gets one-half of the bargain, his neighbour 
securing the other. And, fight as he will, the humani- 
tarian must take in pigs or sheep or goats if he would 
make his farm pay. There is no room on a farm for 
that waste that seems to pay so well in the towns. The 
town is a wen that lives for a time by the charity of all 
the farms of the world, but every holding must be a 
microcosm of the macrocosm. 

Then in spite of the blight and the moth and the 
ravaging foe or unfaithful elements that we do not 
always bear in mind when we think of our rose bowers 
and walled gardens, we still plump for the comparatively 
self-contained and in every way excellent life of the man 
on the land. We bow to our author, who knows the 
difference between basic slag and sainfoin seed, and we 
admit that we may make something less than a financial 
success of our first crop of turnips. We fancy that we 
have heard of failures in the town, of trade vagaries 
not less destructive than hailstorms and drought. And 
the town gives us worse than failures—smooth running 
in an ever deeper and deeper groove, a deadening con- 
viction that our counting-house is the whole world, and 
that we produce somewhat by financing a wheat option 
or helping to engineer a cotton corner. This dour man 
who stands in the way and utters disparaging remarks 
about that life which “he and many others ’’ would not 
exchange for a town life, cannot deny that if we serve 
Nature faithfully she will give us a living. It is only 
those who have been spoilt by town life that expect more 
than that from our just and rather stern Mother Earth. 

April 4, 1908.] 

Present-Day Problems. 


By Str WititiamM WEDDERBURN. 

WE are now approaching a grave crisis in the develop- 
ment of Mr. Morley’s Indian constitutional reforms. 
During the last six months a vast amount of material 
has been accumulated, comprising official and non- 
official contentions and allegations, collected from the 
whole of India. How will Mr. Morley deal with this 
mass of conflicting evidence? 

Let us consider how the matter now stands. In 
his Budget speech of June, 1907, Mr. Morley adum- 
brated certain movements in advance, relating prin- 
cipally to the formation of a Council of Notables, and 
the expansion of the Legislative Councils in India, both 
Imperial and provincial. To the Government of India 
he assigned the duty of initiating a scheme to carry out 
these objects, with instructions to consult not only the 
local administrations, but also independent public 
opinion. Accordingly, the Government of India framed 
a draft scheme, which is set forth in the Simla Circular 
of August 24th, 1907, and a further report is now due 
from them to the Secretary of State, giving their 
matured recommendations, after weighing the opinions 
called forth by their Circular. Mr. Morley retains in 
his own hands the ultimate decision. That gives 
assurance as to the general principles that will be 

But the immediate question that presents itself is, 
What method and what machinery will he adopt in 
order that the momentous issues raised may be fairly 
tried and determined? The magnitude of the task will 
be self-evident to those who know how fundamentally 
the views of European officials differ, as a rule, from 
those held by independent Indian opinion. It is the 
old quarrel between the maker of the shoe and the 
wearer; the old difficulty of reconciling the self-con- 
fidence of the professional artist with the feelings of 
the sufferer whose foot refuses to fit the model shoe. I 
have now before me one of the most authoritative ex- 
pressions of independent Indian opinion. It is a 
memorial prepared by the Council of the Bombay Pre- 
sidency Association, and addressed to the Viceroy in 
Council. This memorial joins issue with the Simla 
Circular at every point, traversing the allegations of 
fact and challenging the conclusions. No one can read 
it without being impressed with its knowledge and 
reasonableness ; and we must remember that this grave 
document, with its forty-eight printed pages and 133 
solid paragraphs, is only one of the many representa- 
tions coming from every part of India. 

How are all the issues thus raised to be tried and 
determined? What course can Mr. Morley pursue 
which will satisfy the people of India that their case 
has been dealt with carefully and, above all, impar- 
tially? The only course open seems to be to refer the 
papers, with a clear and definite reference, for report 
to a Parliamentary Committee or a Royal Commission. 
The subject, embracing, as it does, constitutional re- 
forms of a far-reaching kind, is well worthy of such 
special treatment. And what is the alternative? The 
only other alternative is for the Secretary of State to 
be dependent for advice upon the members of his own 
Council. But, with every respect for the distinguished 
gentlemen who form that Council, it cannot be said 
that they occupy a position of impartiality when the 
controversy is between European official opinion on the 
one hand and independent Indian opinion on the other. 
If the procedure suggested be adopted, they would still 
have full opportunity of tendering their advice; for 
when the report of the Committee or Commission was 
received, the ultimate decision would still rest with the 
Secretary of State in Council. 

To illustrate the complexity of the issues involved, 
I will take as an example the Council of Notables, 
which is, perhaps, the simplest of the reforms adum- 
brated by Mr. Morley, and will show briefly the scheme 


suggested by the Simla Circular and the objections 
taken by the Bombay Presidency Association. The 
object of this Council, as declared by Mr. Morley, is to 
act as an interpreter between the rulers and the ruled ; 
to use his own phrase, the purpose is a double one, (1) 
to elicit independent opinion, and (2) to diffuse correct 
information as to the actions and intentions of the 
Government. In pursuance of these objects, the 
Government of India, in their opening paragraphs, 
propose to give the people of India “ wider opportuni- 
ties of expressing their views on administrative 
matters.’’ They hold that “for the present, at any 
rate, the needs and sentiments of the masses of the 
people must find expression through those, whether 
officials or non-officials, who are acquainted with their 
daily life, and are qualified to speak with authority on 
their behalf.’’ But they desire “free and close con- 
sultation,’’ and express a belief that their scheme will 
“represent a considerable advance in the direction of 
bringing all classes of the people into closer relations 
with the Government and its officers, and of increasing 
their opportunities of making known their feelings and 
wishes in respect of administrative and legislative ques- 

These be brave words. But what is the scheme 
proposed to carry out the objects thus stated? Even to 
those unacquainted with Indian affairs, the Simla 
scheme must read strangely, as the means to an end, 
Briefly stated, it is as follows:—A Council called “ The 
Imperial Advisory Council ’’ is to be formed for purely 
consultative purposes ; all the members to be appointed 
by the Viceroy; the Council to consist of about sixty 
members, including about twenty ruling chiefs and a 
suitable number of territorial magnates; the members 
to hold office for (say) five years, and to be eligible for 
reappointment; the Council to receive no legislative 
recognition, and not to be vested with formal powers of 
any sort; the Council to be purely advisory, and to deal 
only with such matters as may be specifically referred 
to it from time to time; and the proceedings ef the 
Council when called together for collective consultation 
to be, as a rule, private, informal, and confidential, 
and not to be published, although Government would 
be at liberty to make any use of them that they thought 

Such is the scheme by which the Simla authorities 
propose to give the people opportunities of making 
known their feelings and wishes. The Bombay Presi- 
dency Association has no difficulty in showing that such 
a scheme cannot possibly carry out Mr. Morley’s pur- 
pose of eliciting independent opinion. Nor does it fulfil 
the conditions set forth in the opening paragraphs of 
the Circular itself. For the aristocratic classes selected 
for the Council are not qualified to speak for the masses 
of the people; and, even if they were, the restrictive 
procedure would render them powerless as free ex- 
ponents of public opinion. The scheme is condemned 
because it provides no representation for trade, manu- 
factures, or the liberal professions. No place is found 
for the merchant princes, the captains of industry, and 
the professional men who, for half a century, have 
taken the leading part in public and municipal affairs. 
Above all, the scheme is condemned because it rests 
entirely on official nomination, excluding the element 
of election, without which the people cannot choose 
their own spokesman from among those who have the 
knowledge and independence and courage to voice effec- 
tively the needs and grievances of their poorer brethren. 

This is undoubtedly the view that will be taken 
by the British public and Parliament when the case 
comes to England for consideration. If the true feel- 
ings of the people of India are to be learnt, it must be 
through their own representatives, elected either directly 
or indirectly. How can this be best accomplished? In 
political matters the British people do not like evolving 
institutions out of their inner consciousness. Their 
favourite method of proceeding is to build upon some 
existing foundation, and to utilise whatever machinery 
is in practical operation, adapting it to the new re- 
quirements. And, fortunately, there already exists, in 
the Indian National Congress, an organisation which 



[April 4, 1908. 

was founded for the express purpose of eliciting and 
focussing the best Indian opinion, and placing it at the 
service of the Government for the benefit of the people. 
This organisation has been in practical working for the 
last twenty-three years, untiringly, loyally, and at great 
self-sacrifice, acting as the interpreter between the 
rulers and the ruled; striving, indeed, to do the very 
work which Mr. Morley desires to see done through a 
Council of Notables. Such being the case, why should 
not this machinery be now utilised? There is nothing 
alarming about it. Lord Lansdowne, when Viceroy of 
India, said that the movement which it represented was 
perfectly legitimate, and, in a letter addressed by him 
to the General Secretary of the Congress, he said: “ The 
Government of India recognise that the Congress move- 
ment is regarded as representing in India what in 
Europe would be called the more advanced Liberal 
party, as distinguished from the great body of the Con- 
servative opinion which exists side by side with it.”’ 
An institution thus defined by so unexceptionable an 
authority ought not to be outside the sympathy of Mr. 
Morley; and, so far as an advanced Liberal party is 
entitled to representation in a body intended to give 
expression to popular feelings and aspirations, to that 
extent the Indian National Congress should be allowed 
to contribute to the composition of the Council of 
Notables. If further recommendation is needed, it will 
be found in the words of the late Sir Richard Garth, 
Chief Justice of Bengal. Writing in the “ Law Maga- 
zine,’ this is how that stout old Conservative describes 
the work of the Congress leaders :— 

“T will tell you what they have done. They have dared to 
think for themselves; and not only for themselves, but for the 
millions of poor, ignorant people who compose our Indian 
Empire. They have been content to sacrifice their own interests, 
and to brave the displeasure of the Government, in order to 
lend a helping hand to those poor people. They have had the 
courage and the patriotism to denounce abuses which have dis- 

graced our Indian rule for years past; which have been con- 
demned by public opinion in India and in England, and to which 

the Indian Government appear to cling with a tenacity which | 
They have dared to propose reforms © 

seems utterly inexplicable. 
which, despite the resistance of the Government, have been 


| paratively small number who will be returned will doubt- 

approved by Parliament, and to endeavour to stay that fearful — 
amount of extravagance which has been going on in India for | 

years past, and has been the means, as some of our best and 
wisest counsellors consider, of bringing our Eastern Empire to 
the verge of bankruptcy.” 

I trust, therefore, that in framing the constitu- — 

tional reforms a real effort will be made to reach the 
springs of Indian popular feeling, and that the necessary 

inquiries will be conducted in such a way as will satisfy | 

the people of India that their case has had a careful 
and impartial hearing. 

Letters from Abroad. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Sir,—At the first glance Portuguese political 
affairs seem to be in a hopelessly chaotic condition, yet 
the position of the different parties is not so nebulous, 
and their aims are not so uncertain, that it is impossible 

less abstain from giving their adherence to any prominent 
party until they are assured that the best interests of 
the country will be served by so doing. 

In gauging the political position of the country, 
the Nationalist and Independent parties may safely be 
left out of account, for it is not anticipated that their 
influence will be found to have materially increased when 
the Cértes reassembles. The number of Independents 
returned may, of course, be slightly increased by the in- 
clusion of certain Franquists. This, however, may be 
looked upon as an augmentation of quite a temporary 
nature, for the Franquists will, sooner or later, transfer 
their support to the party which promulgates the reforms 
of which the country stands in urgent need, since that 
would simply mean carrying on the work undertaken by 
Senhor Franco, and introducing the measures advocated 
by him. With these eliminations, therefore, we are 
left with four parties, the Progressives, Regenerators, 
Dissidents, and Republicans, and it is upon these that 
interest will centre itself at the forthcoming elections. 
What then, are the aims of these parties, and what in- 
fluence are they likely to have upon the future of the 
country ? 

We will deal with the Progressives and Regenerators 
together, for, although nominally political opponents, 
their attitude towards one another under the old régime 
was such as to earn for them the combined name of 
“ Rotativists,’’ and they were looked upon as (and, in- 
deed, were, to all intents and purposes) one party. It 
is not necessary to go into the antecedents of the Pro- 
gressives and Regenerators; their policy of intrigue and 
peculation is now too well known to require repetition. 
Suffice it to say that they were directly responsible for 
the grave political crisis which forced the late king to 
adopt drastic measures to save his country from revolu- 
tion and ruin, and to initiate reforms, the furtherance of 
which cost him his life. To the Progressives and Re- 
generators must be credited, if not the introduction, at 
least the perfection of the system which permitted all 
manner of abuses in connection with election returns. 
For years, owing to the enormous percentage of 
illiterates in the country, they regulated each other’s en- 
trances and exits with a suavity of procedure which was 
amazing, and in this manner effectively checked the 
growth of a true popular participation in the conduct of 
national affairs. Had Senhor Franco remained in office 
until the elections, it is safe to say that a proper system 
of representation would have been introduced. He saw 
the necessity for sweeping reforms in this direction, for 
he realised that the people would never grasp the signifi- 
cance of the elections so long as a discredited polling 
system was tolerated, and that under such a system they 
could not be expected to take a healthy interest in the 

_ administration of the country. Senhor Franco’s influ- 

reasonably to prognosticate their probable attitude to- — 

wards, and influence upon, the future administration of 
the country. 

First of all, what are the political parties in Por- | fortunately, their attitude of implacable hostility to the 

tugal? The old Chamber of Deputies, before it was 
dissolved by Senhor Franco, consisted of forty-four Pro- 
gressives, twenty-three Regenerators, three Dissidents, 
four Republicans, one Nationalist, five Independents, 
and fifty-four Franquists. One of these parties will, of 
course, not appear, in name at all events, in the new 
Cortes, viz., the Franquists. 
the followers of the late Dictator will 
political life, and of those who still wish actively to 
participate in national affairs, the majority of the com- 

It is said that many of | 
retire from | 

ence has, however, been removed, and the engineering of 
returns will again take place, although in all probability 
to a lesser degree than before, since the inhabitants of 
the towns are beginning to realise their responsibilities 
as citizens. Now the Progressives and Regenerators, in 
spite of their unsavoury record, are still immensely 
powerful in the country districts among the impression- 
able peasantry, and it is fairly certain that either one 
party or the other will again be placed in power. The 
question, therefore, arises, will they perpetuate their old 
policy, and, by peculation and culpable mismanagement, 
hurry the country to her doom; or has two years’ en- 
forced abstention from politics brought home to them 
the necessity for clean and efficient Government? Un- 

_ much-needed reforms introduced under the Dictatorial 
_ régime, nay, their undisguised abhorrence of reforms of 

any description, does not augur well for the administra- 

tion of affairs once they again resume control. 

What, then, is to save the country from a repetition 

_ of the abuses which characterised the Government of the 

| posed towards one another as they formerly were. 

Progressives and Regenerators when they were previously 
in power? In the first place, there is every reason to 
believe that these two parties are not so amicably dis- 

April 4, 1908.] TH 

exposure of the scandalous proceedings in connection 
with the renewal of the Tobacco Monopoly in 1905 sup- 
plied the country with a concrete instance of their 
machinations ; they were for once driven into a corner, 
and when the public eye was focussed upon them in 
their unenviable position they wriggled and squirmed and 
finally indulged in mutual recriminations. The partial 
estrangement which then took place is still apparent to 
some extent; indeed, they have quite recently been 
squabbling over the appointment of Civil Governors for 
the various cities and districts. This, in itself, is a 
distinctly healthy sign, for, although when combined 
they are strong, as separate units they are comparatively 
weak. But a much more important factor than the 
disintegration of the “ Rotativists ’’ is the fact that it is 
confidently anticipated that the next elections will, for 
probably the first time in the history of Portuguese 
politics, reveal the existence of a really important opposi- 
tion in the shape of the Dissidents, Republicans, and the 
supporters of the late Dictator. 

As to the Franquists, little need be added to what 
has already been said about them. There is a strong 
possibility, of course, that the action of the new Govern- 
ment may drive them, at no distant date, to join forces 
with either the Dissidents or Republicans. 

The Dissidents have taken a stand midway between 
Monarchical and Republican forms of Government. They 
are willing to support the Monarchy so long as true 
democratic principles are observed, and their leader, 
Senhor José d’Alpoim (who has been described as a 
Portuguese Clémenceau) has given solemn warning that 
should the old discredited system be reverted to, he and 
his party will throw in their lot with the Republicans. 
Senhor d’Alpoim is a man of great tenacity of purpose, 
a strenuous fighter, and possessed of unbounded ambition. 
He has, it is stated, a large following, and his party will, 
without doubt, loom very prominently in future political 

The rapid spread of Republicanism during recent 
months would be cause for some alarm were it not for the 
fact that the average Portuguese, when he says he is a 
Republican, simply means that he advocates an efficient 
form of democratic government. At present he cannot 
realise that the political abuses from which his country 
has suffered could, and probably would, have occurred 
even if a President had been at the head of affairs. He, 
naturally, perhaps, persists in associating misgovernment 
and corruption with the Monarchy, and cannot conceive 
that anything short of a Republic can possibly cope with 
the existing evils. Given sound government, however, 
and the Portuguese Republican has nearly all that he is 
asking for. It is not at all improbable, therefore, that, 
having secured what he desires, he may relinquish the 
name with which he is just now enamoured, and will 
support the dynasty. He is not at present militant, but 
he may prove so if in future the policy of the last decade 
or two is pursued. There is still time to come to terms 
with him, but this is assuredly the last opportunity, 
and if it is not taken he will, in all likelihood, adopt an 
intransigent attitude. Be this as it may, however, the 
fact remains that the Republicans, with their watchword 
of purity of elections, and clean and just administration, 
will help to introduce a healthy tone into the delibera- 
tions of the next Cortes, for they will, without doubt, 
be ever on the gui vive to strike a blow at any attempt 
to revive the old system with its attendant abuses. 

From all indications, therefore, to-morrow’s elec- 
tions will supply a long-felt want, viz., a strong opposi- 
tion. From the lack of this element, Governments in 
the past have almost invariably become effete. Further- 
more, a political interest has been aroused in the country 
which should prove an effective bar against the intro- 
duction of abuses in the future. Under these circum- 
stances, it is safe to assume that Portugal is entering 
upon an era of prosperity—for the hopeful signs for 
efficient government can mean nothing else—during 
which she should again assume her proper place among 
the nations of the world.—Yours, &c., 

April 4th, 1908. An Otp REsIDENT. 




Che Drama. 


THE more intelligent play-going public have, I think, 
a very real quarrel with the dramatic critics, in that 
they so often write of stage-work without giving a 
definite impression of its value. Much of this disguise 
of feeling and language is, I am afraid, part of the 
general relationship between theatres and newspapers. 
Put quite simply, that relationship is commercial. 
The theatres are profitable sources of advertisement. 

Their directors naturally consider that, in re- 
turn for filling one or two columns a day of 
the most remunerative sheets of our leading 
daily journals, they are entitled to have their 

wares praised and recommended. This is, no doubt, a 
sous-entendu, and no bargain is made or suggested. But 
the fact that more than one affront has been put on 
distinguished writers on the stage because they chose 
to exercise their critical faculties on certain plays and 
playwrights is proof of the existence of a_ tradition 
against the freedom of the Press in one of the most 
interesting of its functions. This hostile force makes 
itself felt in many ways. It is a very rare thing for a 
critic to say, plainly and bluntly, that a play is worth- 
less or silly, and its production devoid of merit; in 
other words, that the public ought to stay away from it. 
Even a writer of so much knowledge and of so fastidious 
a sensibility as, say, Mr. Walkley, throws an ironical veil 
over his writing, so that, while the instructed reader 
can see what he means, the average man and woman 
may well conceive him to be a much warmer friend of 
our theatrical system than he really is. Indeed, quite 
apart from this tradition of friendliness, so much 
modern English drama is bad that writers of insight, 
who recognise this fact, are drawn into adapting their 
style to it. There being no recognised standards of 
dramatic art, the tolerable, the well-meant, the half- 
baked, get much more than their due. Finally, the 
commercial drama is so deeply rooted on our stage, and 
has so firmly established its divorce from life and feel- 
ing, that it has set up a general acceptance of its aims 
and methods. The public look for nothing serious, 
and require the critics to speak the language concern- 
ing it which they understand. But such a basis for any 
form of literature is rotten. The commercial drama 
gets worse and worse. It passes into more and more 
vicious forms, and the critics, having given away their 
power at the start, cannot stay or control its decline. 
For these reasons I was not surprised to find that 
the programme of the “ Grand Guignol ’’ at the Shaftes- 
bury was described in many newspapers as furnishing a 
new kind of “ thrill’ in succession to the genuine sen- 
sation which the advent of the Sicilian players brought 
us. It ought to be needless to say that the two dramatic 
events have no kind of connection. The art of the 
Sicilians was fresh and daring, that of the players in the 
“ Grand Guignol’’ is as conventional as a Drury Lane 
melodrama. It has nothing puppet-like about it ; prob- 
ably it would achieve a more distinct effect in a small 
theatre than in a large one; but its only distinction is 
that it deals with slighter material than the average 
play, with dramatic sketches or stories leading sharply 
up to some crudely conceived piece of stage realism. In 
this latter device is supposed to lie the capacity for 
“thrilling.’’ But I was not thrilled. So far as I could 
see, nobody in the theatre was thrilled. Now and then 
there was a chorus of the half-shocked, half-delighted 
“ Ohs ’? with which French people greet a somewhat ad- 
venturous jest. But, as a rule, the jests were not adven- 
turous, and were only not quite so tame as the “ thrills.’’ 
These all failed for a variety of reasons. Great literature 
can thrill you, and so can great acting. Iam thrilled as 
I see Romeo hanging over Juliet’s lips and vowing that 
“death’s pale flag is not advancéd there,’’ because the 
words themselves are beautiful, and because, too, I know 
that death will soon seize that lovely prey. | 
was thrilled (and shudder now at the recollection) 
as the first blaze of jealousy was kindled in 


Othello’s eyes, and flashed through his quivering 
body, for the player was Salvini. I am thrilled by 
the scene in “ The Silver King ’’ where, by an ingenious 
and impressive stage artifice, an unfortunate man is made 
to think himself guilty of a murder he has not com- 
mitted. But the Shaftesbury “ thrills’ are at once too 
gross and too tame. The acting, now and then in- 
genious, is not remarkable, and the appeal of the plays is 
neither moral, nor intellectual, nor wsthetic. Thus the 
discovery of the lady walled-up in the sculptor’s studio 
failed, first, because we all knew that there would be 
such a lady; secondly, because we knew nothing about 
her, and cared as little ; thirdly, because when she was re- 
vealed she looked like a dressmaker’s model in a shop 
window, and could not have been made to look more like 
@ corpse without provoking, not, indeed, a “ thrill,’’ but 
disgust. The attack of hydrophobia which seizes the 
young lighthouseman, and his attempt to “worry ’’ his 
father, produced no thrill because it was foreseen, because 
the details lacked plausibility, because, again, no moral 
interest had been aroused. ‘The hanging of the cheating 
banker in his own office by the three rogues he had be- 
trayed in his youth might have suggested such an interest 
if a more vigorous and truthful hand had been at work 
on it. But this element was lacking. There were too 
many false touches. There had been no adequate pre- 
paration of the audience, no development of the idea, and 
only old, faded material had been used. A street fight 
or accident would have been incomparably more interest- 
ing, for it would have awakened a train of elemental 
feelings—pity, anger, fear, sympathy, horror. The 
catastrophes of the short plays of the “ Grand Guignol ”’ 
stimulated no such sentiments, for at no moment in the 
action did they yield the effect of illusion, and set at 
work that sympathetic relationship between play and 
audience which alone produces emotion. 

Yet there is no reason why the short dramatic piece 
should not have as real a vogue as the short story. I 
have seen M. Antoine and his company play “ Boule 
de Suif,’’ one of the most famous of short stories, with 
surprising effect, even though they expanded it beyond 
the rigorous limits of Maupassant’s art. Even merely 
horrible things like the walling up of a corpse may, in 
the hands of the artist, yield its “ thrill’; for have we 
not the example of “ The Cask of Amontillado?’’ Pos- 
sibly Poe’s story would not bear any form of transforma- 
tion into drama. But there should be an opening for 
the simpler effects of the short story—such as irony, an 
especially pitiful episode in life, like the theme of 
the “ Convict on the Hearth,’’ a vivid and significant 
relationship of characters of whom just enough is said 
to stir our interest, or (in lighter vein) a stroke of 
playful satire, like “A Pantomime Rehearsal.’’ Such 
artistry is well within the compass of eur modern 
workers, who excel in the minor key. But few hints 
of this kind of talent reach the stage, and, meanwhile, 
we are led away on false scents such as the performances 
of the “ Grand Guignol’’ supply. We should not be 
deceived by them, even when they come from Paris, if 
the Press were really watchdogs of the drama, or, 
perhaps, I should say, if the watchdogs were occasion- 
ally let off the chain. 

H. W. M. 
et eg 


Fo the Pditor of THE NATION. 

“What we understand to be the sentiment of the country, 
and what we ourselves as a matter of feeling are disposed to 
defer to, and to share in, is that under our present financial 
arrangements the Income-tax bears, on the whole, too hard 
upon intelligence and skill, and not hard enough upon property 
as compared with intelligence and skill.”"—@ladstone Budget 
Speech, 1853. 

Siz,—When there is war there is the devil to pay, and 
the poor income-taxpayer believes that he is called upon to 
foot the Bill. We shall see. First let us try to appreciate 
the grievance which one class of income-taxpayers have to 
bear as against their fellow taxpayers. The present Chan- 

[April 4, 1908. 

cellor of the Exchequer, by his scheme for the differentiation 
of the income-tax as between earned and unearned incomes, 
has gone far to meet the inequalities referred to by Mr. 

The Budget proposal of last year provided that earned 
incomes of £2,000 a year and under should enjoy an abate- 
ment of dd. per £ from the nominal 1s. rate at present in 
operation. The inequality, great as it was in 1853, had be- 
come intensified year by year as the proportion paid by pro- 
perty and trade respectively had been reversed. In 1853 
the income-tax derived from the assessment of lands and 
houses under schedule A produced £2,400,000 out of a total 
tax of £5,600,000, or 42 per cent. of the whole. 

The tax on incomes from trades and professions under 
schedule D produced £1,200,000, or 21 per cent. of the total 
produce of income-tax. For the year 1906 the produce of 
the tax under schedule A had increased to £7,876,290, or 25 
per cent. of the whole, as compared with £2,400,000, which 
in 1853 was 42 per cent. of the whole tax. The great strides 
which the country has made in trade and commerce has put 
this increase into the shade. 

The produce of the income-tax under schedule D which 
amounted in 1853 to £1,200,000, equal to 21 per cent. of 
the tax, had risen in 1906 to £18,767,448, or 594 per cent. 
of the total of £31,601,237, the net produce of the income- 
tax for that year, which compares with £5,600,000 in 1853. 

Keeping in view the adjustment made by the Budget 
proposals of last year, we may still ask, ‘‘ Does the present 
system deal fairly by the income-taxpayer, having regard to 
the source of his income and its amount?” 

There is also the further question, “Do the income- 
taxpayers contribute too large a share to the general taxa- 
tion of the country?” 

It may be confidently asserted that at least one of Adam 
Smith’s well-known canons of taxation—ability to pay—is 
grossly violated under the present method. We are, how- 
ever, moving steadily on, step by step, to a more equitable 

There were three definite steps necessary in consequence 
of our haphazard method of progress. Two of these have 
already been taken without much reference to the third 
step, or to each other—abatement, differentiation, gradua- 
tion. An unconscious evolution towards perfection, so far 
as that can be attained, in any scheme of taxation. 

A limited system of graduation by abatement was in 
operation prior to the passing of the scheme for differentia- 
tion, which in effect graduated the tax on all incomes 
liable to tax up to £700 a year. With the income-tax at 1s. 
in the £ the effect of the abatement allowed resulted in a 
graduated tax ranging from a little less than 1}d. in the £ 
on an income of £180, to 103d. per £ on an income of £700 
per annum. All incomes over £700 a year paid the full 
rate of 1s. in the pound. 

The Asquith Act of 1907 extended the abatement system 
to earned incomes up to £2,000 a year. Earned incomes 
between £700 a year and £2,000 paying 9d. per £ so long 
as the nominal rate remains at 1s. in the £. Earned 
incomes under £700 receive this rebate of 3d. per §&, in 
addition to the abatements as formerly given. 

But it will be conceded that it is rather hard on 
the possessor of an income from unearned sources amounting, 
say, to £750 a year, that he should pay the full rate of 
1s. per £, while the successful merchant with £2,000 a 
year only pays a ninepenny rate. On the other hand, the 
merchant earning £750 a year feels it a hardship that he 
should be called upon to pay the same rate as his more 
prosperous neighbour who is making his £2,000 a year. 

The incidence of the tax must bear more heavily and 
most inequitably on the smaller trader. The great objection 
hitherto urged against a scheme of graduation is that the 
rich man would be required to declare the amount of his 
income from all sources. Why shouldn’t he? This same 
personal declaration is already made annually by 65 per 
cent. of the income-taxpayers—those who claimed abate- 
ment on incomes of £700 a year and under. 

The new scheme of differentiation will largely increase 
this percentage, as all persons with earned incomes of £2,000 
a year and under must make a similar declaration before 
they can get the benefit of the ninepenny rate. 

The last entrenchment of the anti-graduationists has 
already been stormed by a flank movement. 

April 4, 1908.] 

There is no serious obstacle in the path ot the Chancellor 
of the Exchequer if he desires to take a forward move. It 
is to be hoped that he will complete the good work he 
has begun by putting into speedy operation a system of 
complete graduation of the income-tax. 

Who pays the tax? According to official figures given by 
Sir Henry Primrose before the Income-tax Committee, 
1,100,000 persons pay income-tax. He estimated the income 
on which tax was payable by individuals at £678,000,000. 
This he divided into three classes. Incomes of £700 a year and 
under, £250,000,000. Incomes from £700 a year to £5,000, 
amounting to £307,000,000; and incomes of £5,000 a year 
and over, £121,000,000. Of this total 800,000 persons take 
£250,000,000, the remaining 300,000 persons appropriating 
£428,000,000. These figures only show income assessed 
after deductions. The gross income which comes under the 
the review of the Inland Revenue Department is much 
larger, and amounted in 1906 to £925,184,556. 

This is the important factor which will help us to answer 
the second query: Does the income-taxpayer contribute more 
than his fair share of taxation? The old plea that the 
income-tax is a war tax has been discarded. 

It is now universally accepted as part of the permanent 
sources of revenue. 

A shilling income-tax is mournfully looked upon as 
justifiable only in time of war. 

To the great bulk of the income-taxpayers, as we have 
shown, this is only a nominal rate. 

The total tax revenue paid into the Exchequer amounted 
in 1906-7 to £119,830,000, of which sum the income-taxpayer 
contributed £31,600,000., In this is, of course, included his 
contribution for interest payable on war debt, and his share 
to the Sinking Fund payment for its ultimate redemption. 

If we take the pre-war period we find that the total tax 
revenue paid into the Exchequer for the year 1898-9 
amounted to £89,450,000, to which the income-taxpayer con- 
tributed £18,274,315. So that take the total increase of 
30 millions in the revenue from taxes, the income-taxpayer 
only pays 13 millions, leaving 17 millions to be paid from 
other taxes. 

Extra taxes were imposed for the war. 
in 1903 £18,107,000 additional from 
£15,132,000 from other taxes. 

If we deduct the coal tax, as being a kind of hybrid tax, 
the latter figure would stand at £13,230,000. 

The proportion of war taxes remitted have been in favour 
of the income-taxpayer, who has been relieved to the extent 
of £8,750,000 per annum, as against a reduction in the 
other taxes of £3,400,000 on tea and corn. We have ex- 
cluded from this comparison the additional 2d. per lb. on 
tea, put on by Mr. Austen Chamberlain in 1904, to provide 
for ordinary expenditure, and remitted by him in the fol- 
lowing year. 

Instead of bearing the brunt of the war taxation, the 
income-taxpayer is only paying one-half of the extra taxa- 
tion, viz., £10,524,300; the other taxes still contributing 
11 millions a year. All things considered, the income-tax- 
payer has come out of the war business fairly well. 

Can he afford to pay the increased tax which still 
remains? Could the larger incomes even bear a higher rate 
than one shilling? 

The figures already given help us to an answer. The 
growth of that part of the national income which comes 
under review of the Inland Revenue Department affords 
still more striking proof of ability to pay. 

This part of the national income has increased from 
£704,740,000 in 1896-7 to £925,184,000 in 1905-6—an in- 
crease of 220 millions sterling in nine years, or equal to 
an increase of 31 per cent. 

It is calculated that this 925 millions of income is en- 
_joyed by five millions of people, the other half of the national 
income, amounting to some 850 millions, falling to be dis- 
tributed among no less than 38 millions of people. 

This gives an average per head for the income-taxpayer 
of £185, or, say, £740 per family, as against £22 7s. 4d. per 
head, or £90 per family, for the other class. Who is best 
able to pay taxes? Can anyone maintain that this division 
of income justifies our present apportionment of the burden 
of taxation. 

We have shown that that part of the national income 
which pays income-tax has made the startling increase of 

These produced 
income-tax, and 


220 millions in nine years. These are interesting years, and 
show the effect of war on trade in significant phases. 

The first three years—years of peace—show steady and 
marvellous progress, and an annual increase of 29 millions 
a year to the national income. 

Then comes war, and for two years we have a great boom ; 
the annual increase in income shoots up to 414 millions and 
334 millions respectively. The year following the close of 
the war the increase drops to 125 millions; while the last 
three years show an average increase of 15 millions a year. 

We may derive more than one lesson from these figures. 
They are also a justification of the principle of differentia- 
tion. They clearly demonstrate that the incomes which 
suffered were the trade incomes. Income from property was 
hardly affected. This may seem strange, keeping in view 
the great slump in gilt-edge securities. The increase under 
schedule A, income from lands and houses for the period 
under review, amounted to £44,750,000. The increase under 
schedule D, trades and _ professions, amounted to 
£131,565,000. For the five years before the war affected the 
annual returns the increase under lands and houses for the 
five years amounted to 24 millions. But trade and profes- 
sion incomes showed an increase for the same period of 110 
millions. The succeeding four years to 1906 tell a very 
different tale, the increase under lands and houses equal- 
ling the increase from trades and professions, the figures 
under each head being £20,716,000 and £20,932,000 respec- 
tively. So does trade pay for war. 

The income-tax was originally imposed, and was for 
long considered specially applicable for war purposes. There 
was much to be said for this view. The idea is capable 
of still further development. 

It may fairly be argued that the maintenance of the 
fighting services, our national insurance against war, should 
be a first charge on the income-taxpaying classes: Industry 
has been relieved under differentiation, and the burden will 
therefore fall more heavily on property. 

It is well that all classes should bear their share in 
the burden of war, so that all may fully realise the awful 
responsibility which it involves. Taxation, after all, is the 
best guarantee of peace. Having said that, it is none the 
less true that there is no part of the national expenditure 
which can more fitly be provided for on the principle 
of ability to pay than our nayal and military services.— 
Yours, &c., Grorce McCrar. 

House of Commons, March 3lst, 1908. 

Letters to the Editor. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Siz,—Nothing could more clearly emphasise the con- 
tention I submitted to you last week than the article this 
week on the above subject by “J. A. H.’’ Discussing “a 
tariff as a cure for unemployment,” by reference to the im- 
portation of motor-cars, he offers two arguments against the 
Protectionist fallacy, one for the armchair and the other 
for the platform. The argument for the intelligent person 
reading at leisure is that, because of the higher prices result- 
ing from the tariff, the same money will buy fewer cars. 
The additional expenditure, therefore, may not cause any 
greater demand for the labour of home production, and if 
more money is spent it means less spent on other commodi- 
ties. “The net quantity of employment is the same as 
before, but the amount of commodities it turns out is some- 
what reduced.” 

The argument “for the platform or short leaflet ’’ is 
that the drawing of more money into the buying of home- 
made motor-cars by the imposition of a tariff must result in 
tariffs for other trades, and thus stop the desired diversion 
to that trade. “In other words, the whole plausibility of 
the Protectionist claim can be shown to rest upon the sup- 
position that the motor-car trade is to be allowed to injure 
other trades in the country with impunity.”’ 

Now I know something of arguing pure economics with 
popular audiences, but I should not venture to face a popu- 
lar audience with arguments so weak as either of these two. 
An audience to whom Protectionist arguments appeal is not 
to be turned from its purpose by the consideration that it 


is asking for a selfish and unfair favour. There is nothing 
more selfish in this consideration than there is in a section 
of the community asking to have employment found at the 
cost of the remainder of the community by the spending of 
rates and taxes on unemployment schemes. 

The more elaborate argument is capable of being 
strengthened by a line “J. A. H.’’ suggests and then drops. 
For to attain the same quantity of employment with a tariff 
as without, it is necessary to shut out all the foreign-made 
cars, and that means not only more unemployment abroad, 
but also that the goods which would have gone to pay for 
those cars are not required. By bringing that argument 
forward to buttress the other it can be shown that tariff must 
result in absolute loss of employment. 

The true argument, however, is that the tariff raising 
the price of the commodity must inevitably reduce the 
demand for it, and must consequently reduce the demand 
for the labour of making it and the price of that labour. 
It is not true, or reasonable to expect, as “J. A. H.”’ sug- 
gests, that more money would be devoted to purchasing the 
commodity because the price is raised. A reduction in 
price so increases demand that a larger total of money is 
obtained as the result of the production. That is why the 
reduction is made. It would be absurd to make the reduc- 
tion otherwise. The forcibly raised price must therefore 
have the effect of reducing the total of the money expended. 
If more money could be got the manufacturers would get it 
without State aid. 

If we assume that the same money would be spent at the 
higher prices, it still means that it is for a smaller quantity 
of product, and the demand for labour falls off. The addi- 
tional money goes into the pockets of the manufacturer, not 
into those of the employee. But since the demand, as 
measured in money, actually falls off, even the manufac- 
turers in the aggregate do not gain. The weaker ones lose 
and fail. The others take larger profits not because of 
higher prices obtained for the commodity—the prices must 
fall by lack of demand—but because the smaller quantity 
produced, as well as the lack of demand for labour in the 
trades engaged in export, reduces prices of labour. The 
Protectionist policy that follows the imposition of tariffs 
in one trade also makes the maintenance of labourers more 
costly. That means they offer their labour more keenly, 
being in greater want. It hits labourers every time. 

Once grasp this argument, and a speaker can answer 
Tariff Reformers all night without losing a point. The 
foreigner becomes a blessing, because by his competition 
he keeps the manufacturers from charging too much, or giv- 
ing an inferior article, and thus killing the demand. It 
can still take in the fact that the foreigner is paid with 
goods produced in this country, and therefore himself re- 
places all the demand of which he deprives us. And there 
may be added the contention that Protection for one trade 
involves Protection in others, and therefore dearer com- 
modities for labourers. Moreover, it is an argument that 
can be used to the manufacturers themselves, who know that 
small reliable profits are better than the irregularity and 
the periods of loss caused by sudden and enormous falling 
off of trade which happens in protected countries. 

But it is a weapon which the present-day “ orthodox ”’ 
Free Trader dare not use, because it cuts deeper than he 
wants to go. The Liberal Party must, however, make up 
its mind to it. If the consumer of bread is not to have 
the price raised, why should the occupier of a house have 
the cost of his shelter raised by taxation, or the consumer 
of home-made objects have to pay taxes on the use of land 
for their production, while there is no tax so long as the 
land is unoccupied and unused ? 

Mr. Outhwaite utters a word of warning about small 
holdings. There are other aspects of that question, which 
I remember his discussing in another journal. But he 
will be driven further than he goes at present, if the Liberal 
Party are content to believe they can maintain Free Trade 
by asking the people to take wide views and forget their 
starvation. There must be a remedy, or the people will ask 
why, and try those who promise even a delusive one. And 
the remedy is not more State interference by Socialism or 
Tariff Reform. It is further progress towards freedom, in 
the way of just taxation and sound public finance.—Yours, 
&e., F. U. Laycock. 

Sheffield, March 28th, 1908. 

[April 4, 1908. — 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Str,—I am glad that an economist of the standing of 
“J. A. H.” has pointed out what the average Free Trade- 
lecturer will not admit, that a loss to the manufacturer of 
British goods now exported need not result from a tariff on 
foreign motor-cars. But I cannot agree with the substi- 
tution of argument based on the supposition that “ British 
prices throughout the trade must rise.” The Tariff 
Reformer can surely fairly reply to this that, though there 
may be a temporary rise of prices caused by the sudden 
dislocation, the increased demand for British cars will bring 
in fresh capital, and in time prices will fall to the old level. 

It seems to me that the safest line of argument is to 
admit that a tax on foreign motor-cars might help unem- 
ployment; but that it is not practical politics to tax motors 
without at the same time taxing hops and butter, steel 
billets and cement. 

The trouble with Protection is not the principle but its 
application in a state of society where reliable statistics are 
not available to show exactly what goods and in what quan- 
tities can be as cheaply made at home as imported, where 
the personal ownership of land prevents the would-be pro- 
ducer from obtaining access to his raw material, and where 
transport facilities are not directed solely to bringing manu- 
factures to market at the lowest cost.—Yours, &c., 


Battler’s Green, Watford, Herts, 

March 30th, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Sr1z,—I question whether all the efforts of the female 
Suffragists carried more than a very small weight in the | 
scale at the recent bye-elections. Every interest, of course, 
that can do so tries to magnify its power, and it is not easy 
to get at the truth. The dictum, “ Taxation without repre- | 
sentation is tyranny,’ is apposite as regards Adult Suffrage; 
in respect of Female Suffrage it is meaningless ; all who pay 
their way are taxed, and the poorest the heaviest in pro- 

The Liberal Party is unfortunate in having two com- 
paratively hostile wings, and any measure that pleases the 
one is likely to offend the other. Personally, I consider 
myself a Radical stalwart. I would not vote under any 
circumstances for a Tory, but, had I had a vote at Peckham, 
I would not have recorded it at all. The Government could 
easily smash the power of the brewery companies and carry 
all political parties enthusiastically along with them were 
they not dominated by people who want to close the public- 
houses altogether, or, at the very least, all day on Sunday. 
Let them drop the present Bill and introduce a measure 
fixing a time limit after which all licences must be paid for 
at full monopoly value, such price to go to the State or 
municipality. The limit should be a long one for old 
licences; even fifty years would be a great benefit to the 
State, although I would not suggest more than thirty. 
Liberals must remember that if not returned to power after 
the next General Election it may be quite fourteen years 
before they get another chance to deal with the subject at all. 

But what would enthuse everybody and destroy the | 
illegitimate power of the brewers would be to enact that 
after a given time —seven years, I think, would meet the 
case—brewery companies or brewers must sell their houses, 
and only owners who lived on their premises and managed 
them would be licensed. They might sweep the country 
with a measure of this kind, which would destroy the tied- 
house system, especially if the Bill contained the extra con- 
dition that no brewer or brewery company might lend 
money on licensed premises. 

They could also make regulations as to the hours of the 
publicans’ servants. But—well, dash Mr. Stiggins. He is 
really the cause of all the trouble.—Yours, &c., 

A. J. Maxrriort. 

249, Ladbroke Grove, Notting Hill. 

Lo the Editor of THE NATION. 
Sir,—You make a very mild remark in your “ Diary of 

the Week” on the above. 

No language can be too strong to condemn 
the unmitigated selfishness of those women, who, unless 

April 4, 1908.] 

‘they are in a state of the most crass ignorance, must know 
some little of what the drink traffic is doing, yet, utterly 
regardless of consequences, help the tied-house owners to 
maintain its power. 

I have been for many years in favour of giving votes 
both to single and married women (although I feel that at 
least three-fourths of them would vote for the Tories), yet 
if those who boast of the mischief they did at Peckham are 
a sample of the sort whe would have a part in the govern- 
ment of the nation, I fervently say, “May the country we 
love be eternally preserved from so dire an affliction !’’— 
Yours, &c., J. MARSHALL STURGE. 

Charlbury, March 31st, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Sin,—The argument against Tariff Reform, published in 
the current number of Tue Natron, takes no account of the 
fact that motor cars are in nine cases out of ten a luxury. 
They are bought by persons who do not need to economise 
because of them. These are the persons, in this country a 
very large class, who have always a reserve of wealth to be 
spent on any new commodity that takes their fancy. Thus 
“J. A. H.’s” elaborate theory is built upon a crumbling 
foundation. A duty on imported cars would stimulate the 
manufacture of and trade in British cars; even if the price 
of these rose slightly for a time, there would be no slackening 
in the current demand for cars; and practically the whole 
of that part of the British luxury-fund, which is now spent 
on French cars, would be spent on British cars. 

Please do not put an editorial foot-note saying: What 
then? If we reduce our imports from France we must also 
reduce our exports to France, or to some other place?”’ 
That would merely be starting another hare, which I should 
be sorry to hunt to the death in a Liberal pasture-land. 

The fact, Sir, is that I am becoming most uneasily 
sceptical of the fine show of reasoning with which certain 
Liberal propositions are being urged. I will not harrow 
your feelings by looking into the defences of the Education 
Bill, the Scottish Land Bill, and the Licensing Bill. All 
I ask is that we should draw from recent experience a warn- 
ing as to Tariff Reform. It seems to have become inevitable. 
There are signs that the Cabinet have secretly come to 
perceive this, and that they would not be ill-pleased if a 
General Election resulting in the return of the Unionists 
and the institution of Tariff Reform gave Liberalism a fresh 
future, with ampler financial resources.—Yours, &c., 

Constant READER. 

Aberfeldy, March 30th, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

$rme,—Your recent correspondent, “An Irish Liberal,”’ 
has evidently never lived in England nor mingled much with 
English Liberals, or else he should have discovered that 
Ireland is no longer “a subject of intense interest to them,” 
but has become, as your leader writer pointed out 
recently, an object of indifference, and a source of bore- 
dom not only in the House of Commons, but to the whole 
people of England, who are beginning to realise that they, 
toe, have national questions. 

“An Irish Liberal” gives as one of the reasons a 
Liberal Administration in Ireland is always at a disad- 
vantage, the assertion that there is no Liberal Party in 
Ireland. There is a Liberal Party in Ireland, but, like 
many other things there, it is of exotic growth, and of 
little use in the practical politics of the country. This 
was shown pretty clearly over Mr. Gladstone’s Home Rule 
Bill, when practically all the Irish Liberals declared them- 
selves Unionists, and therefore in favour of coercive govern- 
ment in Ireland. 

The true line of cleavage in Irish politics lies between 
Nationalism and anti-Nationalism. An Irishman must 
belong to either of these camps. But if to-morrow Eng- 
land cleared Ireland of her soldiers and officials, I believe 
both these parties would quickly settle down to developing 
the neglected resources of the country, and in a short time 
make Ireland worthy to be called a nation, instead of a 
source of irritation and embarrassment to all connected 
with her. 


The questions that interest Ireland are not and cannot 
be the same as those that interest England. For instance, 
no election in Ireland could be fought on the English issue 
of Free Trade versus Tariff Reform. It is quite natural, 
therefore, that the Irish should hold views utterly at vari- 
ance with those of the English Liberal Party. 

The younger Irishmen who are “ seeking to break away 
from the traditions of the past,’ will, I hope, become “ help- 
ful allies’? of their own country, not hangers-on of any 
English political party, which is your correspondent’s 
strange ambition for them. Those movements on the Con- 
tinent which, he says, are attracting attention in “ Dublin 
and the larger provincial towns’’—he might have added 
“the country,” too—are something more than “ Liberal 
movements.”? The movement in Hungary is national, in 
Russia it is revolutionary, in Germany it is economic; 
there is no need for anyone to explain Ireland’s interest in 
all these movements. 

“ An Irish Liberal ’’ says that “the crowning blunder ”’ 
of the present Administration in Ireland is the passing over 
of many eligible Roman Catholic barristers of both the 
Liberal and Nationalist persuasion when the last bit of 
jobbery was perpetrated. Surely he ought to know that no 
honest Nationalist can be an office-seeker or place-hunter, 
nor even accept “an appointment” when it is offered with- 
out his seeking it. With the Liberals it is, of course, an- 
other matter, and it must be very vexing to them to have 
none of the “comfortable salaries ranging from £900 to 
£12,000 a year” (poor Ireland!) which he complains have 
been bestowed on “men who are open and avowed oppo- 
nents of the present Administration.’ But is the party 
that seeks to strengthen its hands by bribery and corrup- 
tion ever likely to satisfy national aspirations either in its 
own country or any other? 

In conclusion, we cannot but admire the frankness of 
“ An Irish Liberal’’ in lamenting that “no effort has been 
made by the judicious use of the patronage at its (the 
English Government’s) disposal to attract to its support the 
younger and more active members of the various profes- 
sions.’? We Nationalists hope, however, that the present 
revival in Ireland will lead our young men to work for their 
own country without needing to be bribed to do it.— 
Yours, &c., 





I sterp. The panoply of sense, 
The buffetings, the din, 

The breasts of love, the battle dense, 

The roaring drive I know not whence, 
The riot curbed within, 

Cease, and in dreamless innocence 
The Self forgets its sin; 

Forgets, unloosing like a robe, 
The body and its grief, 

Till at the Dawn over the globe 
(That soft and silver thief !) 

It wakes; nor ever eye can probe 
Where it has found relief. 


I die. The treasure-ships I sought, 
The glories and the glee, 

The lives wherewith my own was wrought 
(As in some tapestry gem-fraught) 
Nearly and tenderly, 

And the tune mine ear had almost caught, 
All sink away from me. 

Then dreamless eons interpose. 

The gap, perchance, is long. 

Will the Self wake to strains it knows? 
Will the vast star-lit throng 

Take up, renewed by deep repose, 

The full theme of the song? 
Herpert TRENCH. 


The GAorld of Pooks. 

THurspay NIGHT. 

In addition to the books by Mr. H. G. Wells announced 
in a recent number of Tue Nation, another work from his 
pen may be expected in the immediate future. It will con- 
tain a general statement of Mr. Wells’s speculative views on 
religion and life, developing, amid other things, the line of 
thought set forth in the essay “ Scepticism of the Instru- 
ment,’’ which is printed as an appendix in “A Modern 
Utopia.” Mr. Wells shows a great power of literary pro- 
duction, but in his case this gift is not, as so often happens, 
accompanied by any loss of freshness. The influence of reli- 
gion upon social progress, and the way in which the modern 
mind is inclined to approach both these subjects, have en- 
gaged his attention for some time, so that the coming volume 
is sure to be suggestive as well as critical. 

* * * 

It is always interesting to learn what are the books that 
have been read and admired by famous men of letters. Mr. 
Austin Dobson has already written in delightful fashion 
about the libraries of Gray, Johnson, Goldsmith, and other 
authors of the eighteenth century, but it is surprising that 
this fascinating line of research has been so much neglected. 
However, one of the essays in a coming volume of “ Literary 
and Biographical Studies” by Mr. James Baker, will be 
given up to books read by Coleridge, Southey, and Humphrey 
Davy. Coleridge, as everybody knows, was as great a reader 
as he was a talker, while no one can turn over the pages of 
Southey’s “Common-Place Book”’ or “The Doctor” with- 
out being struck by the number of out-of-the-way books 
which Southey seems to have read. Among the other con- 
tents of Mr. Baker’s volume are some hitherto unpublished 
letters written by Macaulay to his father and mother, and 
personal recollections of R. D. Blackmore, Friedrich von 
Bodenstedt, and Verestschagin, the famous Russian painter. 
It will be issued in a few weeks by Messrs. Chapman & 

* * * 

a book by Mr. W. L. George, which is to be published next 
month by Messrs. Alston Rivers. The book is a study of 
the chief forces, religious, social, political, and literary, 
that are now making themselves felt in French thought, or 
that seem to have most likelihood of influencing its future 
development. Mr. George, who has been educated in France, 
and has served as a conscript in the French Army, holds that 
the French Radicals constitute the most virile and pro- 
gressive element in the country. His book comes at an 
opportune moment, since interest in French affairs is sure 
to be heightened by the Franco-British Exhibition which 
opens next May. 

* * * 

Tue study of esthetic philosophy has always found 
favour in Germany. Lessing and Winckelmann, in the 
eighteenth century, built up a framework of artistic theory, 
to which Goethe subscribed ; to-day quite a host of German 
writers are engaged upon the same subject, endeavouring to 
promote a more intelligent appreciation of works of art and 
to find new standpoints from which to approach the ques- 
tion. Some of the fascination of the newer, more thoughtful 
style of art criticism has penetrated this country, and the 
influence of Muther and Thode has impressed itself on our 
treatment of esthetic matters, tending to oust the hum- 
drum historico-biography method of a former age. Another 
German writer, who has just been translated into English, 
is Dr. Julius Meier-Graefe. His “Studies in the Develop- 
ment of Modern Art’ aims at showing “the continuous 
growth of art, the evolution of one great personality from 
another, of one great tradition from what has gone before.” 
It claims to be a contribution to a new system of esthetics. 
Miss Florence Simmonds is responsible for the translation, 
and the work, consisting of two volumes, with about 250 
illustrations, will be issued by Mr. Heinemann. 

* * * 

THE announcement that an eminent lawyer is at work 
on a life of of Isaac Butt, Parnell’s predecessor in the leader- 
ship of the Home Rule movement, is sure to provoke inter- 
est. At the same time, it calls to mind other biographies 



[April 4, 1908. 

that still remain unwritten. John Bright, for instance, 
has left behind him a large mass of correspondence, yet in 
spite of his share in the great political movements of his 
time no authoritative “Life” has appeared. R. D. Black- 
more also kept a diary, but the non-appearance of a bio- 
graphy of the author of “Lorna Doone”’ is probably due to: 
a wish expressed in his will. Other writers, Thackeray and 
Froude, for example, expressed similar wishes, but biogra- 
phies of both have appeared. 
* * * 

THERE seems to be a revival of interest in spiritualism 
if we may judge from the number of books upon the subject 
which the publishers announce as in active preparation. 
Messrs. Putnam’s Sons have in the press “ The Naturalisation 
of the Supernatural,’’ by Mr. Frank Podmore, who is widely 
known as an authority on psychical research. His book 
reviews the work effected during the past twenty-six years | 
by the Society for Psychical Research, and shows that while 
the Society’s investigations have done much to expose fraudu- 
dent performances by mediums, they have also brought for- 
ward a considerable body of evidence on behalf of thought 
transference or telepathy. The latter part of the book is 
devoted to a critical examination of the evidence so far 
accumulated for communication with the dead. Mr. 
Podmore’s verdict is that conclusive proof of such communi- 
cation has not yet been furnished. Mr. Werner Laurie will 
issue two books upon the same subject. “Do the Dead 
Depart? and Other Questions,’ by Miss Katherine Bates, 
whose former book, “Seen and Unseen,’’ has had a great 
vogue, deals with clairvoyance, automatic writing, material- 
isation, and so forth, from the standpoint of a convinced be- 
liever. Mr. H. Carrington’s “The Physical Phenomena of 
Spiritualism ”’ is mainly occupied with an exposure of the 
frauds connected with the subject. He holds that an attack 
upon these frauds is a necessary step towards reaching the » 
genuine phenomena which, he believes, do occasionally | 

* © * 

THE Manchester University Press has in preparation 
an important historical work, “The Cromwellian Conquest | 
and Settlement of Ireland,” by Mr. Robert Dunlop. It 
consists of a series of unpublished documents relating to 
the history of Ireland from 1651 to 1659, arranged, modern- 
ised, and edited with introduction, notes, and a critical 
apparatus. Mr. Dunlop has already given us several con- 
tributions of value to Irish history. He is well qualified 
to deal with even so controverted a period as that of the 
Cromwellian Settlement. 

* # 

Tue lectures on Racine by M. Jules Lemaitre, which 
have been the literary sensation of the season in Paris, are 
to be published in a couple of weeks by Messrs. Calmann- 
Lévy. Judging from the summaries that have appeared in 
the French newspapers, the book is likely to be a critical 
work of the first importance. 

* * & 


“The Duke of Gandia.” 
(Chatto & Windus. 5s. net.) 

** Voltaire, Montesquieu, and Rousseau in England.” By J. 
Churton Collins. (Nash. 7s. 6d. net.) 

“The Soul of Spain.” By Havelock Ellis. (Constable, 7s. 6d. net.) 

By Algernon Charles Swinburne. 

“Sketches of Life in Town and Country.”’ By Edward 
Carpenter. (Allen. 5s. net.) 

“My School and My Gospel.” By Sir Herbert von Herkomer. 
(Constable. 21s. net.) 

“The Story of Milan.” By Ella Noyes. The Medieval Towns 
Series. (Dent. 4s. 6d. net.) 

“The Trade and Administration of the Chinese Empire.”” By 
H. B. Morse. (Longmans. 7s. 6d. net.) 

“Ice-Bound Heights of the Mustagh.” By F. B. Workman and | 
W. H. Workman. (Constable. 21s. net.) 

““Memoir of the Life and Military Services of Viscount Lake, 
Baron Lake of Delhi and Laswaree.” By Colonel Hugh Pearse. 
(Blackwood. 15s. net.) 

“The Sword Decides!’ By Marjorie Bowen. (Alston Rivers. 6s.) 

“ Américains et Japonais.” Par Louis Aubert. (Paris: Colin. 4fr.) 

“Musiciens d’aujourd’hui.” Par Romain Rolland. (Paris: 
Hachette. 3fr. 50.) 
“Croyance religieuse et Croyance intellectuelle.”’ Par Ossip- 

(Paris: Alcan. 
3fr. 50.) 

(Paris: Nilsson. 

2fr. 50.) 

Roman. Par Marie Anne de Bovet. 

April 4, 1908.] 



WorpswortH, except by virtue of one quality, was not 
remarkable as a letter-writer. His happiest moods were 
those “trances of thought and mountings of the mind ”’ 
which came to him when wandering among the hills or 
seated upon some old, gray stone. The act of penmanship 
was always a distress to him; in his elder years he was 
troubled with inflammation of the eyes, and he often dic- 
tated his letters. He could chain his mind to record facts, 
but to do so implied a state of servitude. He cared little 
for the letters of great writers, and expressed a wish that 
his own might be destroyed. He had no pleasant malice 
eager to escape from the tip of the pen, such as Horace 
Walpole had. He had no bubbling mirth which will not be 
repressed like that of Lamb. He could not engrave an 
exquisite vignette for a friend’s delight and his own, like 
Cowper. His pen was not an etcher’s needle, nor a dagger 
to stab, nor a sword to cut, nor a hobby-horse on which to 
canter. But to set over against all this, Wordsworth could 
write the truth, and the truth he invariably wrote. 
Here are three 
yolumes of letters—mainly his—containing some fifteen 
hundred pages, which touch upon a multitude of topics, 
and it is safe to say that there is not a lie, whether black 
or white, to be found from the first letter to the last. This 
is marvellous; but with Wordsworth some of the induce- 
ments to tell lies, pleasant or unpleasant, were absent. He 
was not apt, like Shelley, to see palm trees over illusive 
wells in the waste, and on arriving confess that only sand 
was to be found. There was nothing in Wordsworth, as 
there was in Coleridge, which must skulk. Our feet, as we 
move through these records, are upon the rock or whole- 
some turf, not upon sinking peat, with a glazed and stag- 
nant pond to right and to left. It is often the simple, 
graye, and thoughtful dalesman, with a cottage and a wife 
and children in it, whom we encounter here; but the dales- 
man was also a great poet, and dalesman and poet were of 
a piece, the one being as veracious as the other. 
Wordsworth is at his best when his letters least resemble 
what our ancestors named epistolary correspondence. Occa- 
sionally some large theme occupies and rouses his mind, and 
he writes what is almost an essay, or at least—as he de- 
scribed “The Happy Warrior’”’—‘a chain of valooable 
thoughts’’ upon a set subject. In a well-known letter of 
May, 1807, to Lady Beaumont, it is his own mind as a 
poet and his own poetical creations which he studies and 
broods on, until his prose becomes suffused with lofty pas- 
sion. Another letter to Lady Beaumont of inordinate length 
exhibits his genius as a landscape-gardener. A third, from 
which no extract is given in these volumes, sent in March, 
1811, to Captain Pasley of the Royal Engineers, opening with 
a criticism of his correspondent’s Essay on the ‘ Military 
Policy and Institutions of the British Empire,” rises before 
the close to the same prophet-like tones which are heard in 
the pamphlet on the Convention of Cintra. Wordsworth 
longs that the military power of France should be reduced, 
while the nation should itself remain intact; he looks for- 
ward with hope to the unity of Italy and the unity of Ger- 
many. He desires for England a new system of martial 
policy. And then the patriot assumes the prophetic mantle : 

_ “But England, as well as the rest of Europe, requires what 
is more difficult to give it—a new course of education, a higher 
tone of moral feeling, more of the grandeur of the imaginative 
faculties, and less of the petty processes of the unfeeling and 
purblind understanding, that would manage the concerns of 
nations in the same calculating spirit with which it would set 
about building a house. Now a state ought to be governed (at 
least in these times), the labours of the statesman ought to 
advance, upon calculations and from impulses similar to those 

He had the rare virtue of veracity. 

* “Letters of the Wordsworth Family from 1787 to 1855.” 
Collected and edited by William Knight. 3 vols. Boston and 
London: Ginn & Company. 31s. 6d. net. 


which give motion to th» hand of a great artist when he is pre- 
paring a picture, or of a mighty poet when he is determining 
the proportions and march of a poem—much is to be done by 
rule; the great outline is previously to be conceived in distinctness, 
but the consummation of the work must be trusted to resources 
that are not tangible, though known to exist.” 

Such words as these could have been translated with a little 
rehandling into one of the lofty strains of “The Prelude.”’ 

But the good homely prose of the pedestrian letters has 
an attraction of its own. Through it we remain for a time 
in contact with a life of perfect integrity, in which the 
darkest crimes were that Mr. Wordsworth sometimes kept 
a correspondent too long in expectation of an answer, or 
William forgot, while tramping the roads and hills, that 
Mary had his dinner ready for him at a fixed hour. We see 
a man of profound and even passionate affections, whom 
sorrow could shake to the centre and indignation could 
possess with a solid core of heat; a man not illiberal in his 
sympathies, giving in general just esteem to the work of 
others, but testing all things by the highest standards, and 
in a certain sense anchored to his own greatness. We grow 
into familiarity with his grave and well-considered opinions 
—on public events, public persons, national policy, reli- 
gion, literature, art, the characteristics of landscape. His 
sister, some of whose letters are charming, with as fine an 
eye, had not an equal power of reflection or analysis. We 
are guided by these letters to the sources, occasions, dates of 
many of Wordsworth’s poems; we see the objects which re- 
appear in the poems, but see these divested of “the light 
that never was, on sea or land.’’ These documents are 
essential to a complete knowledge of the poet and the man. 

Dr. Knight is to be congratulated on the completion of 
a labour of love. Everyone who cares for Wordsworth must 
feel that a large debt is due to him for his zeal in bringing 
together what was scattered through many volumes and 
what lay hidden in manscript. He could easily have made 
this liberal selection of letters and passages from letters 
larger, but the public will not borrow Gargantua’s mouth 
for things of a past generation. It seems a part of true 
respect to the editor and his work that some of its defects 
should be noticed. The text of the letters has not always 
been correctly given. Indications of omissions, contrary to 
Dr. Knight’s intention, are frequently absent. Dates, as 
the editor seems to be aware, are too often erroneous. The 
statements in Dr. Knight’s notes are sometimes incorrect. 
The sources from which the letters have been derived are 
seldom recorded. Dr. Knight speaks as if this would have 
been impossible to accomplish, but no difficulty exists in 
the case of letters taken from books previously published, 
and it is not easy to see why much could not have been done 
to indicate the sources from which manuscript letters at 
some time or another reached him. To illustrate what has 
been stated—in Volume III., on p. 75, a letter is said to 
have been written on “15th April’’ to ‘“H. Rogers,’’ and 
again in the Index, H. Rogers is named as Wordsworth’s 
correspondent. In Clayden’s “Rogers and his Contempor- 
aries’’ (II., 119), this letter appears as addressed to Samuel 
Rogers on April 5th. On the next page (p. 76) is printed 
a letter to Southey telling of the death of Wordsworth’s 
sister-in-law, dated by Dr. Knight ‘“ June 25, 1835.” It was 
in fact written a year later, on June 24th, 1836. The text 
of this short letter is substantially but not exactly correct. 
On p. 77 a letter to Crabb Robinson is dated “June 26, 
1835’; it was in fact written on the same day as the pre- 
ceding letter to Southey, June 24th, 1836. The letter which 
immediately follows (p. 79), also to Crabb Robinson, is 
again a year astray. Such errors do not trouble the person 
known as the general reader, who perhaps is the literary 
“man in the street’’; but they create needless difficulties 
for the student of Wordsworth. No one will regret them 
more than the editor of these volumes, who is to some extent 
cognisant of the presence of inaccuracies of this kind. Why 
fragments of two letters, printed in “ Letters from the Lake 
Poets’ as addressed to Daniel Stuart, should be entered by 
Dr. Knight as “to Correspondent Unknown”’ (I., 458 and 
464) puzzles an exact reader. The editor may have some 
reason with which we are unacquainted. Such criticism 
could be pursued much further, but many causes, for which 
an editor cannot be held responsible, may produce errors, 
and in the end we should have to return our cordial thanks 
to Dr. Knight for a valuable gift. 

EpwarpD DowDEN. 



M. Lotsy’s latest book is of the nature of an Apologia pro 
vita sua. In a series of letters, addressed for the most part 
to private friends, he explains his relations with ecclesiasti- 
cal authority since the condemnation of his works in the 
beginning of the present pontificate, giving an account of 
the conclusions to which he has been led, of their incom- 
patibility with official Catholic teaching, and of the situa- 
tion created by the controversies to which they have given 
rise. It cannot be said of him that he is “no striker.” 
Nothing so scathing has been written since Newman’s famous 
answer to Kingsley. Were the quarrel one of individuals 
this vehemence might be open to criticism. The contest is 
unequal. The little men at Rome, so small for all their 
purple, with their thin unction and their text-book learn- 
ing, have fallen into the grip of one of another stature than 
theirs. But it is a battle not of men but of ideas. The 
Steinhubers, the Merry del Vals, the Pontiff himself, are 
puppets. We are concerned not with them but with the 
forces at work behind them, Good and Evil, Truth and 
Falsehood. And it is a false charity which shrinks from 
denouncing evil as evil and a lie as a lie. 

The salient quality of those Letters is their terrible, 
their appalling sincerity. Satire, scorn, pathos are there; 
but the keynote is the bare, impersonal statement of un- 
adorned fact. It is not our way. No English divine would 
treat the subjects discussed with this cold austerity ; no 
English public would endure their discussion on these lines. 
We desiderate edification, which is good; but we sacrifice 
to it—and this is not good—if not fact, certainly propor- 
tion and perspective. We compromise in the interests of 
practice; not seeing that in its own province thought is 
paramount, and must be followed, lead where it will. This 
is why English theologians are at fault in dealing with 
M. Loisy’s work: the “ Times’ ’’ review of “Les Evangiles 
Synoptiques’’ may be referred to as an example of their 
criticism. Provincial, insular, it is wanting in insight— 
it might almost be said in generosity. He does not sacri- 
fice to our idols, and we distrust him. ‘“Vais-je verser 
dans le monisme, dans le panthéisme? Je lignore. Ce 
sont des mots. Je téche de parler des choses.” We seem 
to be listening to Carlyle. North of the Tweed men think 
and speak in this way; not on the Isis and the Cam. 

It is this uncompromising truthfulness which has led 
to the final rupture with the Roman hierarchy: he is ex- 
communicated because, in plain words, he refuses to lie. 
It is an ugly word, but an uglier thing. “He is not re- 
quired to cease writing, but to write in defence of tradition,”’ 
—what does not this cover ?—“ as St. Remigius bade Clovis, 
‘Worship what thou hast burned; burn what thou hast wor- 
shipped.’’’ Thus the Pope. That is to say, this great 
Catholic scholar is called upon under pain of damnation, 
in so far as Pius X. can damn, to commit intellectual and 
moral suicide, to call truth falsehood and falsehood truth. 
To a summons to this apostasy one answer only can be 
made: “J’ai toujours regardé comme un devoir de rester 
dans ]’Eglise, mais aussi de ne pas mentir pour éyiter d’en 
étre chassé.’’ From personal sacrifices he has not shrunk. 
Had he broken with the Church, the scholar’s fame was 
open to him; had he been false to his convictions, the 
Church herself presented a career. His retirement from 
the Sorbonne in 1904 was dictated by consideration for 
others: “Ce qui m’a décidé a été la considération du trés 
grand nombre de jeunes prétres qu’une catastrophe aurait 
consternés, ou exaspérés, ou compromis.’”’ But the sacrifice 
of principle is another thing. “Tl ne faut pas me parler de 
sacrifices que la conscience interdit. Oe qui m’a toujours 
empéché de donner A l’autorité ecclésiastique la satisfaction 
qu’elle réclame c’est V’impossibilité ot je serais de me sup- 
porter un seul instant si j’avais publiquement confessé que 
je tiens pour faux ce que je sais étre vrai, et réciproquement.”’ 
The Vatican does not understand such motives. ‘Ces bons 
Romains ne congoivent pas que l’on interroge sa conscience 
pour les affaires od l’on peut avoir un intéreti ei oy ry 
est fort heureux pour nous que Dieu voit nos coeurs.”’ 

M. Loisy stands in the front rank of critics. The sub- 
ae a pada oh Sete B Le OR LIS TTS Te - 

‘ _.” “ Quelques lettres, sur des questions actuelles et sur des 
evenements récents.”” Par Alfred Loisy.  3fr. 
Chez l’auteur. Ceffonds, prés Montier-en-Der, Haute Marne. 


[April 4, 1908. { 


stance of his criticism is as radical as its form is trenchant: — 
that it would be out of place in a parish pulpit few will 
deny. It is not intended for such use. He writes as a 
scholar for scholars. To many of his opinions he would be | 
the last to ascribe more than provisional value: they are 
open to revision; they may be, in fact, revised. But to 

submit them to the test of the Procrustes bed of traditional | 

dogma is stupid and irreligious: the first because the two 
are incommensurable; the second because such a stereotyp- 
ing of tradition makes the Word of no effect. The Republic 
has no need of chemists; nor, it seems, the Church ot 
scholars: the spirit of the Committee of Public Safety and 
that of the Vatican are one. It is the spirit that goes — 
before a fall. It is not by the force that they can com- — 
mand—in our day a diminishing quantity—but by the 
reason which they embody that institutions, religious or 
civil, live. 

That novelty is often error to those who are unprepared 
for it, from the refraction with which it enters into their 
conceptions, is true. But the scandal of the Pharisees is 
not to be confounded with that of the weak. The latter, 
so far as it exists—and in an age of so varied a culture as 
ours, in which the medieval mind survives side by side with 
the modern, it would be rash to set it down as non-existent 
—is best met by the reminder that religion does not consist 
in opinions, however true, or in observance, however useful, 
but in a fact of spiritual experience, which is to be distin- 
guished from its intellectual re-statement. But it is seldom 
the simple and single-hearted who are scandalised: rather 
it is the faux dévots, the half-believers who hang on to the f 
Church from custom, from sentiment, from disinclination 
to accept personal responsibility for thought and conduct— 
it is these who resent the disturbance of their dogmatic 
slumbers by inquiry, by revival, by anything that threatens 
to recall them from the world of dreams to that of reality. 
“La mediocrité fonde Vautorité.”” It is the wish to evade 
the law of the higher self that brings about that religion 
of the second order, priestly, statutory, ceremonial, which 
s0 soon becomes second nature: it is easier to do than to be. 
The vitality of a community in which this secondary reli- 
gion is dominant is at a low ebb: its union in Catholicism 
with a powerful hierarchical element bent at all costs on 
the preservation of its threatened privileges and emoluments 
has alienated all that is best and most living in the modern 
world from the Church. 

“Le grande scandale en nos jours, je n’ hésite pas a Je 
declarer hautement, c’est lopposition permanente, radicale, in- 
transigeante, souvent cruelle et déloyale, que |’Eglise a faite, 
qu’elle continue de faire & tout le mouvement intellectuelle et 
scientifique, on peut ajouter méme social et politique, des 
derniers siécles. Voila le vrai, l’unique scandale, et j’en suis 
innocent. Autant qu’il était en moi, j’ai essayé, de Vatténuer, 
de la faire cesser. Mais je ne veux pas, au terme de mes jours, 
m’ y associer, y coopérer. Je ne yeux pas aider ]’Eglise a 
perdre les nations catholiques, ni a se perdre elle-méme, en 


s'aliénant ce qui lui reste de fidéles dans le monde civilisé.’’ 

The comments on the separation of Church and State 
in France will be read with peculiar interest. The action of 
the Vatican, in M. Loisy’s judgment, would not have been 
tolerated by the most Catholic of governments under the 
old régime. 

“On finira par comprendre que les décisions pontificales 
n’ont pas été dictées par l’intérét véritable de la religion, mais 
par l’intérét, trés mal compris d’ailleurs, de la papauté politique. 
Je souhaite me tromper, mais jl est & craindre que l’Eglise de 
France ne se reléve jamais de la condition infirme, équivoque, 
tourmentée, du Pie X. vient de la jetér, et que la crise actuelle 
n’annonce la fin trés prochaine du catholicisme parmi nous. 
Et ce n’est pas |’Etat, ce ne sont pas les Evéques, si ce n’est 
par leur obéissance au Pape, qui auront amené ce triste résultat : 
c’est l’absolutisme romain qui, pour sauver ses prétentions,. aura 
perdu ce qui restait de ]’Eglise oa brillerent saint Bernard, saint 
Louis, et Fénelon.’”’ 

Of the larger question of the future of Catholicism M. 
Loisy has little to say. A reaction, he believes, is impossi- 
ble: beyond this who can go? But as the whole policy of 
the Papacy is based on the hope of such a reaction, the 
prospect is gloomy. An English Catholic novelist describes 
the Roman Church as reduced in the course of a generation 
or two to the Pope and a handful of adherents in a Syrian 
village. These things are an allegory ; but his prophecy may 
be nearer the truth than he knows. 7 

April 4, 1908.] 




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[April 4, 1908. 


THE main reason for the increasing hold that fiction has over 
the masses is that it serves as an endless series of dissolving 
views of human nature. Town life is too busy and hurried 
for people to study their neighbours with the inquisitive 
watchfulness of country folk, and fiction is a natural 
substitute, which widens their field of vision indefinitely. 
The superior persons who deplore the supremacy of fiction 
to-day over other kinds of literature, have failed to recognise 
that there is nothing so subtly educative as a good novelist’s 
skilful representation of life and character. Conduct and 
human relations, that is what the novelist is analysing and 
presenting to us all the time, whereas most branches of 
“serious ’”’ literature are concerned primarily with impart- 
ing information. ‘‘ Let me write the people’s ballads, and I 
care not who makes the laws,” is a saying that our educa- 
tionalists have failed to turn to account. They have pooh- 
poohed the function of the novel, but fortunately the control 
of fiction, unlike that of our stage, has not yet fallen into 
the hands of “ business” middlemen. This indirect educative 
function of fiction is illustrated by the majority of novels 
of insight, and almost any couple we may pick out may 
be classed as justly under the head of “educative” as 
under the head of “light reading,’’ according to the dis- 
position of the reader. 

Mr. Archibald Marshall, for example, whose last novel 
“Many Junes,’’ is not so happily conceived as his “ Exton 
Manor,’’ has some striking chapters that bear admirably 
on the national vice of snobbishness. Hugh Lechaleur, his 
hero, in youth loses his inheritance, Foyle Manor, his right- 
ful career, and the society of his equals, through the rash 
speculations of his father, Admiral Lechaleur, who dies a 
broken-hearted bankrupt. Hugh is forced to enter the ranks 
of City clerks, and the author shows some psychological skill 
in showing us how in the course of many years, having 
missed that free development of his natural talents and social 
instincts which a life of leisure gives, his hero shrinks into 
the shell of a solitary middle-aged man, reticent and over 
grave. Mr. Marshall has, however, used too cramped a 
canvas to do justice to the whole perspective of his picture, 
and we confess that we find the gradual development of 
Hugh’s mental isolation inadequately sketched. There is 
nothing more difficult to indicate than the subtle changes 
that a man’s character undergoes between twenty and forty, 
and the author has got his foreshortening wrong. The 
fifty pages, however, of the novel, which deal with Hugh’s 
relations with Mrs. Churton and her daughter Mabilia, are 
almost worthy of George Gissing. All the unworthy 
sacrifice of inner sincerity on the altar of snobbish 
pretence is exemplified by the figures of this modern 
mother and her daughter. The picture is plain and 
direct, but the spiritual deadness and commonness of this 
British matron is admirably expressed by the shades 
of her relations with her daughter Mabilia, whose happiness 
she is quite ready to mortgage to any man of family, like 
Hugh, who can claim to be actually a first cousin to Sir 
Richard and Lady Lechaleur of Wyse Hall. We need not 
trace the story. Hugh entangles himself with the Churtons, 
and, too late, discovers that he is in love with another 
woman. We think that there is false morality preached 
in Hugh’s surrender of the girl Margaret Paston to the 
unreal claims upon him of the woman he does not love, 
Mabilia Churton, but the point we wish to dwell on is that 
Mr. Marshall’s novel, in its strength as in its weakness, 
is educative in the best sense. It forces the reader to decide 
for himself the delicate points of conduct that it raises, 
and in this respect it has a direct influence on its readers’ 
heart and conscience, a personal influence which the most 
weighty volumes of biography, history, travel, &c., can 
exercise only in a far more abstract form. 

Not less educative is the effect of Mr. Fletcher’s 
“ Mothers in Israel” on the reader’s mind. The theme of 
the novel, briefly stated, is the vice of uncharitableness and 
evil speaking so rampant in an ordinary agricultural parish. 
The narrowness and pettiness of the provincial outlook are 
both expressed and relieved by the intense curiosity of 
village folk, farming folk, and even the squire’s wife, and 

*“ Many Junes.” By Archibald Marshall. Methuen. 6s. 
“* Mothers in Israel.” By J. 8. Fletcher. John Murray. 6s. 

the Vicar’s better-half, concerning their neighbours’ doings. 
It is a fact, frequently to be met with in rural parishes, 
that the more independent-minded and original people 
gravitate to the big towns, to escape the prying comments 
and uncharitable judgments of Little Peddlington. 

The “ Mothers in Israel’’ in Mr. Fletcher’s story are 
Mrs. Hancock and Mrs. Gill, the bustling, shrewd, and 
self-righteous wives of two substantial Yorkshire farmers. 
These two ladies practically rule, between them, the parish 
of Applemarney, and so keen is their struggle for precedence, 
that their cautious spouses have to come to a secret agree- 
ment and put their heads together when anything fresh is 
on the tapis. There is a pleasant fresh flavour about 
all Mr. Fletcher’s descriptions of Yorkshire ways and habits 
of life, and the rugged straightforwardness of the people 
which makes them so likeable is well contrasted with their 
prosaic mind and their terrible respect for “folk as has 
brass o’ their own.’”’ Young Mr. Warwick, the London 
clergyman who comes to Applemarney, has ‘brass o’ his 
own,’’ and his cool independence soon brings him into 
conflict with Mrs. Hancock and Mrs. Gill. He has the 
audacity to fall in love with Miss May, the village school- 
mistress, and the Hancock and Gill factions unite for the 
purpose of driving the offending lovers out of the district. 
Slander is the weapon chosen, but fortune favours Warwick 
and Miss May. A passage typical of Mr. Fletcher’s mastery 
of the Yorkshire bluntness of thought and speech may be 
cited from the conversation of Warwick’s old housekeeper, 
Elizabeth Wright :— 

“Well, I'll give you a little bit o’ good advice, seeing ’at 
ye look so young and innocent. Ye mun mind some o’ these 
here lasses i’ t’ place, or else they’ll wed ye afore ye know 
wheer ye are. Now, there’s Mestur and Mistress Gill’s dow- 
ter—Maud Mary they call her—shoo’s just come back fro’ 
boardin’-school, and can play on t’ pianny, and what not; shoo’s 
none a foul-looking lass, an’ t’ Gills would none be sorry to 
see her wed. Then theer’s Mestur and Mistress Hancook’s 
dowter—her name’s Ruth—shoo’s at what they call a marriage- 
able age, and a varry nice young woman shoo is, an’ all, but 
homely like. I lay t’? Hancocks ’ud none object to her wedding 
a likely young feller, specially if he wor i’ t’ ministry, like 
yoursen. An theer’s that theer little school-teacher, Miss 
May—Little Sunshine, as our Joa calls her—shoo’s on the look- 
out for a man as keen as ever I seed a lass to be—I lay 
you’ve nobbut to say the word i’ that quarter. I could ha’ 
wished ’at ye’d been an owder, steadier sort like; there’s some 
sad pitfalls for e good-looking young man i’ this village, and 
young women’s none but flighty, when all’s said and done. I 
ha’ no patience wi’ ’em. I’m sure I never wanted to ha’ nowt 
to do wi’ t’ men.’’ 

It would be superfluous to point out that no treatise on 
morals or conduct could possibly give us the shades of Eliza- 
beth’s philosophy, and that it is just by this esthetic 
pleasure that the author communicates to us that the moral 
of ‘‘ Mothers in Israel’ is driven home. What the moralists 
have always boggled at accepting is that pleasure is the great 
legitimate instrument through which Nature herself gets 
her creatures to do her bidding. Why then should the 
artist be looked upon askance by the over-superior person 
for employing the same means? The stupidity of this dis- 
trust of the stage and fiction, as educative forces, is well 
exemplified by the last generation’s neglect of Meredith 
and exaltation of Ruskin and Carlyle. The two last were 
hailed as teachers and prophets, because they appealed to 
their generation in the form of serious and weighty essays, 
while Meredith was neglected till the young generation came 
into contact with his ‘‘novels.’’ Let us hope, however, that 
this distrust of all art that is not avowedly packed with 
moral purpose will by and by be a thing of the past with 
the English people. 


A VOLUME called “ A Mind that Found Itself,’ by Mr. 
C. W. Beers (Longmans, 7s. 6d. net), describing the personal 
experiences of an educated American, a Yale graduate, who, 
losing his “reason ’’ for a time, became an inmate of several 
private and public asylums, claims a double interest, as a 
psychological document and as a humanitarian appeal. In 
our judgment Professor William James, two commendatory 
letters from whom are used as an Introduction, overrates the 

April 4, 1908.] 





Editor of ‘The Times,” I84I-I877. Containing hitherto 
unpublished Letters of Palmerston, Disraeli, and other States- 
men, and numerous Anecdotes of the Court and London 
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Infanta of Portugal and Queen Consort of England. By 

This is a life not merely of Queen Catherine, but also of Charles 
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of its igre, eee and cabals, of the reigning favourites, and of their 
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from original sources. Over eighty letters in her own hand, never 
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the private life and character of the much injured Queen. 


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This is the record of a remarkable journey, all the more remark- 
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“The Truth about Port Arthur ’’ caused a sensation in Russia last 
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By Row.LanD E. ProTHERO, M.V.O., Author of ‘‘The 
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These Essays deal with life in a provincial town in France; 
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Sir Hubert Herkomer, the distinguished artist, writing from Bushey 
to the Editor of PUBLIC OPINION, says, on February 11th, 1908 :— 
Dear Sir—It gives me great pleasure to tell you how your paper, 
PUBLIC OPINION, answers a purpose in my life. Although 
I read a great deal, I find it impossible to keep abreast of the 
trend of higher thought that is going on around me, which can 
only be gathered from various articles and letters in the 
newspapers, and articles in magazines. But your paper gives 
me the assuranceghat I miss nothing which could be of use to 
me in the train of thought upon which I may just be engaged, 
and seldom does a weekly issue of PUBLIC OPINION 
appear from which I cannot cull some useful suggestion. As 
a lecturer on art, I need all the suggestions on life that I can 
get into my hands, for I treat art in all its phases popularly. 
From PUBLIC OPINION I get to know certain modern 
authors with whose methods of thinking I am in sympathy, 
and those I follow up further. Your paper does me the service 
to point to them. : 
Your selection of current thought is worthy of all praise, 
for it gives one ‘‘)e wholesome feeling that the world is after all 
not going to the devil, but contains thinkers and good men and 
women. : 
1 wish you with all my heart continuous success with 
your paper. Yours very truly, 


K Weekly Review of Current Thought and Activity. 
Edited by Percy L, PARKER. 

The purpose of PUBLIC OPINION is to provide information 
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Specimens free on application. 
Percy L. PARKER. 


psychological value. The numerous evidences of grapho- 
mania and of the survival of elation during the period of 
the preparation of this work, though by no means nullify- 
ing its worth as a veracious narrative of facts, make that 
value very difficult to estimate. In other words, we can- 
not tell how far the temporary state of disease with its per- 
sistent delusions may have affected the impressions of fact, 
and so, through the memory, the records of those facts: nor 
can we feel sure that these abnormal conditions, many of 
them differing in degree, not in kind, from the normal, have 
so entirely passed away as to enable the writer to sift fact 
from fancy in his narrative, or to avoid that tendency to 
heighten interesting experiences which is common to most 
men who have had an unusual record. At the same time 
we agree that many of the inner incidents carry their own 
verification, and that so subtle an observer of subjective 
conditions does well to place his observations in permanent 
form. Accepting his account of the treatment of the insane 
as correct (and there is nothing unreasonable in this accept- 
ance) we hold that his plea for a more rational treatment 
and for a better public control over asylums is essentially 
sound. We doubt not that physical restraints, mechanical 
methods of routine, and all the dehumanising influences of 
institutional life are as noxious in the case of the insane as 
in that of criminals. The vice is in essence the same, the 
fatuous attempt to apply mechanical remedies to delicate 
psychical diseases. The other defect to which Mr. Beers 
devotes so much attention, the abuses of injustice and of 
actual physical violence which spring up when coarse un- 
trained men and women became warders or nurses, is quite 
as serious. The problem “quis custodiet custodes ipsos’’ 
nowhere presents itself in graver form than in asylums, 
prisons, poorhouses, and other institutions, where the de- 
tailed conduct of affairs is of necessity left to authorities 
upon the spot, and where effective exposure of wrongs must 
always be difficult. Mr. Beers is right in insisting that two 
chief reforms are necessary; first to substitute well-chosen, 
trained, and properly-paid persons for the work of caring 
for the insane; secondly, to organise a wholesome, watchful 
public opinion which shall operate, through inspection and 
through the informal action of the medical profession, in 
substituting more humane and more reasonable modes of 
treatment. Much stupidity and much positive cruelty still 
survive not only in America but in this country in the 
treatment of the insane. 
* * * 

In “The Thirteen Colonies of North America”’ 
(Methuen, 7s. 6d. net), Mr. Reginald W. Jeffery deals with 
an instructive section of our Colonial history. Though 
these colonies now form the Atlantic seaboard of the United 
States, their fortunes from Raleigh’s abortive expedition to 
Virginia in 1585 to the capture of Montreal by Amherst, 
Haviland, and Murray in 1760, belong to British history. 
Mr. Jeffery’s spirited narrative begins by a concise account 
of the English voyages to North America in the sixteenth 
century. This is followed by a series of chapters on the 
separate colonies, the adventures of the early pioneers being 
described as far as possible in the words of contemporary 
writers. The northern colonies, with their yeomen and 
trader settlers, naturally came to the front much more 
rapidly than did Maryland and the Carolinas, which, 
besides being handicapped in some degree by Locke’s un- 
workable Fundamental Constitutions, suffered from the 
hostility of Virginia and from recurring disputes and in- 
surrections. In spite of religious troubles Massachusetts 
enjoyed great prosperity from the very first, and in 1643 
united with New Haven, Plymouth, and Connecticut in 
forming the New England Confederacy, the first United 
States of North America. The struggle with the Dutch for 
the New Netherland Settlement forms an interesting episode, 
though scarcely less so is the early history of the Quaker 
settlements of Delaware and Pennsylvania. The founda- 
tion of Georgia by Oglethorpe brings this section of the book 
to a conclusion. Two useful chapters are given to a dis- 
cussion of the social and economic history of the colonies 
and Mr. Jeffery ends by a fine description of the long oon 
flict with France, which culminated in the capture of 
Quebec and Montreal. 
% * * 

AutTHouGH we have already had several books in which 
Mr. Meredith’s work has been interpreted and appreciated, 

[April 4, 1908. 


there was room for Mr. Richard H. P. Curle’s fresh and 
well-balanced study, “ Aspects of George Meredith ” (Rout- — 
ledge, 6s.). Mr. Meredith’s exact position in the history ~ 
and genius of literature is, as Mr. Curle says, a question — 
that cannot be settled till many years have passed. At the 

same time every real addition to the body of criticism that 
has grown up round the novels and poems brings us a step — 
towards that final estimate. Mr. Curle describes his book as 
an interpretation, and declares that the last thing it could 
properly be called is a criticism. This is true, if we use the 
word in a narrow sense, but in the broader sense of the word 
it is undoubtedly criticism, and criticism of the type that — 
is most needed in the case of a writer like Mr. Meredith. — 
It owes much to Mr. Trevelyan’s brilliant volume, but while | 
in Mr. Trevelyan’s book it is the poet and the philosopher © 
who occupies the foremost place, Mr. Curle, while not 
neglecting this aspect, also brings prominently forward the 
purely artistic side of Mr. Meredith’s achievement. On the — 
other hand, the book differs from Mrs. Sturge Henderson’s ~ 

recent volume in that the novels are not subjected to a | 

detailed examination. We are given instead a number of 
chapters in which Mr. Meredith’s view of nature, of love, 
death, the comic spirit, his insight into character, his sense 
of humour, and so forth, are discussed and explained. Mr. — 
Curle’s style is not always happy, but on the whole his book 

is marked by real critical insight and suggestion. Every 
lover of Mr. Meredith’s work will read it with pleasure, and 
it can be heartily recommended to those who feel the need of 
guidance through the mazes of the Meredithian philosophy. — 

* * * 

A very seasonable volume for young children is 
“ Haster Eggs ”’ (George Bell, 2s. 6d. net), translated from the 
German of Christopher Von Schmid, and illustrated in line 
and colour by M. V. Wheelhouse. The Bavarian author of 
this and many other pretty stories for the young, lived dur- 
ing the first half of the nineteenth century, and enjoyed 
a popularity that is still preserved in his native land. 
‘“Haster Eggs’’ is romance with a moral and religious 
flavour. It tells of a valley inhabited mostly by charcoal- 
burners, to which comes a mysterious and sorrowful lady 
with her two children and an old attendant. She seeks and 
easily obtains the peasants’ hospitality, and in return, 
contrives to introduce a hen-coop full of birds, for 
their edification and instruction. Her gift to the children 
of coloured Easter eggs comes at the proper season, and the 
rest of the story relates how one of these eggs is the means 
of restoring to the beautiful Lady Bountiful the knightly 
husband whose absence had brought sorrow and exile upon 
her. The atmosphere of the tale is fragrant and wholesome, 
and Miss Wheelhouse’s dainty illustrations in colour are 
reproduced excellently. 

* * * 

Mr. Witii1am ArcHEeR and Professor Herford are to 
be congratulated on the completion of their “ Copyright 
Edition of Ibsen, with the issue of Volume I., containing 
“Lady Inger of Osstrat,’”’ “The Feast of Solhoug,’” and 
“ Tove’s Comedy’? (Heinemann, 4s.). The edition runs to 
eleven volumes, and is far the best form in which Ibsen’s 
works are accessible to English readers. Ibsen has practi- 
cally transformed the European stage-craft of the later nine- 
teenth century, and Mr. Archer’s part in introducing him 
to the English world of art and the drama, represents one of 
the great modern feats of our scholarship. Professor Her- 
ford’s translation of “ Brand’’ is, in our view, one of the 
most admirable in the language. No lover and student of 
Ibsen can afford to leave this edition out of his library. 

* * * 

A CHEAPER edition of Mr. Benjamin Kidd’s “ Principles 
of Western Civilisation’’ (Macmillan, 5s. net) has been 
issued. Mr. Kidd has written a new Introduction, in which 
he gives his reasons for not having replied before to his 
critics. He points out that he was one of the first. to 
maintain that the view held by Western peoples of the intel- 
lectual superiority of their own races, when compared with 
other races in the world, rested upon no adequate founda- 
tion, and he shows that his theory is supported by the 
recent emergence of Japan as one of the great military powers 
of the world. Mr. Kidd’s suggestive examination of the 
laws of progress in organised societies has been the theme of 
much discussion, so that the publication of his book in this 
cheaper form will be welcomed. 

April 4, 1908.] THE NATION. 


EAeNWO Kechy teeta re ON 
Bre eae ‘Reviews \ he Daily Dews 

CONTAINS— Founded by 
The Case for Free Trade. CHARLES DICKENS IN’ 1846. 

INDIA’S FINANCIAL HANDICAP. Honored tradition and the spirit of 

By SIR ROPER LETHBRIDGE, K.C.I.E. modern enterprise are combined in “‘ The 

HOW TO SIMPLIFY AN INVESTOR’S Daily News.”’ Matters of serious interest 

ACCOUNTS. By the Editor of the ‘‘ Accountant.” ate reported at length. Place is also found, 

Safeguardin g Invested Capital. in shorter form, for the lighter news items 

By H, LOWENFELD. which ate a feature of 20th century 

One of the main objects of the Review is to point out to journalism. 

en how Hee Ave LR apt Miterest cee be secured 
y adopting soun nancial methods in the management 44 D oP 4 
of investments, and this article indicates some of the chief The Daily News 1S the only 

dangers which beset the investor. ‘ 
Other Contributions by Lord Boston, Sir R. Hamilton Lang, London Liberal PEW Sho Bet that devotes 
W.H. Malleck, Dr. Paton, Arnold White, &c. evety day a whole page to Financial and 
ONE SHILLING. 2, WATERLOO PLACE, LONDON, 8.W. Cs eral tt aadena td Market 
mmercial matters, tade an @ 
reports and Stock Exchange Intelligence. 

Its datly Parliamentary report is far 
more detailed than that of any other 3d. 
NOW READY. paper, and nearly a column is given to the 
« Law List. 
66 39 
The April “BOOK MONTHLY ee rn. Dale 
6d. net. News” it is impossible for you to follow 

It contains a new feature, which should be | | the progress of Liberalism. 
useful to many people—namely, a list of the 

Contents of the April Reviews and Magazines. HEAD OFFICES— 

It also contains an article in which Mrs. Bouverie Street, Fleet Street, London, E.C. 
Clayton Glyn, the author of ‘‘ The Visits of A nn 
Elizabeth,’’ gives her impressions of America. 

a ER 

Finally, the April BOOK MONTHLY has all the 
book news and many beautiful illustrations. O T R LAN Ap 

Publishers, SIMPKIN, MARSHALL &G CO., 

Stationers’ Hall Court, London, who will be glad to send The APRIL NUMBER is now ready at all Bookstalls 
a specimen copy of the magazine free of cost. and Newsagents, price 3d. net. 
= IE een So eee AS din Bk ey a site Municipalities. | The Poultry Industry. 

SS a Seven Se ey Agricultural Co-operation : Wheat. 
The Depot,— The New Domesday Book. 
The Management of Farms. 

By W. M. Tod, M.A. NOTES: 

Rural Housing and Sanitae County Councils and 
tion.—III. By a Civil Housing. 
Engineer. The Lighting of Villages. 

The Farmer and the School. | Milk Records. 

Cow Clubs and Pig Clubs. | The Arrangement of | 

CARTOONS BY ‘‘ F.C.G.” By W. L. Charleton. Buildings. | 

BOOK REVIEWS, CASSELL & CO., Ltd., La Belle Sauvage, E.C, 

BRIDGE, CHESS, week, | The con 119 mis st. 

U ioe Pan Weekly Commercial Times, Bankers’ Gazette, and 

Railway Monitor. 


The established authority on all Financial and Commercial 
subjects. In addition to a large high-class general circulation, 
ee 20 dhthev ECONOMIAT is gutiseribed | to by Banking Houses, Chambers 
of Commerce, Mercantile Firms, and Railway, Insurance, and 

THE INDEX TO ScaRe aiay Ute nied cece ae eet 
f f tl b 
VOLUME I. OF THE NATION | Spczitacrmae eee tee 

Is NOW READY, and can be had free Offices; GRANVILLE HOUSE, ARUNDEL STREET, STRAND, W.C., 

en application to the Manager. | and of all Booksellers and Newsagents, 

(One Penny Weekly.) 




THEATRICAL managers, led by the astute Mr. Stanley 
Boulter, have been much concerned of late concerning the 
premiums they pay for fire insurance to the tariff companies. 
They have even gone the length of fathering the Theatres 
Mutual Insurance Company, which with all the boldness 
and inexperience of youth, has come to the rescue in this 
particular class of fire hazard. They have rushed “ where 
angels fear to tread.’’ Undoubtedly this class of risk, 
through the action of the London County Council and other 
local authorities begotten of the appalling loss of life in 
past years, have yielded later a lighter loss ratio. That 
same past is not insufficiently ancient history to call for 
examples or details. | Experience imperatively demanded 
public attention and remedy, and got it. The fire offices 
awaited the result, anxious to see whether remedies for the 
protection of life went on all fours with those which the 
more prosaic mind might suggest as precautions against the 
spread of fire. The two views did not necessarily run 
alongside. It seemed, however, proved that the remedies 
had effected a substantial improvement, and thereupon the 
fire offices, of their own accord, hardly two years ago, made 
a considerable reduction in the rates hitherto existing for 
theatrical and music-hall risks. 

It is obvious that the use of the stage proper presents a 
great variety of risks, and that that variety is met by dif- 
ferential rating. Assuming that the construction and sur- 
roundings of the theatre are alike, the representation of a 
modern society or drawing-room comedy has fewer elements 
of fire risk than those plays where there are big “sets,” 
involving the use of complicated machinery and ever-chang- 
ing and elaborate scenery, or even pantomimes where gob- 
lins and fairies are surrounded with displays of fire or light, 
all of which have to be reckoned with by the fire under- 
writer. The rate fixed marks his view of the risk, and it 
can be imagined that they differentiate almost as much as 
the views of man in general. Their assessment may not be 
perfect, but as they represent the collective experience of the 
oldest and most reliable insurance offices, they afford more 
satisfactory data than the guesses of new ventures, or even 
the experience of theatrical managers themselves. As these 
gentlemen must be presumed to know their own special 
business best, they must give the fire offices credit for like 
common sense. 

Following hard upon a recent deputation comprising 
such notable actor-managers as Sir Charles Wyndham, Mr. 
Beerbohm Tree, Mr. George Alexander, and Mr. Cyril 
Maude to an important representative meeting of leading 
insurance men, when, it is understood, the hardships of 
even the reduced rating for theatres were urged, comes a 
powerful object lesson in the total destruction of the stage 
portion of Drury Lane theatre, as well as serious fires at 
Windsor and Leicester theatres. The fire waste at Drury 
Lane theatre, repeating its disastrous experience of 1672 
and 1809, is alone estimated at £20,000, and with £2,500 at 
Windsor and £2,000 at Leicester, make up an unpleasant 
total for the two months which have intervened since the 
deputation gave expression to their views. It is sufficient 
to point to Drury Lane stage alone, which has been de- 
scribed as “practically a fireproof chamber, armed with 
steel doors, steel staircases, fire resisting furnishings, and 
an asbestos curtain.” Here every device the ingenuity of 
man can suggest have proved of little avail, and can be upset 
by a scene-shifter’s pipe or defective electric installation. 
It is only fair to add that the fireproof curtain, as at the 
Theatre Royal, Windsor, sufficed to prevent the spread of 
the fire to the auditorium, and except for severe blistering 
of the decorated work round the proscenium by heat, prac- 
tically no damage was done to the principal part of the 
theatre. It should also be stated that the fire waste was 
also materially checked from spreading to the dressing- 

[April 4, 1908. 

rooms, paint-rooms, and large scenery stores which were 
shut off from the stage by metal-clad doors some twenty feet 
high. Foresight had certainly prevented a much larger 
total, but when it is remembered that the fire did not break 
out until the morning, that about 27 engines were working 
on the flames, and that, besides 160 men of the Fire Brigade, 
some 60 members of the Salvage Corps were in active requi- 
sition, it can be seen that a theatre fire, under the best con- 
ditions, when once it gets a hold, can prove a very serious 
loss. The Sun Fire Office carried an insurance of £75,000 
on the building, being on the Duke of Bedford’s estate, but 
it is a notable fact that the contents were covered in non- 
tariff ventures, of which the freshly-fledged Theatres Mutual 
Insurance Company had secured £3,000. 

Before leaving the subject, which has a moral outside 
insurance circles, one cannot altogether refrain from refer- 
ring to another aspect of the case. It is a further evidence 
of there being cycles of fires in theatre risks as well as in 
most other classes. These same cycles are self-evident to 
the fire underwriter, and also ever-recurring. But the 
reason for them passes his comprehension, the determining 
cause being delegated to that world of averages which no 
“twen-cent man’’ can compass or explain. To the lay 
mind such an idea would be laughed to scorn. But the 
indisputable fact remains. 

Che Geek in the Citp. 

Untit Thursday no event of very great importance occurred 
in finance, but the Stock Markets were enlivened by an 
American see-saw. It seems there has been a fight between 
Mr. Harriman and Mr. Morgan as to whether the Erie 
railroad should be forced into the hands of a receiver, and 
in that case who should enjoy the lucrative task of “ reorgan- 
isation.’’ The line was ‘“ Morganised’’ years ago, and now 
it seems likely to be Harrimanised without the interposition 
of a receiver. But the uncertainty of the situation domin- 
ated Wall Street, and Eries, with most of the gambling 
counters, rushed up and then down, and then up again. On 
Thursday a wet blanket came upon the City in the shape 
of a German Imperial 4 per cent. loan for £12,500,000, and 
a Prussian 4 per cent. loan for £20,000,000. Whether the 
German credit system, which has for weeks and months 
been suffering from severe tension, will stand this added 
strain is doubtful. Anyhow, London is rather struck by 
the fact that the Kaiser has to come to our money market, 
cap in hand, to borrow money for his naval programme. 


The position of manufacturers and workmen in the great 
towns and industrial districts of the United States is prob- 
ably worse now than at any time since October, when the 
crisis began, or for many years past. The iron trade was 
the first to go, and furnaces were shut down with such 
rapidity and on so huge a scale that matters can hardly be 
worse. The cotton manufactures of the United States suf- 
fered less at first ; but the mills both in the North and South 
are now faced with a most alarming crisis. Some are being 
closed, and the majority are curtailing their output by from 
25 to 40 per cent. Even the hands who are fortunate 
enough to remain partially employed have to submit to re- 
ductions of 10 or 15 per cent. in their wages. I see that a 
fortnight ago, before adjourning its session at Fall River, 
Massachusetts, the Executive Council of the United Textile 
Workers of America passed the following resolution as to 
the reductions in wages proposed or recently made: 

“The action of the manufacturers in reducing wages at 
this time is premature, and the Council reaffirms its previously 
expressed opinion that curtailment in wages is not the best 
remedy for the present condition of this industry.” 

The Council also voted approval of the Bill for 54 hours for 
women and children now before the Massachusetts Legisla- 
ture. The Secretary was instructed to write to Mr. D. 
Shackleton, advising him to impress upon mill hands in 
England the inadvisability of immigration to the United 
States during the present business depression. 


April 4, 1908.] 

Flesh Reduction. 

My Method. 


Those who will follow my advice, and do as I direct 
for only fifteen minutes per day for a few weeks, can rid 
themselves of all superfluous flesh. This statement is 
backed up by thousands of satisfied clients. The ‘ Clease 
Method” is a reality, and the only natural means of 
reduction now before the public. It has stood the test of 
years, and to-day it is more popular than ever. I have 
no wish to appear sensational in my statement, or to make 
claims for the ‘Clease Method” that sound ridiculous. 
What I say I can prove conclusively to be the absolute 

If you are seriously desirous of reducing your weight, 
removing your superfluous tissue, and at the same time 
improve your health in any direction, increase your 
strength and possess a symmetrical body, then you will 
take up the “Clease Method” without delay. What I 
have done for others I can do for you. 

| Speak Conservatively. 

The testimony of hundreds of business and professional 
men of the highest standing verifies my statements, and I 
back up my claims by a positive guarantee to refund my 
entire fee if I fail to accomplish the results I promise. 

Freedom from Sickness is not Health. 

Don’t think that you enjoy health just because you 
are not sick. Health is a comparative term, and there’s 
as much difference between the real thing and the health 
of the average man as there is between sunlight and 

Give me a few minutes a day and I will give you the 
health that makes living a joy, work a pleasure, and 
business a success. My elaborate and interesting book, 
“The Art of Physical Beauty,” will be sent free if you 
ask for it. It is of absorbing interest, and well worth 
anyone’s time. WRITE FOR IT TO-DAY. 











THE “OSMAN” Turkish Goods enumerated here are 
an absolute necessity in every household, They are a 
luxury, but not expensive, and can be obtained at prices 
within reach of every one. Be sure to buy the ‘‘Osman” 

brand and avoid imitations. 



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Vienna—Mr. William Frick, Graben 27. 

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Scale of Charges for Advertisements. 

Back Page, or Page} £10 0 0 £5 0 0 £2.10 0 
facing matter ... 
Other Pages 800 400 200 
Hotels, Hydros, and Educational : 
13 Insertions 8d. per line. 
52 Pe: peta owls haar 




Demonstrating to the World the Products and Resources of the British 
Empire, and of France and her Colonies. 

His Majesty the King has expressed his warm approval of the Exhibition. 

The DUKE OF ARGYLL, K.T., Honorary President. 

The EARL OF DERBY, K.G., President. 

Vice-Presidents.—The Archbishop of Canterbury, the Duke of 
Bedford, the Duke of Devonshire, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Earl 
Cadogan, Earl Cromer, Earl Egerton of Tatton, the Earl of Jersey, 
the Earl of Minto, Viscount Knutsford, Lord Avebury, Lord Roths- 
ia Lord Strathcona, Sir Ernest Cassel, and the Lord Mayor of 


VISCOUNT SELBY, Chairman . Executive 

SIR JOHN A. COCKBURN, Vice-Chairman { Committee. 

LORD BLYTH, Chairman Organising Committee. 

LORD WELBY, Chairman Finance Committee. 

LORD DESBOROUGH, President Olympic Games and Chairman 
Sports Committee. 
Commissioner-General: IMRE KIRALFY, Esq. 
Chairmen of Group Committees: 
Charles C. Allom, Esq. |Prof. W. Gowland. Alfred Mond, Esq. 
Sir Hugh Bell, Bart. |H. Percy Harris, Esq.|Sir Edward J. Poynter 
The Earlof Bessborough} Henry E. Jones, Esq. |Lieut.-Col. D. Grain. 
Sir Alexander Binnie.| Sir William Lee-Warner|T. Hurry Riches, I’sq. 
H, Cosmo Bonsor, Esq. |Sir Thomas J. Lipton,|Sir Boverton Redwood 
Frank Debenham, Esq. Bart, Sir Clifton Robinson. 
Maurice Deacon, Esq.| Sir Norman Lockyer. |Sir C, E. Howard Vin- 
James Dixon, Esq. Sir William Mather, cent 
Dr. Francis Elgar. Sir Charles McLaren|The Lord Weardale. 
Dr. R. T. Glazebrook. Bart. Sir Wiliam H. White 
Great Exhibition in London, 1851, 21 acres, 16 acres Buildings 
International Exhibition, London, 1862, 234 acres, 16? acres Buildings 
FRANCO-BRITISH EXHIBITION, 1908, 140 acres, over 40 acres Buildings 

Four of the best British and French Military BANDS will per- 
form daily. 

The most novel and refined attractions ever presented in London 
will be placed in the Pleasure Gardens of the Exhibition. 

SEASON for Ladies or Gentlemen, £1 1s. each. 

TICKETS for Children under Twelve, 10s. 6d. each. 

Now on sale at all the principal agencies and libraries. These 
Tickets will also admit on the Opening Day of the Exhibition, and 
to the dedication of the Stadium. 

In the Central Gardens. 

Ladies as well as Gentlemen are eligible for Membership. 
Subscription: Gentlemen, £3 3s.; Ladies, £2 2s. 
Membership of this club includes admission to the Exhibition. 

The ALLOTMENT of Exhibit SPACE in the various Exhibition 
Halls is now approaching completion. 

CONCESSIONS for the erection of PAVILIONS in the various 
Gardens of the Exhibition, for the sale of Confectionery, Cigars, 
Cigarettes, and Tobacco, and numerous other Concessions, are now 
being concluded. 

Exhibitors and Concessionaires desirous of securing the remain- 
ing available space should apply immediately to the Secretary. 

EXCURSIONS from all parts of the UNITED KINGDOM and the 
CONTINENT are now being arranged. 

Educational, Scientific, and other CONGRESSES and CONFER- 
ENCES will be held in the Congress Halls. 

Full _ particulars on application to the Secretary, 56, Victoria 
Street, Westminster, S.W. 

In which 22 Nations compete, will take place in the Great Stadium 
capable of holding over 100,000 people. 
Amateur Athletic Association. Amateur Swimming Association. 
National Cyclists’ Union. Royal Life-Saving Society. 
Auto-Cycle Union. National Wrestling Association. 
Amateur Fencing Association. London Private Fire Brigades. 
National Physical Recreation Society. 
Finchley, Polytechnic, Highgate, and Queen’s Park Harriers, Essex 
Beagles, Amateur Swimming Club, and Zephyr Swimming Club, 
&c., &c., Sports Meeting, and many other Meetings, before and 
after the Olympic Games. 

KINGSLEY HOTEL, British Musoum, 

Hart Street, Bloomsbury Square, London. 


Opposite the British Musewn, 
Great Russell Street, London. 

These well-appointed and commodious Temperance Hotels will, it is believed, 
meet the requirements. at moderate charges of those who desire all the conveniences 
and advantages of the larger modern Licensed Hotels. These Hotels have Passenger 
Lifte, Electric Light throughovt, Bathrooms on every floor, spacious Dining, 
Drawing. Writing, Reading, Billiard, and Smoking Rooms, heated throughout. 
Fireproof Floors. Perfect Sanitation. Telephones. Night Porters, 

BEDROOMS (including attendance) from 3/6 to 6/0. 
Inclusive charge for Bedroom, Attendance Table d’Hote, Breakfast and Dinner, 
From 8/6 to 10/6 per day. 

Full Tariff and Testimonials on application. 
Telegraphic Addresses— 
Kingsley Hotel, ‘“‘ Bookcraft, London.” 

Thackeray Hotel, ‘ Thackeray, London.” 


HOTEL NASSAU. With fine Bathing Establishment. Situated 
at the Curplace. ‘ The English one. 4 

THE BELVEDERE. High-class English Family Hotel, in the 
finest and sunniest position. Inclusive terms 1] to 20 francs, 


[April 4, 1908. 


WILD’S TEMPERANCE HOTELS. J. B. Wild, C.C., Man. Direc. 
30-40, Ludgate Hill, E.C. ; 70 & 71, Euston Square, W.C. 

Sun Lounge. Every form of Bath. 


THE QUEEN, Bath Road. Miss Tye. 
Central. Board and Residence, 35/6 to 3 guineas weekly. 

NEWLYN’'S (Royal Exeter) HOTEL, Close Pier; 1st Class; Modecate 

SILVER HOW. Boarding Est. West CliffGdns. From 30s. week. 

BRIDPORT (Near West Bay), DORSET. 
BOARD RESIDENCE. Every Comfort. 10, West St., Bridport. 



E. Richard, Manager. 
H. J. Preston. 

ST. ANN’S HOTEL. First Hotel. 

THE TORS HOTEL. Tel. : of99. 


CLARENCE Private Hotel & Boarding House, Sussex Grdns. s/- day. 

Mrs. F. Sara. 

Magnificent Moor Views. 

S. R. Jefferson. 

HADDON HALL, Devonshire Place, overlooking Sea. 5/- day. 

DELLERS CAFE. Cathedral Close, and at Paignton. 

THE WHITE HART HOTEL. Proprietor, W. Pearl. 

RED LION HOTEL. Overlooking famous Regatta course. 
HOTEL METROPOLE, 2 minutes’ walk from either station. 


COMPTON HOTEL, Church Street. Wm. Russell. 
Telegrams: ‘‘Compton.” Telephone: 3032 Royal, 3 wires. 

TEMPERANCE HOTEL, Market Hill. C. Simons, Manager. 
HARDWICKE PRIVATE HOTEL. Prop. & M’g’r.—J. Wilson. 



SMEDLEY’S Hydropathic Establishment. Estab. 1853. H.Challand, Mnger. 

ROCKSIDE HYDRO. Tennis, Bowls, &c. Nr, Golf Links. (18 holes). 

OXFORD (near). 
SUNNINGWELL HALL, Boars Hill. Dry, Sunny, Golf, etc. Lecture 

PENTRE HOTEL, Rhondda. Tel. No. P.O. 30. 


Oxford Street. 


W. H. Miles. 

And at Torquay. 

SWISS CAFE, Union Street. Moderate. Genoni Bros. 
SPEEDWELL HOTEL. A. Grigsby, Managing Director. 

STRATHEARN MANSIONS, South Parade. Miss Collis, Manageress. 

BELVEDERE, high-class English Family Hotel. Situated in 
sunniest and finest position. Inclusive terms 11 to 20 francs. 

‘*CRAIGSIDE,” Board Residence. Tel. : 6. Misses Fell. 
REGENT RESTAURANT & Criterion Hall for Catering. W.H. Bonner, 


WILFRED LAWSON. Temp. Hotel, J. J. Blundell Manager. 

April 4, 1908.] 




(Under the Management of the Society of Friends.) 

Twenty-six boys passed University Ensrance Examinations in 
1906 and 1907. 

A new feature for post-Matriculation students is a CITIZENSHIP 
COURSES, including Economics and Modern History with special 
reference to existing political institutions and social problems. 

The School continues to hold a strong position in Leisure-Hour 
work :—Natural History, Archaeology, Carpentry, etc. 

For copies of prospectus and full particulars with regard to 
scholarships, apply to the Head Master, Bootham School, York. 

Head Master: Arthur Rowntree, Certificate of Distinction in the 
Theory, History, and Practice of Education, Cantab. 

Gas OO LS 

Will Begin MONDAY, JUNE Ist. 

Particulars may be obtained from the Secretary. 

Principal: Miss J. F. GRUNER, Certificated Student of Girton Col- 
lege, late Second Mistress, Dulwich High 8chool, G.P.D.8.Co. Educa- 
tion thoroughly modern; physical training and outdoor games. Great 
attention is paid to healthful conditions of life. The boarding-house 
stands at an elevation of 800 ft.—For prospectus address to 



Preparatory School at Hitchin recognised by the Governors. 
Enquiries should be addressed to the BURSAR. 


ia body of Oxford and Cambridge graduates), gives advice and assist 
ance without charge to Parents and Guardians in the. selection of 
schools (for GIRLS 4ND Boys) at home or abroad, and as to Tutors 
(ARMY, Navy, UNIVERSITY, &0.). A statement of the requirements 
should be sent to the Manager, 

R. J. BEEVOR, M.A., 22, Craven Street, Trafalgar Square, W.C 


Good English Edueation. Eight Acres of Grounds, 


Accomplishments, Needlework, Cookery. 


Smith’s work. Riding and 



Affiliated to the University. Contains Study Bedro: ms for Fifty 
Students, with Dining Hall, Library, Class Room. Common Room, 
Billiard Room, Workshop, Fives and Tennis Courts, Football Field 
and Garden. Stands on three and a-half acres in a residential Park. 
Large staff of Tutors, and all social and athletic advantages of 
college life. Managed on undenominational lines by the Society 
of Friends. 

JOHN W. GRAHAM, M.A., Principal. 


Scholarship Examination, June 2nd, 3rd & 4th. 

One of 287, five or more of £50, five or more of £30 (£21 for Day Scholars) 
per annum. Faber Exhibition of £12 awarded to boy who does best in 
examination. Council nominations, value £12 per annum,may te awarded to 
boys who do well, but fail to obtain a scholarship. For particulars, apply to 
the Head Master or Secretary. 


been Opened for BOYS and GIRLS. 

(Author of “ Boyhood,” “Through Boyhood to Manhood,” etc.) 

“A Natural Education ” and ‘For Our Daughters,” Lectures given by 
Mrs. Richmond on the Co-Education of Boys and Girls may be had from 
Messrs. G. Street & Co., Ltd., 42, Albemarle-street, London, W, Price 3d. 
each; single copy 4d., post free, 



{Sector MAIL S.S. CO. 


‘ AL S&S. 
Steamers of the TOYO KISEN KAISHA, 

WEEKLY SAILINGS from San Francisco, 14,000 and 12,000 tons, 
twin-screw steamers, LARGEST and FASTEST on the Pacific. 

For rates, berths, tickets, &c., apply to the 

London Offices—West End, 22, Cockspur-street, 5. W. ; 
City, 49, Leadenhall-street, E.C. ; 
And at 25, Water-street, Liverpool. 



Have the I Illustrated, 
Largest Wide Margin, 
Selection of B Interleaved, 
Oxford and L Teachers’, 
Other Bibles and Prayer Interlinear 
Books from E Revised, . 
6d. to £10. S and other Editions. 
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Ancient d Mod _B ht, Sold 
BOOKS. ioc eta exchaneed’? > 

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[And at READING.) 
Mr. Thorp has incorporated the business in Review Books 
carried on for many years by Mrs, Hindley at Booksellers’ Row, 
and at the above address. 

J. POOLE & CO.,, 104, Charing Cross Road, LONDON 
School, Classical, Mathematical, Scientific, and Students’ 



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BOOKS WANTED.—£20 each offered. Guy Mannering, lst edit., 3 vols. 
1815, in boards uncut. Thackeray's Vanity Fair, 20 Nos., 1847-48. Vicar of 
Wakefield, 2 vols., Salisbury. 1766. Walton’s An gler, 1653. Paradise Lost, 1667. 
Lamb’s Shakespeare Tales, 2 vols., boards, 1827, 30/- each offered for. Scrope’s 
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Napoleon, 4 vols., coloured plates. Jesse’s George Selwyn, 4 vols., 1843. Books 
with inscriptions written inside by Carlyle, Meredith, Keats, Lamb, &e. All 
books with coloured plates by Ackerman, kc. Special list of wants free, 
high prices paid. Please let us know your wants. Wecan supply every- 
thing. HOLLAND BROS., Book Experts, 21, John Bright St., Birmingham, 
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32 Ten! EN APT TON: [April 4, 1908. 

‘ Sick souls need not a Lecture on Medicine, but an Individual Prescription.” 

Earnest Christian Workers Should Read C. G. TRUMBULL’S New Book 


Studies in the Principles and Practice of Individual Soul Winning. 

Just Published. Cloth gilt, 2s. 6d. 
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how PL for Quiet Moments. By the Rev. J. H. Jowett, The Gates of Life. By the Rev. H. Elvet Lewis. 

Musings for Quiet Hours. By the Rev. G. S. Barrett, D.D. Fruitful or Fruitless. By the Rey. Canon Hoare, M.A. 
The ey Into the Kingdom, By the Rev J. D. Jones, M.A., OO (2 Soul Culture. By the Rev. J. A. Clapperton 



Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, 25, 6d, CONTENTS: 

Is the Bible Inspired ? By the Rev. Hubert Brook, M.A. Deuteronomy and the Higher Criticism. By the Rev 

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Facts and “ Facts.” By the Kev. R. Sinker, D.D. 
Discoveries Confirming the Old Testament. By the Rev. | Are the Gospels True? By the Rev. Frank Ballard, M.A., 

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“The Victory of Free Trade 
Finance.” By “Cobdenite” 51 

“The Simple Life.” By “* Home 

The Late Prime Minister ... 36 Counties” + 1 
The Dee btiahe wasithca = Are Armaments Necessary ? 

The Break-up of American By Hugh Pennington Pal 
Parties ... .: J ep 3G The Detection of Fire. By 

LIFE AND LEITEns Frank Rowley a tary is 
Protection and Public 

ke lee ty SE Plunder. By R. Shindler... 62 

The Ethiopian’ ary ai is “4g Hamburg. By D.M.Stevenson 52 
Garden Primroses ... « 43 Peckham and Mr. Riesling. 

The Boat Race .. ..  «. 44 ByC.J. Back .. 53 

Women and the Suffrage: 

SEETCHES OF TRAVEL :— By A Woman posear Hye 

“Los Peares, un Minuto!” 

By R. B. Cunninghame and E. P. wee 53 
a gigs. orns Pe re 
A +s eed 
‘ y A Chancery Ward. By 
II. The Single Trade Test. F 
By J. AH. i 4 an Valentine Barlow ... Oo 
Austrian Policy in the Books to be Read ae OF 
Balkans. By Joseph Redlich 48 ge hes , 
phe N Shylock. B Bonapartism _... see ee 08 
4 Ww. MM. . a 49 AR ea on BK wey Od 
A Fragrant Past 57 
barrens TO THE EDIroR: = The Cambridge History of 
“ Fiscal Fallacies.” By 3. ARNEL English Literature ... 57 
and Frank Bowly 50 The Manchester iad Canal 58 
Tariff Reform and “Motor Books in Brief ... 60 
Cars. By T. hab tap 
bould and G. G. Desmond... 51 THE WEEK IN THE CITY ws 64 

a ieee == a 

[The Editor will be pleased to consider manuscripts if a accom- 
panied by stamped and addressed envelopes. He accepts 
no pes ity, however, for manuscripts submitted to him.] 


Diarp of the Geek. 

We are glad to note that “ The Times,’’ following 
a long and honourable tradition of independence with 
regard to Royalty, has spoken with freedom on the 
King’s absence in Southern France during the change 
of Government. Such an incident seems more in 
consonance with the custom of the Angevin Kings than 
with the House of Hanover, and many must feel that 

it involves a grave slight on constitutional tradition. 

British Ministers are Ministers of the Crown, they are 

appointed by the Monarch, and they kiss hands on 
appointment. Already it has been necessary for the 
new Prime Minister to interrupt the sitting of Parlia- 
ment for over a week, to suspend the most vital business 
of the session, to lose days when hours were precious, 
and to leave the great departments of the State with only 
nominal heads. Such a dislocation has no parallel in 
our politics, and, we believe, is equally distasteful to 
both constitutional parties. Had the King been present 
in England, the new Cabinet might have been recon- 
structed, and Parliament might have proceeded, with 
only the briefest interval, with its unusually heavy 
Both the King and the Prime Minister have 

thus been deprived of the advantage of communication 


with friends, advisers, or colleagues at a time when, as 
everybody knows, such communications are hourly 
necessary. The country is glad to know that the King’s 
absence is unconnected with his health. But it is still 

more pleased to hear of his return to London, and that 

such an unheard-of expedient as the holding of a Council 
in Paris has been abandoned. The frequent and pro- 
longed absences of the Monarch from this country recall 
the days of the early Georges rather than of Victoria, 
but no one anticipated that they would be permitted to 
delay the solution of a Constitutional crisis. 

* * * 
Tue event of the week has been the resignation of 
Sir Henry’s action has, 
Mr. Asquith, in an- 

Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman and Mr. 
succession as Prime Minister. 

unhappily, long been foreseen. 
nouncing it to the House of Commons on Monday, said, 
with truth, that no man ever laid down the highest 
public office “more universally or more deservedly be- 
loved.’’ Lord Ripon added his tribute to the ex-Pre- 
mier’s “unrivalled hold’’ on the House of Commons, 
which was the secret both of his power as a Minister and 
of the fact that so unprecedented and heterogeneous a 
majority has shown little or no signs of fissure. On 
Monday night, after an adjournment of the Commons till 
Mr. Asquith left for Biarritz, 
Wednesday kissed hands on his appointment as Prime 

Tuesday, and on 
Minister. His succession has been accepted by all sec- 
tions of the Liberal Party, though Mr. Keir Hardie 
has criticised it, and the tone of the Nationalist Press 
is cold, Mr. Redmond taking occasion on Monday to 
emphasise his predecessor’s attachment to the Home 
Rule cause. We may mention, in illustration of this 
attachment, that at an earlier stage of his illness Sir 
Henry was with difficulty dissuaded from rising from 
his sick bed and speaking, at the risk of his life, to the 
Home Rule resolution on the day for which it was 
originally fixed. 
* x 

THE composition of the new Ministry is at present 
matter for conjecture. But we believe that the main 
features of the coming combination represent an agree- 
ment amongst leading statesmen in the old Cabinet as to 
the balance of forces to be maintained in the new, and 
that it may be taken for granted that neither the Irish 
nor the general policy of the Administration will differ 
in any material respect from that of its predecessor. 
It would, of course, have been impossible to place 
all the chief posts in the Cabinet in the hands 
of members of the Liberal League. The 
of the probably be 

fold. They will involve the displacement or trans- 


character changes will txvo- 
ference of one or two of the older or less successful 
members of the old Cabinet and the infusion of newer 
blood. We believe that they will be followed by a redis- 
tribution of the powers and duties of the great interior 
departments, such as the Home Office, the Local Govern- 
ment Board, and the Board of Trade, and that the 
steady and permanent forces in Liberalism will not be 

passed over or slighted, 


[April 11, 1908. 

Ir is expected that the personnel of the new Govern- 
ment will be somewhat as follows :— 

Prime Minister and First Lord of the 

Treasury ae Bice 
Lord Chancellor ee — 
Chancellor of the Exchequer ... 
Foreign Secretary ; 
Indian Secretary 

Mr. Asquith. 
Lord Loreburn. 
Mr. Lloyd George. 
Sir Edward Grey. 
Mr. Morley. 
(with a peerage). 

Colonial Secretary Lord Crewe. 

War Secretary ... ote as ... Mr. Haldane. 
Home Secretary er ae ... Mr. Gladstone. 
First Lord of the Admiralty ... ... Mr. McKenna. 

President of the Board of Trade ... Mr. Churchill. 
President of the Local Government 
Board ... xo at. sn ... Mr. Burns. 
Postmaster-General ... a ... Mr. Buxton 
Lord President of the Council . Lord Tweedmouth. 
Secretary for Ireland ... Mr. Birrell. 
Secretary for Education Mr. Runciman. 
First Commissioner of Works Mr. Harcourt. 
Chancellor of the Duchy Sir Henry Fowler 
(with a peerage). 
. Lord Elgin. 
. Mr. Sinclair. 
Lord Carrington. 

Lord Privy Seal : 
Secretary for Scotland 
Minister for Agriculture 

It will be surprising if so able a Minister as Mr. 
Harcourt remains in his old position. Lord Elgin’s 
retention appears to be doubtful. Mr. Morley receives 
no fresh distinction through his peerage, but confers 
one on the House of which he will in future be a member. 

* % * 

THe Macedonian question continues deeply to stir 
the diplomatic world. The French Foreign Minister, 
M. Pichon, perhaps the least progressive member of M. 
Clemenceau’s Administration, sharply rebuked by M. 
de Pressensé for his opposition to Sir Edward Grey’s 
policy, has replied that France could not support it 
because it was ‘“‘isolated.’’ But France has a strong 
body of politicians friendly to reform in the Balkan 
States, and they may be expected to move public opinion 
in its behalf. M. Pichon was forced to pledge himself 
to the Russian proposals. Meanwhile, the countries 
most closely affected are moving. In Sofia there has 
been a demonstration in support of the Grey programme 
by 5,000 Macedonian emigrants, who passed resolutions 
gratefully recording the revival of active British 
policy in the Near East. The White Paper published 
on Tuesday exhibits the Foreign Minister’s attempt to 
establish a basis for joint action by Great Britain 
and Russia. This is made difficult by the inadequacy of 
the Russian proposals on finance. Sir Edward Grey 
would make the civil needs of Macedonia the first charge 
on the revenues, and hand over the balance to the Porte 
for the maintenance of its garrison. He also threatens 
by withdrawing British consent to the 3 per cent. in- 
crease in the Customs duties to compel it to pay the 
£300,000 deficit which it promised to make good. He 
accedes to the Russian desire to make Hilmi Pasha 
(whose record is doubtful) the Inspector-General, but 
only on condition of his independence of the Porte. The 
weak point of the British case is the lack of means to re- 
strain the bands; but the demonstration in Sofia is 

* * * 

Tue “ Morning Post ’’ has published the text of the 
Anglo-American Arbitration Treaty which now awaits 
ratification. It is to be a five years’ Convention, of a 
limited character. Four subjects are expressly excluded, 
questions of “ vital interests,’’ of “ honour,’’ of “ inde- 
pendence,’’ and those affecting third parties. Other 


questions are excluded in a note by Mr. Bryce. The 
Convention will also require special agreements between 
the two parties, defining the procedure and the powers ~ 
of the arbitrating tribunal, and even these agreements © 
will be without force until confirmed by an exchange of 
notes. Asa compliment to Canada, Great Britain pub- 
licly announces that she will consult a self-governing 
Dominion of the Empire when its interests are con- — 
cerned. This is caution indeed. 

* * * 

Tue Portuguese elections took place on Sunday, and ~ 
the results were as previously arranged by the Govern- — 
ment. The Monarchist coalition got the 138 seats it | 
had allotted itself and the Opposition the remaining — 
seventeen which had been allotted to it. The Repub- — 
licans took their allowance of five seats—four in Lisbon y) 
and one in Beja. A fair amount of shooting was done j 
in Lisbon, but the elections were “ made,’’ for the most © 
part, without the use of ball cartridge. The Ministry, — 
which was going to reform the rotten system of govern- 
ment, has adepted the electoral methods of its prede-— 
cessors. It was in a dilemma. A free election would 
certainly have resulted in a Republican majority, and 
the hands of a Republican majority could not have been 
kept off the Monarchy unless a programme of genuine 
reform were laid before it. The Ministry has escaped 
from the dilemma by seeing that the Republicans were 
kept out of Parliament. That was very simple, only 
the prestige of the Monarchy has not benefited. The 
Republicans expect their Republic within a twelvemonth. 
They may or may not be too sanguine, but the elections 
have not damaged their prospects. 

* % % 

M. Jaures on Monday utilised the approach of the 
municipal elections as the occasion for moving a vote 
of censure on the Government, on the ground that it 
was making no serious attempt to realise its programme 
of reforms, and was chiefly anxious to gain the support 
of the enemies of these reforms. The motion was re- 
jected by 442 votes to 80, and in its place a motion was 
carried calling upon the Government to push forward — 
its reforms, and to rely only upon the Republicans of 
the Left. Despite the voting, the day was a very bad 
one for the Ministry. M. Jaurés’ speech had the sym- 
pathy of many Radical Socialists, and M. Dubief, the 
leader of that party, declared that “a wind of uneasiness 
and impatience was passing across the country,’’ and 
that everyone was asking whether the Government was 
really doing its best, and whether it was not com- 
promising the Republican Left by association with the 
Conservatives. The motion which the Government 
accepted was really an ultimatum, and unless M. 
Clemenceau reverses the course he has been following 
for many months his further tenure of office will not 
be long. 

* * * 

PRESIDENT RoosEVELT seems to think that all ills 
can be cured by eloquence and impulse. He has now — 
addressed a message to Congress calling for legislation to 
suppress anarchism. He favours the seizure, through 
the Post Office, of Anarchist periodicals, on the ground 
that it is a crime under the common law to circulate 
literature advocating murder, arson, and treason. These 
papers he would exclude from the Federal mails, instead 
of leaving them to be dealt with by State action. On 
the advice of his Attorney-General, he proposes to take 
the strong step of prohibiting their circulation. This 
is rather close to government by ukase, a 

April 11, 1908.] 

THe Moderate chairman of the London County 
Council Finance Committee found himself in an awkward 
situation last Tuesday. He had to face the Council with 
a largely increased expenditure and an increased rate, in 
spite of the fact that his party was returned to power 
upon the strength of emphatic promises to reduce both. 
The temporary rate reduction of last year was due to 
substantial balances that were inherited by the 
Moderates from their predecessors. The increase this 
year would have been more than twopence in the pound 
instead of a penny but for the fortunate circumstance 
that a considerable proportion of these accumulations is 
still available. The estimated expenditure is more than 
ten and a-half millions. The most satisfactory feature 
of the statement was the disclosure that Progressive pre- 
dictions concerning tramway profits are being fulfilled. 
Last year’s profits are estimated to reach £66,547, and 
next year’s £110,883. The Moderates propose to allo- 
cate the whole of these sums to the Renewals Reserve 
Fund. But even this provision will be insufficient, 
according to the recent report of Messrs. Peat & Pixley, 
the commercial auditors. It is clear that the report, 
having served its party purpose, is to be conveniently 
forgotten, together with the promises of lower rates to 
which the party now in office owe much of their success 
at the polls. The Moderates are spending more money 
than the Progressives spent, and they are giving 
London less for it. They are starving the schools; they 
have wrecked the Works Department; they refuse to 
build working-class dwellings and to construct new tram- 
ways. Mr. Hayes Fisher’s Budget condemns his party 
as bad administrators and convicts them as spurious 

% * * 

Tue Reichstag on Wednesday passed the third read- 
ing of the new Associations Bill. The law of associa- 
tion and public meeting in Germany has, up till now, 
varied from State to State: in the South it has been 
fairly Liberal, elsewhere reactionary. The new Bill, 
which makes provision for the whole Empire, marks, 
but for one exception, a real advance. The exception 
‘is the 7th clause. In its original form, the 7th clause, 
which is aimed against the Poles, required that the pro- 
ceedings at public meetings should be conducted in 
German. In this form it was rejected in Committee, 
but the Radicals subsequently agreed to a compromise 
hardly less grossly tyrannical. Where a non-German- 
speaking element is more than 60 per cent. of the popu- 
lation, for the next twenty years it may, on giving 
notice, hold public meetings in the mother tongue, and 
the States may make further relaxations. It is obvious 
that this last provision is of no value to the Poles, for 
the Prussian Landtag will not make use of it, and the 
twenty years’ respite cannot be enjoyed by them in 
the Rhine provinces, nor even in many of the Eastern 
districts. Radicals have lent themselves to this viola- 
tion of their own principles, partly because they obtained 
in return modifications of the new Stock Exchange Bill, 
and partly because, having once entered the bloc as 
“practical ’’ politicians, they had not the courage to 
break from it. Their action is severely criticised by 
the “ Frankfiirter Zeitung ’’ and the “ Berliner Tage- 
blatt,’’ and it is obvious to all that they are now far 
along the same road which led the National Liberals to 
the extreme of reaction. 

* * * 
Tue skull and bones of Emmanuel Swedenborg were 

removed on Tuesday from the vault before the altar in 
the Swedish Lutheran Church, where they have rested, 


with one interval, since 1772, and conveyed to Sweden. 
It seems a pity to dissociate his dust from the country 
in which he died, and where he found many followers. 
His greatness, however, belongs to mankind. To other 
than students and disciples, he is chiefly known by an 
essay of Emerson’s; but minds so diverse as Kant, 
Emerson, Balzac, and the Brownings were all influenced 
by him. His most popular work—the series of extracts 
from the “ Arcana Ceelestia,’? known as ‘ Heaven 
and Hell ’’—illustrates his governing ideas and conclu- 
sions; but the greater book, veiled in its dress of cum- 
brous Latin, would furnish forth a hundred poets and 
speculators. No modern writer—save, perhaps Balzac, 
who was almost a disciple—achieved a wider range, or 
more profoundly searched the secret springs of human 

* * * 

Sir Howarp Vincent died on Tuesday at Mentone, 
in his fifty-ninth year. Most men, seeing and hearing 
(especially hearing) him in the House of Commons would 
have classed him with the cheery, eupeptic country 
gentlemen, and thought no more of him. But he was 
almost a prophet (and not at all a veiled prophet) of 
modern Toryism. He possessed a certain driving force 
that yielded visible results to his persistent method. He 
was one of the first of the new Protectionists, the new 
Imperialists, the new anti-foreigners. When his powers 
of agitation were, once in a while, tested in action, as in 
the Merchandise Marks Act, they worked in precisely 
the opposite direction that this simple-minded man de- 
sired. His activities were not confined to politics. He 
made a good head of Scotland Yard, and he was almost 
a generalissimo of the Volunteers. He was a typical 
representative of the kind of Toryism that comes from 
‘Sheffield. Personally, he was the most amiable of men, 
and the least bitter of partisans. 

* * * 

WE regret that the Home Secretary has refused to 
interfere with the sentences of flogging, amounting in 
all to over 170 lashes, passed by Mr. Justice Lawrence 
on fourteen prisoners at Cardiff Assizes. We deal with 
the subject elsewhere. 

*% * % 

A REPRESENTATIVE of the new literary order seems to 
have accompanied Mr. Asquith to Biarritz in the ser- 
vice of the “ Daily Mail.’’ He (or she) tells us that on 
the boat Mr. Asquith “ drew a rug over his knees and 
opened a book resembling a 6s. novel’’ (unnamed), Ata 
quarter to one in the morning he “closed his book.’’ 
He also “ pulled up his coat-collar and opened the door.”’ 
At Paris he bought a “ yellow-backed French novel ’’ 
(named). Emboldened by this feat, he ‘‘ seated himself 
comfortably in a corner seat, with his back to the 
engine.”’ Andsoon. This is the new journalism. 

* *% * 

THE Boat Race ended in the expected victory of 
Cambridge by about 24 lengths. The winning boat was 
not seriously pressed, and led from the start. Oxford 
showed resolution, but its shortness in the forward 
swing told against it, and the crew proved to be hardly 
quick enough to row down Cambridge in the first part 
of the race, when its choice of station gave it an ad- 
vantage. The later spurts were therefore useless. The 
time was good, but not extraordinary—19 min. 20 sec.— 
and the Cambridge crew seemed to be rowing well within 
its strength. 


Politics and Affatrs. 


THE Liberal Party would be at once thankless and 
thoughtless if it failed to emphasise its sense of the blow 
it has received in the withdrawal from public life of 
the man who two years ago led it to its greatest electoral 
victory. For the loss is in the two chief departments 
of its activities. We believe we are right in saying that 
no Cabinet of modern times led so harmonious an exist- 
ence as that which Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman 
formed and conducted through the most critical years 
of its existence. We are certain that no man was so fitted 
to control the House of Commons which issued from 
the election of 1906. The party, stands 
doubly bereaved ; and it also experiences, on its execu- 
tive side, the loss of a singularly broad and sane judg- 


ment and of a temperament whose natural sweetness 
made smooth a hundred difficulties associated with the 
conduct of affairs in our intricate political life. But 
we think that it will feel especially the absence of the 
leader who saw it through its time of distress and un- 
popularity, and took, for it and for himself, the right 
course when it was so easy to take the wrong one. Such 
It fortified Liberalism 
for its success, creating the men and the opportunity 

service was of inestimable value. 

for its revival, and imparting to it the qualities of 
strength and self-respect on which, in spite of some 
It would 
not be easy to say precisely why Sir Henry Campbell- 
others failed. 
doubtless, and the Nemesis that awaits an ill-considered 
policy, favoured him. But in the main the late Prime 
Minister re-made Liberalism because he had the charac- 
ter by which men stand in times of difficulty and before 

adverse influences, it will continue to flourish. 

Bannerman succeeded where Time, 

which lighter and more subtle temperaments give way. 
Having made up his mind, he kept to it, and so kept 
It was said of him 
He certainly had an un- 

others in the path he had chosen. 
that ‘he had no nerves.’’ 
rivalled serenity of temper and calmness of mind. For 
years he had to face a powerful Government, backed by 
an irritated public opinion, with half a party. Without 
special gifts of expression, he had constantly to counter 
in debate two of the readiest vocabularies and most 
ingenious intellects in Great Britain. Not a great 
thinker, he maintained belief in liberty and in 
human rights, in progress and a progressive party, 
when it had almost died, and when every kind of 
faithless compromise was in the air. He had to endure 
the insults of slight or common minds, unresented by those 
who should have been his friends. He had as open 
rival one of the most naturally attractive men in England. 
He defeated him. He re-knit his party, maintained 
its wavering allegiance to its old convictions, and broke 
the opposing forces, the forces within and the forces 
without. Feats such as these are usually associated 
with great men. In this case they were linked with a 
personality rather than with a governing talent of the 
supreme order. But few leaders have done for their fol- 
lowers what the late Prime Minister has achieved for 
his; few haye better shown how serviceable the 

[April 11, 1908. 

right use of powers, practical rather than brilliant, can 
be made. 

Nor have these services been less conspicuous since 
the Government was formed. Able as was the Camp- 
bell-Bannerman Ministry, it went very near, on occa- 
sion, to committing capital errors. It might have gone 
wrong on South African Government, on Chinese labour, 
and on the legal status of trade unionism. We believe 
we are right in saying that on all these questions the 
Prime Minister’s steadiness saved it. A little deficient 
in the power to take long views of policy, and to order 
a large disposition of forces well in advance of the critical 
time, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman rarely failed to 
do the right thing at the right moment. His decision 
then was instinctive; depending at once on good sense 
and good feeling. Hence he interpreted the most en- 
lightened opinion in his party, distrusting over-in- 
genuity, and having the immense advantage that he was 
never afraid and never flurried. Had he been a soldier 
he must have been a good general, resembling in these 
respects the old and wary Russian commander, Kutusoff, 
who wore down Napoleon in 1812. When he thought he 
had good advice he took it. But he often did best when 
he acted on his own intuitions. 

Mr. Asquith did well to suggest that the House of 
Commons and the world of politicians took leave of Sir 
Henry Campbell-Bannerman in a spirit of affectionate 
regret. For the most part, the leaders of men 
inspire their admiration or their fear. 
their love. The late Prime Minister possessed this 
quality of moral attraction, and retained it to the end 
of his career. It helped him to govern a House of 
Commons full of independent and even turbulent and 

Few win 

jarring elements, as it has never been governed by men 
more highly trained in the arts of debate and intel- 
lectual strategy. One reason was that the new House of 
Commons represented a certain strain of simplicity in life 
and experience that corresponded to the late Premier's 
unostentatious habit and tastes. Society, which ignored 
and disliked him when he was out of power, despised him 
for his outspokenness about a terrible incident in the 
war, and did its best to avert his headship of a Liberal 
Government, turned to him readily enough when he 
came into his kingdom. But by character and tempera- 
ment he had little sympathy with the classes who seek 
to govern Great Britain in the intervals of their amuse- 
ments. In this respect he was the first of the demo- 
cratic Prime Ministers, and men who represented some- 
thing fresh in the grouping of political forces, like the 
Labour Party or the Irish Nationalists, felt especially 
drawn to him. What he was in his character he was also 
in his political tendencies. He could not be called an 
idealist, and he exercised a shrewd and close judg- 
ment on the average partisan and his ways. But 
he showed an unaffected interest in the causes which 
lay outside the regulated enthusiasm of party politics. 
A friendly and warm-hearted man, who found a 
home of rest for his old horses and allowed no 
killing of animals on his Scottish estate, he cared — 
much for international peace, for the spreading of 
modest comfort and happiness among the mass of 

the people, for all that men in power, if they have — 

April 11, 1908.] 

firm wills and good intentions, can do to soften 
the cruelties and inequalities of life. He possessed in- 
deed, the true art of governing men through their affec- 
tions no less than through their intellects. For this 
reason his arts of management, which were remarkable, 
and his judgment, which rarely went astray on occasions 
of critical importance, served his party well, for they 
were founded on a knowledge of the abiding and govern- 
ing sides of human nature. He lived to destroy or 
greatly to qualify the political power of three men, all 
of them intellectually abler than himself, to re-fashion a 
broken and distracted instrument into a powerful en- 
gine of progress, and to witness, to shape, and to 
nourish the re-birth of British democracy. 


THOsE who value the smoothness of our normal political life 
may find something to admire in the ease with which Mr. 
Asquith has attained to the Premiership and formed a 
new Government without a break in the unity of his 
party. The change, indeed, is not so great as that in- 
volved in Lord Rosebery’s replacement of Mr. Gladstone 
fourteen years ago. But it is considerable. In a sense 
Mr. Asquith is a “ newer ’’ Liberal than his predecessor. 
His career dates from the period when Gladstonianism 
was finishing its work, and re-constructive rather than 
liberating ideas were filling the nation’s mind. In the 
popularising of these ideas the Prime Minister, who was 
also the best Home Secretary of our times, has had no 
mean share. The contrast with the late Premier is 
rather in temperament and outlook, as well as in relation- 
ship to Liberal feeling, and to some forces, like those of 
Labour and Irish Nationalism, most closely akin to it. 
Till the Free Trade controversy arose, Mr. Asquith was 
less closely in touch with those forces than Sir Henry 
Campbell-Bannerman or Mr. Morley. Now he succeeds 
to the first place not only because of a distinguished 
service of talent and Parliamentary skill, but because 
the party itself has recovered its true relationship to the 
national life, which the South African war suspended. 
But there is no need to disguise the fact that Mr. 
Asquith’s elevation has called for a re-adjustment of the 
balance of power, which Sir Henry Campbell-Banner- 
man’s retirement had disturbed, and that this necessity 
of the situation has been cheerfully conceded. The new 
Prime Minister, therefore, has started fairly and wisely 
on his course. The Chancellorship of the Exchequer, 
which he relinquishes, was properly offered to Mr. 
Morley, the most famous of the Gladstonian statesmen, 
and, on his refusal, to the most brilliant and con- 
spicuous member of the Radical Opposition of 1900 to 
1905. We hope, too, that when the personnel 
of the new Government is fully determined, it will 
be found to represent fairly the general balance 
of forces in the party. We wish that it could include 
a representative of the new Labour movement as well 
qualified for Cabinet responsibility and for the intellec- 
tual work of Government as is Mr. Shackleton, 
and we are glad to think that had such an appointment 
been feasible, it would willingly have been made. 


There is a further sense in which Mr. Asquith’s 
Premiership is opportune. The Liberal Government of 
to-day is a busy factory of legislation. It wants a 
master-workman at its head, and the faculty of work- 
manship is Mr. Asquith’s special qualification for public 
life. We may think him a little wanting in imagina- 
tion, in intuition, and in those special gifts of speech 
which go to the inspiriting of men or belong to the dip- 
lomacy of politics. On these lines Mr. Asquith’s gifts 
do not compare either with Mr. Balfour’s or with his 
predecessor’s. But as an executant of policy he is un- 
rivalled, and among recent statesmen deserves com- 
parison only with Gladstone. It is safe to say that he 
has been the best devising head in the late Cabinet, and 
that his services in constructive work have been equally 
loyal and able. And it is unjust to call him a 
heartless or a spiritless politician. He has sometimes 
offended through a certain precision and dryness of 
speech. But there are cases in which rigid phrasing 
implies carefulness rather than hardness, a failure in 
tactics rather than in sympathy. What we hope he 
will consider during his tenure of power is that the 
standing of his Government in the House of Commons 
depends in no small degree on those groups of members 
who represent a disinherited nationality, or hard-driven 
and dependent forces in the community. He has in his 
day done good service both to labour and to Ireland. 
He can render them a still greater service by keeping 
them in touch with the general forces of progress. 

For these reasons the Liberal Party may well be dis- 
posed to accept and to further the momentous change of 
direction which has befallen it. There are many, indeed, 
who feel that if they are bound to the new allegiance, Sir 
Henry Campbell-Bannerman’s successor is no less bound 
to them. We should not call Mr. Asquith a man of 

the Right. He belongs to what Continental poli- 
ticilans call the Centre of the party, with, of 
late, an increasing inclination to the Left. He is in 

the thick of the fray, for he has the management of 
the most hotly contested of the Government’s Bills, and 
he has defended it in language which shows no weak- 
ness. And it is only by and with the Left that Mr. 
Asquith will be able to govern. Five-sixths of the 
Liberal Parliamentary Party are Left wing; not that 
any marked, or abrupt, line separates it from the Mode- 
rates, but that the evolution of Radicalism within the 
Liberal Party is fairly complete, and that the democratic 
advance on both sides, and the shifting of practical 
issues, have almost destroyed both Whiggery in 
Liberalism and pure Conservatism among the Unionist 
Opposition. Reaction may appear in full activity among 
the Tories, and fears of Socialism, artfully blown abroad 
for electoral purposes, now and then make weak Liberals 
shiver. But with us democracy is in full development. 
The neo-Tories are demagogues as well as Protectionists, 
appealing to the street-corner, and facing the prospect 
of large social changes like old-age pensions with alter- 
native plans, and criticisms not of policy, but of detail. 

Mr. Asquith’s course, therefore, is marked out for 
him by the circumstances and necessities of the time no 
less than by the policy and temper of his predecessor, 
Radicals would, we believe have no objection to the sug- 


gestion that such a measure as the Education Bill should 
be taken out of the area of party controversy, and 
settled, if it can be settled, by an agreement between the 
churches whose quarrel has caused the whole difficulty. 
We should even be prepared to see the withdrawal 
of both the Bills now before the public, with a view to 
an eirenicon, to be arranged in the autumn. We 
want no large scheme of contracting out, and we do 
want a national system, if the country and the religious 
parties are ready for it. But we suggest that the general 
course and policy of the Government are governed, not 
merely by Mr. Asquith’s Premiership, but by the choice 
of Mr. Lloyd George as the Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
and, therefore, as deputy leader of the House of Com- 
mons, and by the inclusion of Mr. Churchill in the Cabinet. 
Mr. Asquith has shown wisdom in associating Mr. George’s 
quick and apprehensive genius, his remarkable fertility 
in expedients, with the most critical post in the Govern- 
ment, and he has secured a fresh asset in Mr. Churchill’s 
rich eloquence and broad and rapidly maturing powers of 

These events, the strengthening of the younger 
element in the Cabinet, and the general infusion of fresh 
blood into the outer limbs of the Government, are 
sufficient indications of Mr. Asquith’s view of the future 
of Liberalism. The new Government starts well. It has 
put forward three large measures of social re-construc- 
tion—-the Housing Bill, the Irish Universities Bill, and 
the Port of London Bill—which, with the Children’s 
Bill, awake no partisan feelings, and yet are in line with 
the conscience or the practical needs of the community. 
If it can pass these measures, with the Eight Hours Bill 
for Miners, if it can settle the Licensing question, and 
make straight the way for an educational peace, it will 
have deserved well of the country, and prepared it for 
the over-mastering task which awaits it the next year 
and the year after, the reform of the Poor Law. In 
this great undertaking, four Ministers, Mr. Asquith 
himself, Mr. George, Mr. Churchill, and, if he remains 
at the Local Government Board, Mr. Burns, will be 
deeply concerned. On their success may depend the view 
which the people of Great Britain will take of the case 
for Free Trade. That case is unassailable by logic and is 
deeply concerned with the material welfare of the work- 
men. But if it is associated with mere praise of the 
status quo, and with indifference to the condition of the 
depressed mass of the wage-earners, it may fail. On a 
policy of Liberal-Conservatism Mr. Asquith’s Govern- 
ment could not last a single Session. Progressive causes 
live by “admiration, hope, and love,’’ and if they fall 
back to an attitude of timid adherence to things as they 
are, they loosen the roots of their strength. If, 
therefore, we accept the view that the new Ministry, like 
the old, is charged with the guardianship of Free Trade, 
and with the defence of the people from the alternative 
policy of public plunder, we hold it no less bound to 
continue its predecessor’s course of constructive legisla- 
tion. The answer to what is called the menace of 
Socialism is to establish a party which offers practical 
remedies for social evils, and can make the people realise 
that it feels and works for them, as well as for the 
commercial and industrial power of the nation. 

[April 11, 1908. 

THERE are superstitions which die hard and resurrect 
easily. No superstition is so easily re-born as the belief 
that flogging is a right and proper penalty for crime. 
The use of the lash appeals directly to a sentiment which 
supposes itself to be moral, but is, in the main,,a com- 
pound of primitive vindictiveness and the love of excite- 
ment with a certain dash of sensuous cruelty thrown in. 
“The villain had his flogging at the gangway and we 
cheered.’’ It is the cheer of the natural man who, when 
injured, wants to hit, to hit physically, directly, liter- 
ally ; who, when he sees another injured, equally needs to 
discharge his emotion and carry off the surplus excite- 
ment. It is the cheer which arises partly from less 
reputable emotions. ‘‘ It was always so funny when any- 
one was going to be whipped,”’ reflects Tant’ Sannie, if 
we remember right, in the “ African Farm.’’ School- 
boys in the old days crowded to the best places to see the 
flogging of one of their number. If the castigation is 
private, as is usual nowadays, the excitement is scarcely 
less intense. The victim, if he has restrained his tears, is 
a hero, and he will recount with pride the number of 
strokes and the mode of their laying on. All physical 
violence done to a fellow-creature stirs a wave of excite- 
ment, in which elements of gloating satisfaction mingle 
with pity and horror. Nay, there is an element of 
emotional luxury in pity and horror themselves, which 
only true tragedy “ purges’’ in the genuine sense. The 
feeling is mixed; disgust and attraction are strangely 
commingled at the sight of bloodshed. The first time a 
man sees a hanging, as Boswell somewhere recounts, he 
is inexpressibly shocked. Yet he goes again and again, 
and each time, as the shock is lessened, the more pleasure- 
able elements gain the upper hand. Were our executions 
done in public we should soon have the old crowds and 
the old merry-making over them. Do not men gather 
in numbers for the mere thrill of seeing the black flag? 
Hanging is exciting. But flogging is even more exciting, 


and less grim. 

The time will, we hope, come when all flogging of 
adults, but particularly the use of the birch, will be sup- 
pressed as an indecency. It might conceivably be just 
to sentence some men to be flogged for some actions. 
But it cannot be just to sentence any man to flog another. 
The better opinion gravitates in this direction, as may be 
inferred from the fact that when a man in ermine sud- 
denly sentences eleven criminals to the lash we are told 
that he is a humane and careful judge. We know that 
We know that ‘“humane’’ official. It is 
always the peculiarly humane man whose high character 
If farm-buildings are 


is the defence of the indefensible. 
burned in war, it is always by the most ‘“ humane ’’ 
If a pauper is ill-treated, it is by the most 
If a child is killed 
on the highway, it is by the most humane and careful 
motorist. May Heaven preserve us from the humane! 
With the unpretending we can get on well enough. 
Meanwhile we take Mr. Herbert Gladstone’s defence of 
Mr. Justice Lawrence’s action in flogging eleven men 
at Cardiff as a tacit admission that those sudden and 
sporadic resorts to methods of barbarism cannot be justi- 
fied on their merit. The act must skulk behind the 

“ humane ’ 


master of a workhouse. 

April 11, 1908.] 

character of the agent as guaranteed by the unimpeach- 
able testimony of the Home Secretary. 

Argument on behalf of such a series of sentences 
there is none. To begin with, the case for flogging 
itself has been riddled. The story that flogging put 
down garrotting has been exploded over and over again. 
The belief that flogging was necessary to army discipline 
has been disproved by an experience of nearly thirty 
years. The dogma that flogging is necessary for prison 
discipline is disproved by the fact that it is precisely 
belief that flogging is a cure for robbery with violence 

the offences so punished which show an increase. 

is disproved by the continuance of that crime after cam- 
-paigns of flogging by judges with a tendency in that 
direction. The view that it is the one punishment 
criminals dread is exploded by the cases in which men 
who have been flogged return to the dock. Flogging isa 
bad punishment for the criminal because, more than 

chance there is of reform depends wholly on the possi- 

any other, it breaks a man’s character to pieces. 

bility of building up again the shattered self-respect of 
a convict and restoring him to orderly industrial life. 
All punishment which degrades a man makes this difficult. 
It is 
bad for society, because it spreads abroad the con- 

Flogging makes it more difficult than any other. 
tagion of violence. It cultivates an excitement that in 
our crowd-psychology propagates itself in rapidly widen- 
ing waves. It is the fitting method of fostering an 
epidemic of violent crime. Hence it is that in propor- 
tion as the ferocity of punishment diminishes, so, on 
the whole, does the extent and the savagery of crime. 
Crime is to be extirpated in the end not by vengeance 
on the criminal, but by the improvement of the social 
order, and by the gradual prevalence of milder and 

society which, while civilising itself in other ways, 

more civilised dealings between man and man. 

resorts to barbaric methods of self-protection against 
criminals, guards and cherishes a plague spot in its 

But were it otherwise, were flogging in itself a de- 
sirable or a permissible punishment, there would still 
be no defence for the sporadic flogging administered at 
random by particular judges. There is no special 
reason why robbery with violence should be singled out 
for this form of retribution. There are cases of wicked 
fraud, in particular there are cases of cruelty to chil- 
dren, which have much stronger claims to this bad 
eminence. But even if this particular crime were to be 
singled out for barbarous treatment, there would still 
be no justification for the utterly casual and indis- 
criminate manner in which the punishment is now 
applied. If a punishment is to deter at all, it must be 
regular, and as certain as law and police can make it. 
If every man who robbed with violence knew that the 
lash awaited him, the fear of it might at least frighten 
As it is, he knows that he has nine out of ten 
In the normal course of things, he 

will be sent to prison. 

chances of escape. 
It is only if a particularly 
humane and careful judge arrives on the scene, that his 
back will be reduced to pulp. What might be gained 
by a bad form of punishment is lost by its random 
‘administration. Fortunately, these are the last cases 




of the kind. The Court of Criminal Appeal comes into 
existence in the course of two months, and in future 
sentences will at least be reduced to uniformity. The 
eccentricities of the humane will no longer have it all 
their own way, and, whatever the rule of punishment 
may be, wise or unwise, barbaric or civilised, it will be 
reduced to a standard and administered with a unifor- 
mity which will at least secure the elementary conditions 
of its operation as a deterrent. 


Tuat quadrennial cataclysm which Americans vainly seek 
to attenuate by calling it a Presidential election is now in 
full swing. It promises to be, in one respect, unique. 
When appeals to the country are regulated not by the 
needs of politics, but in obedience to an immutable time- 
table, there is no certainty that there will be any real 
issues to set before the people. In 1896 an election and 
a worthy issue had the good fortune to coincide. In 
1900, though the election punctually put in its appear- 
ance, it found only the tail end of an issue waiting to 
receive it. In 1904 the contest, so far as political ques- 
tions were concerned, was wholly factitious and decided 
nothing except that the American people preferred Mr. 
Roosevelt to Judge Parker. 
attempt is being made to disguise the fact that per- 
sonalities and not policies are to be the pivot of the cam- 
paign. The three most prominent candidates before the 
electorate at this moment are Mr. Taft and Mr. Hughes 
on the Republican and Mr. Bryan on the Democratic 
All three subscribe practically without reserva- 
Mr. Bryan claims that 

This year, not even an 

tion to the Roosevelt policies. 
he blazed the trail which Mr. Roosevelt has since maca- 
damised. Mr. Taft, as the President’s right-hand man, 
himself shares in the responsibility for the measures and 
policy of the administration. Mr. Hughes endorses all 
Mr. Roosevelt has done and tried to do. It is abun- 
dantly clear that no candidate less Radical than Mr. 
Roosevelt stands any chance. It is equally clear that 
the people wish the President’s programme to be carried 
on. All, therefore, that they have to decide is whether 
it is to be carried on by Mr. Roosevelt himself, with 
Mr. Taft’s thoroughness, with the somewhat milder 
methods that seem more consonant with Mr. Hughes’s 
temperament, or with Mr. Bryan’s declamatory and 
often ill-balanced intensity. Such an agreement on 
measures has not before been known in American history. 

The platforms that are now being adopted by the State 
conventions, whether Democratic or Republican, are in 
substance indistinguishable. Mr. Roosevelt’s message 
of last week advocating amendments to the Anti-Trust 
laws, an employers’ liability Act, and further labour 
legislation, was nowhere received with more favour than 
among his nominal opponents. The leader of the Demo- 
crats in the House has pledged the support of his 
followers in giving effect to the recommendations of a 
Republican President. Parties have, for the moment, 
ceased to exist. There is just Mr. Roosevelt and his 
programme and nothing more. 

The phenomenon is unnatural, is unhealthy, and 
cannot endure. It represents not a fixed condition, but 
a phase in a great and deeply interesting process of 
transformation, For the past thirty years the Amert- 
can parties have been nothing but rival electioncering 


bodies. One might have searched them in vain for 
anything in the nature of a veritable creed. They 
derive a certain momentum from history and tradition ; 
they owe much to local and sectional exigencies; and 
the mere immensity of their organisations and the fact 
that they have acquired a definite legal status have done 
much to keep them in being. Party spirit is probably 
deeper and more bitter in the United States than in 
Great Britain; party organisation has certainly reached 
a higher state of mechanical finish than we even dream 
of ; and the discussion of politics, or, rather, of what is 
confidently assumed to be such, is at once more pervasive 
and more personal than with us. But, in spite of this, 
it is true that until Mr. Roosevelt’s accession the 
American parties were merely guilds or fraternities of 
politicians fighting for the spoils. There was no such 
thing as a distinctively Republican or a distinctively 
Democratic policy or frame of mind. Of beliefs and 
principles, of everything, indeed, that one might exalt 
by the name of a political religion, they were all but 
wholly destitute. They had lost everything that we 
in Great Britain are apt to think essential to a political 
body, except office or the hope of it. That did not, of 
course, prevent them from behaving as though they 
were really parties with a faith. It did not prevent 
them from lining up in battle array, with banners and 
leaders all complete, and fighting one another as though 
something serious were at issue between them. They 
took sides, but which side each would take was deter- 
mined by the accident of chance. Their alignment 
on the questions of the day was purely arbitrary and 
fortuitous, dictated, not by convictions, but simply by 
a sense, often shrewd, often amazingly at fault, of 
electioneering needs. There was no atmospheric change 
when Republicans succeeded Democrats or Democrats 
Republicans. Politics were make-believe, and parties 
existed to manceuvre among uurealities. 

The social protest which was the backbone of 
Bryanism was the first large and clear sign that the era 
of a mechanical factitiousness was drawing to a close, 
and that American politics would before long be pene- 
trated by a spirit of vitality and earnestness. Under 
Mr. Roosevelt’s régime the signs have multiplied. His 
policy of the “square deal’’ cut clean across the tradi- 
tional lines of party division. It fitted in with none of 
the old formule and catch-words. It was a national 
and not in any sense a factional policy, not a movement 
of Republicans against Democrats, but of the people 
against the plutocracy. Mr. Roosevelt has initiated 
two campaigns against the American money-power. One 
is aimed at capital, the other at capitalists. The first 
campaign, by an unsparing investigation of the Trusts, 
by an increasing strictness of Federal supervision over 
their conduct, and by the resumption of franchises and 
concessions heedlessly granted in past years, essays to 
bring under public control whatever is excessive and 
against the commonweal in the powers of organised 
wealth, and to prevent the promoter and the financier 
from profiting at the expense of the community. The 
second campaign deals rather with the millionaire as a 
private citizen and is designed to extract from him a 
fair return for the wealth he has been enabled to amass. 
Those who opposed these policies did so not as Republi- 
cans or Democrats but simply as Conservatives, speak- 
ing the universal language of Conservatism. Those who 
favoured them did so as Radicals sans phrase. Mr. 
Roosevelt, in short, has been the means of launching 
issues that appeal more to men’s fundamental opinions 
about politics and society than to their party affiliations. 
He has brought home to the people the emptiness 
of the old parties and their lack of correspondence with 
the facts of America’s economic conditions. We see 
many tokens that Republicans and Democrats with their 
obsolete mummeries will soon mean less than nothing 
to a nation that is girding itself to wrest its liberties from 
the plutocratic grip. A process of realignment is going 
on. Not all Republicans are Conservatives, nor all 
Democrats Radicals. The pervasive social unrest, the 
new turn of the people for open-minded cross-examina- 
tion of themselves and their future and their institutions, 

So dae 

[April 11, 1908. 

the dawning sense of the inadequacies of an eighteenth- 
century Constitution in the face of twentieth-century 
problems, the emergence of a definite Labour Party fired 
by the example of Great Britain, and the horror and 
shame of the financial and commercial scandals of the 
past few years, are agencies that are slowly splitting 
American politics into a party of Conservatives and a 
party of Radicals, possibly into one of the Haves and 
another of the Have-nots. The present identity of 
Democrats and Republicans has in it nothing stable. It 
signifies not precipitation but the moment of pause before 
a new departure. 

Hite and Hetters. 


Ar this time, all Spain, much of Europe, and a 
considerable proportion of America is fighting its way 
southward into Seville, to see the Holy Week and Easter 
ceremonies with rites as yet unmaimed. Madrid at even- 
ing is the last vision of the north, the mountains behind 
it rising clean-cut in that clear air, against a sullen 
horizon, grey cloud slashed with crimson and purple. 
When you awake next morning you find the train run- 
ning smoothly and quietly through the south; with the 
southern palms and cactuses scattered over the brown | 
parched land; and each tiny village of dazzling white-_ 
ness ; and the air luminous as if the very earth were shin- | 
ing; and, above all, unchanging blue sky, turquoise 
rather than sapphire, as if some white had become 
mingled with the blue—the sky of Andalusia. The 
leagues of the great plain sink backward without a 
change ; then a tall tower appears on the horizon, below 
a cluster of white roofs, green gardens; round it is a 
brown river. It is Seville; a white city, set by a brown 
river in green gardens, serene, smiling, very content. 

At Easter, the hotels laugh openly at your demands 
for accommodation. Every available house room is 
packed from floor to ceiling. Municipal schools, disused | 
stables, and private lodgings are converted into tem- 
porary hostelries, in which the casual traveller is wel- 
comed, ill-treated, fleeced, and dismissed with an extra- 
ordinarily agreeable courtesy and good temper. In the 
city the people are occupied with two interests, and 
plying a lucrative trade in two commodities: the first, 
seats to witness the Holy Week processions ; the second, 
seats to witness the great bull fight on Easter Sunday. 
Down the famous narrow Sierpes, past the Ayuntamiento, 
outside of which are reserved places for the Mayor, 
notables, and their guests in full evening dress, and along 
the narrow Genova and Gran Capitan, cane wicker chairs 
line both sides of the streets, and windows are purchas- 
able above, for this is the route of the processions to the 
Cathedral. Long before sundown all work is suspended, 
and the whole city has collected there, seated comfortably 
on their chairs or wedged in the poorer crowds behind ; 
the men in smart, glossy clothes, the women, always 
hatless, dark hair with the flare of a red flower in it— 
carnation or rose—with a vision of happy beautiful 
children, with roses and carnations in their hair, looking 
down from the balconies above. The processions, in 
isolated groups, have been wandering about the streets 
all day; and any moment, on turning a sudden corner, 
the traveller may encounter an enormous image—Christ 
on the Cross, or the Blessed Virgin—surrounded with 
flower garlands and lighted tapers, advancing towardshim 
propelled by no visible agency. In the evening they 
assemble for the procession to the Cathedral. In slow 
and solemn dignity they emerge from the narrow Sierpes: 
first a band wailing forth wild and mournful music; then 
those who are accompanying the particular sacred image, 
men and boys dressed as masqued monks, with high 
conical hats and garments of scarlet or purple or 
green, covering all their faces except two tiny 
eye openings; carrying tall lighted candles which 
scarcely flicker in the windless air. The huge images are 
each carried by twenty-five or thirty men, poor workmen, 

April 11, 1908.] 

whose bare feet and tattered clothing are just revealed be- 
neath the rich canopy and ornament; who advance 
but forty or fifty yards at a time and then sink down to 
rest. Children, clothed in white with white veils, scatter 
flowers and sing hymns to Christ and the Virgin. The 
advance is slow, solemn, and seemingly endless; hour 
after hour passes, with the crowd absorbed, contented. 
Behind is the sound of the sweetmeat sellers andthe water 
carriers with their rapid, sharp cries of ‘‘ Agua! Agua!’ 
In front, as the sky darkens and the light glimmers and 
fades in the west, these twinkling candles surrounding the 
vast standing figures, lifted high over the crowded people, 
as they uncover their heads before “Our Lady of 
Dolors,’’ or bow the knee to a gigantic painted Crucifix, 
swayed slowly forward through the gathering night. 

The whole world is in the streets. But on eluding 
the crowd and entering the enormous gloom of the great 
Church, the whole world appears to be in the Cathedral. 
The original builders here had boldly decided to build a 
basilica “so magnificent that coming ages should call 
them mad for attempting it.’’ And whatever criticism 
may be lavished on its external appearance, few will 
challenge the assertion that this is the most magnificent 
and most impressive interior in Christendom. Here, in 
this April twilight, the dominant vision is of soaring 
arches all straining upwards in an obscure darkness ; 
roofs, towers, and domes lost in a vast encompassing 
canopy of mystery and silence. The whole country- 
side has poured into Seville, and the peasants, with a 
few rugs and bundles, are encamped on the stone floors, 
where they will contentedly pass the night in an ecstasy 
of emotion. The gloom and silence is but revealed rather 
than broken by the immense erection of glass and crystal 
and dim light which has been built under the dome to 
receive the Blessed Sacrament, no longer (until Easter) 
reserved on the High Altar. An enormous black veil 
shrouds that sacred spot; black veils cover all the altars 
and images: the Church is in mourning for her Dead 
Lord. No bells sound during these days of lamentation. 
Through the vast, silent crowds in the darkness the great 
images are borne by their unseen bearers, each saluting 
the altar and passing away down the long aisles and 
naves, with their set faces and twinkling candle lights. 
Estava’s solemn “misereres’’ wail down the corridors and 
echo in the high arches of the roof: men and women and 
children go softly, with laughter for a moment stilled ; 
because their God is dead. 

So pass the hours of the night before Holy Satur- 
day : with the whole people in the streets, and the exalta- 
tion of religious ardour near the surface. In the morn- 
ing the sorrow has suddenly vanished. The blessed 
veil in the Cathedral is rent asunder: the fire is kindled 
and the Sacrament is restored in solemn procession 
to the altar: the great bells of the Cathedral ring joy- 
fully out over the white city, answered by the bells of 
all the other churches: a storm and torrent of swinging 
bells, exultant under the renewed sunlight and blue sky. 
The city is no longer mourning for the dead, but giving 
itself to dancing and merriment. Christ is risen. 

And on Sunday, after the Easter High Mass at the 
Cathedral, an unforgettable vision of colour and solemn 
pomp of ritual, the celebration of such rejoicing is ex- 
hibited in the first Bull Fight of the Year. Every 
street leading to the Plaza de Toros down by the 
Guadalquiver is packed with happy crowds, full of 
chaffing and merriment and easy laughter, with carriages 
and various weird forms of vehicles moving slowly 
through the dense throngs of pedestrians. Special 
crowds collect outside the hotels where the bullfighters 
are staying, and cheer them as they emerge—lithe, 
splendid figures, richly dressed in the traditional Spanish 
costume of colour and ornament. On the Marina out- 
side the entrance to the Bull Ring is a solid wedge of 
carriages and coachmen, as the aristocracy of Seville 
drive down to grace the popular entertainment. Within 
that immense arena, the brown sand of its great circular 

contre confronts a white circle of stone cutting the blue 

sky, with the Giralda tower peeping over one corner, 
alone connecting that limited horizon with any known 
reality. Tier on tier of people, in numbers defying cal- 

culation, and amid an increasing hum of excitement, 



await the moment of expectation. In a moment one 
has dropped back through the centuries, and sees the 
spirit and expectation and mingled ardour and reluct- 
ance of a gathering under the Roman Empire, assembled 
to see how Christian or Barbarian can die. 

A very little of the actual experience of the fighting 
will satisfy an uninitiated spectator, admiring, as he 
is compelled ta admire, the extraordinary courage, 
agility, and skill of the bull-fighters; sickened by the 
slaughter of the horses and the apparent complete in- 
different to their agonies. So he will wander out 
under the sunshine of late afternoon into the white ways 
of the half-deserted city, till the cries of that vast crowd 
left behind him sink into silence. He will seek relief, 
perhaps, in the Alcazar gardens, the very embodiment of 
all Eastern delicacy and enchantment, in which the 
air is heavy with the scent of syringa and roses, and 
thus early in the year, in the narrow walks between 
deep, clear fountains of water, and along the tree-lined 
avenues, the ground is covered with lilac and scattered 
rose leaves. Or he will be very content to wander at 

| random through the maze of the city, through street 

after street, with its whitewashed walls, and only the 
wrought-iron gateways exhibiting the fascination of the 
life within, the little courtyards of the houses with their 
trees and flowers and tiny orange groves and palms. He 
will essay the Cathedral again, now empty and wearied 
after its tremendous efforts of the preceding days, but 
still dominating in its vast spaces and stillness: with its 
eighty altars and variety of decoration proclaiming the 
rich glories that once were Spain, the spoil of a new 
world; and the pathetic tomb of Columbus, brought 
back from that new world when the last fragment of 
its Empire was rudely torn from this now shattered 
kingdom, proclaiming that those glories have departed. 
And at evening it is expedient to attain the high tower of 
the Giralda, up that broad, sloping pathway upon which 
a horse and carriage can easily ascend. For the summit 
offers a panorama which few similar cities can equal: 
Seville, a limited gathering of friendly white houses, set 
solitary in the vast plain of Andalusia, cut by the river 
from which stand.out the masts of tall ships and the 
lights swinging and dancing in its quiet waters; with 
pigeons and innumerable doves circling round the tall 
tower ; and the song of singing birds dying down in the 
green gardens; and the storks sailing homewards under 
the red sunset sky, with at the last the evening lit only 
by one large star. 


Towarps the end of Kropotkin’s ‘“ Memoirs” there is 
a remarkable description of the change that he found in 
England on his second visit in 1886. During his first 
visit, only five years before, he had felt an exile indeed. 
No one took the smallest interest in the questions which 
alone interested him. Social thought, so active in this 
country during the ‘forties, appeared to have died of 
dull contentment or despair. There seemed no one to 
whom he could ally himself, no one to whom he could 
turn for sympathy or co-operation in the social aims on 
which his life was concentrated. Being at that time 
strange to the English language and people, he was 
wrong, for in that very year Mr. Hyndman founded the 
Democratic Federation, as we think it was then called. 
But still, it would be hard to exaggerate the astonishing 
change of the next few years, for during them a true 
revolution in thought was set on foot, and we are living 
upon the impetus of that revolution now. 

The appearance of a new collection of Mr. Edward 
Carpenter’s essays and verses (‘Sketches from Life,” 
George Allen, 5s.) recalls us to those eager and adven- 
turous years, when, if ever in our history, our young 
men dreamed dreams and our old men saw visions. For 
his was among the most hopeful and stirring voices of 
the time. He knew more than other people, and he 
wrote the very best prose, though, to be sure, those ad- 
vantages were never necessary to salvation. He was 
one of these highly educated, middle-class people whose 


presence in the social movement Kropotkin notices as 
almost peculiar to England, and he brought to the ques- 
tion something of those “ general principles” in which 
the Russian found our people so lacking, compared to 
other races. But it was not his knowledge or his prose 
or his general principles that gave Edward Carpenter 
so strong a hold upon the social enthusiasts of the day. 
The secret of his power over their affections and convic- 
tions was that he lived the life he taught. 
“This noble ensample unto his scheep he gaf, 

That ferst he wroughte, and after that he taughte.”’ 

There lies the touchstone that discredits sounding brass, 
and even if Edward Carpenter had possessed none of the 
other advantages we mentioned, this would have suf- 
ficed him for followers. 

To be sure, he was followed in all manner of queer 
ways, whether of dress or food or farming. It is so easy 
to emphasise the unessential, and become a ritualist in 
fads. But if some people made too much of his saying 
about the little toe, and counted sandals for salvation ; 
if some people insisted too apostolically on the rival 
advantages of seeds or leaves for human diet; if some 
took too literally his advice in favour of an occasional 
debauch, and saved themselves from self-righteousness 
by spending a Saturday night in the gutter; if most of 
the communistic farms have ended in charming failure, 
none of these things matter very much. People might 
have taken to worse, as Mrs. Carlyle’s servant said of 
two maiden ladies and religion, and certainly no one who 
lived through that time of gay and devoted experiment 
will account mere failure any reason for regretting the 
years. We spéak in the past tense, not that Edward 
Carpenter’s influence has passed away ; we have found it 
from the Peak to the Caucasus ; but that first fine careless 
rapture of the eighties we shall not feel again, and the 
spirit was the thing. 

In economics he was ordained to heretical succession 
by Ruskin. He was not so fine in spirit as his master, 

not so pathetic in yearning indignation, but full of hopes | 

and more pugnacious. ‘“ England’s Ideal’’ and “ Civi- 
lisation : Its Cause and Cure ’’ were his heretical books. 
In them he brought to bear on modern life a criticism 
as penetrating and revolutionary as Ruskin’s own, and 
more plain-spoken. It was through evidences of phy- 
sical and spiritual sickness that he opened his attack. 
The very numbers of the doctors for body and mind 
proved what invalids we are. Crawling phenomena like 
policemen showed the rottenness of our state. Compared 
to the cat, we are degenerates of nature, who have lost 
our unity, our integration. Compared to the fox or 
Bushman, how self-conscious, distracted, and ugly. Even 
our moral sense, that perception of sin which we boast 
as distinctively human, goes with a certain weakness, 
and as to our way of life, he wrote of the civilised man :— 
““He disowns the very breasts that suckled him. He de- 
liberately turns his back upon the light of the sun, and hides 
himself away in boxes with breathing-holes, which he calls 
houses. He muffles himself in the cast-off furs of the 
beasts, every century swathing itself in more and more layers, 
till he ceases to be recognisable as the Man who was once the 
crown of the animals, and presents a more ludicrous spectacle 
than the monkey that sits on his own barrel organ.” 

But the return to Nature and the beauty of the 
savage had been proclaimed by many voices since Rous- 
seau’s, and, from America, Whitman’s barbaric yawp 
had sounded over the roofs of the world. : 

““Do the feasters gluttonous feast? 

Do the corpulent sleepers sleep? Have they locked and bolted 

Still be ours the diet hard, and the blanket on the ground. 
Pioneers! O pioneers! ” 

The glories of Nature and the simple life had been 
sung before, and they have been since repeated, almost 
to satiety. The distinction of Edward Carpenter’s teach- 
ing was that in the years when dogmatic Socialism was 
sketching out its phalansteries and piecing together 
its rather inhuman machinery of by-laws and regulations, 
experts and officials, proletariats and doctrinaires, he 
almost alone among the leaders of social thought stood 
firm for liberty. His protest, indeed, lay not only 
against a centralised Socialism, but against Government 
and Law in general. Most of us are content to accept 


[April 11, 1908. 

Government for fear of what might happen else, and to 
accept Law as a shorthand summary of publicconvenience_ 
—a rough summary but passable. But Carpenter would 
hear nothing of external Government and external Law, 
so continually at variance with the internal powers that 
alone inspire great action. Compared to those powers, 
all the common aids to decency and duty, such as laws, 
judges, policemen, prisons, experts, officials, and inspec- 
tors, appeared to him hindrances to be abolished. With 
his own teacher, Walt Whitman, he said :— 
‘“Where the men and women think lightly of the laws, 
Where the populace rise at once against the never-ending 

audacity of elected persons, 
There the great city stands.” 

‘“ External law,’’ he proclaimed emphatically, “must | 

always be false.’’ 

In the history of man he could discover no per- 
manent code of moral action. He attacked the customs 
and habits which blind and bind us, as earnestly as he 
attacked the Criminal Statutes and the folly of prisons. 
Even the Decalogue, that most reformers skip, did not 
escape him :— 

‘The Decalogue, he wrote, may have been a rough and 
useful ready-reckoner for the Israelites; but to us it admits of | 
30 many exceptions and interpretations that it is practically 

We may call him the Complete Anarchist. In the 
anarchy of individualism he goes further even than 
Tolstoy, for he demands a faculty of antagonism in a | 
man, so that the full value of personality may be pre- | 
served. Among merely unselfish people he finds a cer- 
tain dulness, a kind of charity which is really parasitic 
and lives on the objects of its pity. To the passive re- 

_sister he replies that turning the cheek to the smiter only 

encourages smiting. A Communist in society, his real 
object is not the community or the State, but the noble 
personality, “ untamed, untranslateable,’’ as Whitman 
said :— 
‘QO I could sing such grandeurs and glories about you 

I am larger, better than I thought; 

I did not know I held so much goodness.”’ 
That is the ideal of life to which Edward Carpenter has 
pointed us with all his power of thought and word and 
life—an ideal of true Democracy, as he calls it, in which 
External Government and Law will give place to Internal 
Government and Order. Before that stage is reached, 
when mankind will have passed beyond our dreary region 
of duties and rights, there is, he admits, a toilsome and 
long ascent to be made. We are grateful to him for 
that Pisgah sight, but here we are struggling as best we 
can upon the toilsome and long ascent. Man, we know, 
was made only a little lower than the angels, but we do 
not seem to be catching them up very fast. 


IMPERIALISM, in its distinctive character, as the govern- 
ment of subject peoples, is tested for us in South Africa 
as nowhere else. For there alone do we see a large genu- 
ine settlement of dominant whites among primitive races 
which neither merge with them nor die out by 
contact with civilisation, but, preserving their racial 
integrity, multiply in numbers. In India, the problem 
of empire, not less grave, is different, for there no true 
colonisation of whites is climatically feasible, and the 
same holds of nearly all our tropical possessions: in 
Canada and in Australasia, where true colonisation has 
taken place on lands containing lower peoples, the latter 
form a small and a dwindling proportion of the inhabi- 
tants. Hence the Kaffir question stands out alone in ite 
supreme practical importance. Neither civilised 
diseases, nor drink, nor clothes kill out the Kaffirs, though 
small-pox and pneumonia play havoc where they once — 
get root, and drink, unchecked, still might do the busi- — 
ness. Their numbers continue to grow at least as fast 
as do the whites. If they were so backward as to be 
virtually incapable of education along European lines, 
like the Bushmen and the Hottentots, the issue would 
be plainer. But they have attained a real, strong, 
stable, though simple, civilisation’ of their own, ard 

April 11, 1908.] 

appear in some ways very capable of taking on those 
aspects of our civilisation most likely to bring them into 
competition and possible conflict with the obvious self- 
interests of the dominant white races. 

__ Such is the situation Mr. Dudley Kidd delineates 
in his new and searching study, “ Kaffir Socialism ” 
(Black), the value of which consists in its serious attempt 
to apply scientific methods to the interpretation of 
matters which hitherto have been the prey of short- 
range opportunism, tempered by a somewhat barren sen- 
timentalism. No writer has done fuller justice to the 
fine qualities contained in the feudal Socialism of the 
clan-system which, with slight variations of form, was 
everywhere evolved as the type of social order among 
the Kaffirs. A system which, based on community of 
land-tenure, made destitution impossible and_ secured 
“a general and uniform state of medium prosperity,” re- 
moved all grievances of taxation, established an abso- 
lute acceptance of the word of the chief as the fount of 
justice, inculeated a powerful and abiding spirit of 
unselfishness and good fellowship, and, most invaluable 
of all, succeeded in imposing a wonderful restraint upon 
the appetites and passions of so vigorous a type of 
humanity, must be regarded as a remarkable achieve- 
ment. It is, indeed, evident that to Mr. Kidd the dis- 
integrating influence of the individualism which the 
white man is gradually bringing to bear upon this stable 
system has in it many of the elements of historic tragedy. 
A little civilisation is a dangerous thing, especially when 
the process is conducted without clear knowledge or in- 
tuition by self-seeking business men or blind philan- 
thropists. The clan system is sapped simultaneously by 
land concessionists, mine-owners, traders, farmers, mis- 
sionaries, educationalists, and politicians: some want the 
tribal lands, others the labour of the individual Kaffr, 
others are genuine believers in individual elevation under 
the influence of competitive industry and Christian in- 
struction. Piercing boldly the surface of phrases and 
sentiments, Mr. Kidd makes a close and _ serious 
endeavour to state and to answer the two related and 
underlying questions: “Is there reason to suppose that 
Kaffirs as a race are capable of taking on at a tolerably 
rapid pace this individualistic civilisation?” And if 
so: “Is this result consistent with the maintenance of 
white dominion in South Africa?” 

That there is much force in the ordinary white 
colonist’s contrast between the raw and the newly trained 
nwive cannot be doubted. ‘‘ The raw native is a fine, 
big, burly, dignified, merry, courteous, picturesque speci- 
men of humanity. He is one of nature’s gentlemen; he 
gives himself no airs; he is frank and natural in his 
behaviour ; he is unaffected, and yet holds himself in a 
manner that shows he has plenty of self-respect.” ‘“ But 
the moment the Kaffir embraces civilisation he gathers 
a smattering of ‘knowledge’; he dons dirty, frowsy, 
patched, second-hand clothing; he looks slovenly and 
untidy ; he presents either a ridiculous or a sordid ap- 
pearance; he looks mean and shabby in the extreme. 
As he ascends the educational ladder, all the man’s 
natural self-respect vanishes, and in its place there is 
found an aggressive, unnatural, and unpleasant self- 
assertion and effrontery. Coupled with this, the fellow 
wears for the first time in his life a hang-dog expression, 
as if he felt the need of apologising for his existence.” 

Doubtless with many exceptions such are the normal 
fruits of the rapid dissolution of the clan system in 
individual character. Alike in politics, education, in- 
dustry, religion, and social organisation, we are led to 
an apparent zmpasse. Larger and larger numbers of 
Kaffirs taken from the protection of the clan are thrown 
on their separate personal efforts for a livelihood and a 
home: yet no equal franchise or full civil status is to be 
accorded them without endangering social order. The 
only sound education is one in which industrial train- 
ing goes hand in hand with intellectual; but skilled 
trades “ belong’’ to white men, who will not consent to 
be displaced by Kaffir competition. Even Christianity, 
unless carefully administered by white superiors, so as 
to guard against dangerous doctrines of the brotherhood 
of man, is a disturber of the public peace, as the recent 


a end ee 

spread of ‘ Ethiopianism” indicates. It would be 
much simpler if we could come to the conclusion that the 
Kaffir was, after all, only capable of a veneer of purely 
imitative culture, and that since this is bad for him (and 
bad for us), we had better leave him undisturbed in his 
primitive clan-life. 

But there are two fatal objections to this course. In 
the first place, as we see, certain dominant interests of 
white men have need of the individual Kaffir, and per- 
sist in their assaults upon clan-life even where it has 
hitherto survived, as in Zululand and in Basutoland. 
They want his labour and they want his land. Secondly, 
if our civilisation really contains important elements 
which the Kaffir nature is capable of assimilating, we 
cannot and we ought not to withhold them. Now Mr. 
Kidd believes that he can discern, not in abnormal 
specimens, but broadcast among the Kaffirs, “a sort of 
general simmering of latent faculty’’ stopped from 
attaining full actuality by unwise handling. His study 
of Kaffir child psychology in relation to kraal life leads 
him to the conclusion that the mortal error of our edu- 
cational system consists in sending back the young 
“ educated ” Kaffir to the kraal just after he has entered 
upon manhood, and thus cancelling all the gains of early 
individual culture. 

A sane scientific policy of industrial and moral 
education would perhaps liberate “the latent faculty,” 
ana secure for large numbers of Kaffirs the intellectual 
and moral advancement to which a few have hitherto 
attained. But what then? Are we nearer to any pacific 
satisfactory solution of our root problem? Not at all. 
Break down the clan system, and really elevate Kaffir 
personality, you necessarily transmute the old clan senti- 
ment into a wider nationalism, which will surge inces- 
santly against the industrial and political supremacy of 
the white race. If perfect wisdom could be applied to a 
disinterested policy, it might be possible to contemplate 
a gradual peaceful realisation of the doctrine which Mr. 
Kidd subjects to such remorseless criticism, “ Equal 
rights for all civilised men,” so as to maintain a stable 
harmony of colours. But here we are confronted by the 
fatal logic of imperialism. It is idle to speculate upon 
the possibility of wise, disinterested education of a sub- 
ject race, without turning our analysis upon the question 
whether the very fact of race dominion, political and 
economic, does not disable from the performance of this 
delicate and essentially spiritual task. The subtle poison 
of race domination foredooms to failure an education im- 
posed by the master-race, for it will always be secretly 
and instinctively diverted from purely disinterested and 
scientific methods into protective means of supporting 
and promoting the profitable domination of the masters. 
Such, at any rate, has been the plain lesson of all his 
tory, nor can we see reason why it should be reversed in 
the story of South Africa. Where no fusion of races is 
possible, no moral harmony supports the structure of 
society. This is the dark basic fact in the situation in 
South Africa, as in the Southern United States. No 
sound, truly progressive civilisation is possible where 
two physically and morally separate races occupy the 
same area. Ultimately one must quit, and the final 
question which such a book as Mr. Kidd’s raises is the 
question whether South Africa is in the last resort a 
Kaffir or a white man’s country. 


In the cool recesses of the thickening woodland the prim- 
rose clumps are spreading rapidly. The plant does not 

| make the whole of its flowering growth before the winter 

and then go to rest with an easy conscience. Its somno- 
lence is half feigned. Often, when one looks into the 
heart of what seems to be nothing but a tuft of weather- 
worn old leaves, a half-developed, tender green leaf is 
seen to be lurking there, not so much shy as suspicious 
of the permanence of the warm weather which has in- 
duced it to start. For the primrose is a wise plant, and, 
what is more, full of supreme confidence in its ability to 
make good any delay consequent. on a “late’’ winter. 
It is motionless, and yet quivering with alert and eager 


[April 11, 1908. 


life, like a sprint runner couched on toes and finger tips 
awaiting the crack of the starter’s pistol. The moment 
comes, and the primrose is up and away. It starts into 
growth as it speeds into bloom. It multiplies its mem- 
bers as it flashes along. A month ago it consisted of 
one “ crown’’—just a thickened central growth, sur- 
rounded by a tuft of big, soiled, somewhat dingy-looking 
leaves. To-day it is a thick mass of flowering parts. 
Crowns have multiplied, fresh, softly-tinted foliage has 
come. And every new tuft gushes flowers, as a dozen 
little unsuspected submarine pipes gush water where a 
long-dormant spring re-appears after a spell of wet 

The making of a pergola in February afforded the 
writer many opportunities of watching the behaviour of 
certain covies of coloured garden primroses. To get 
solidity for the pergola on a wind-swept slope, and to 
afford a means of providing manured earth in place of 
dry chalk, holes almost large enough to be described as 
pits were made, and this necessitated the uprooting of 
the primroses. They were lifted in large clumps, and 
packed together on a spare bed, there to remain until the 
pergola should be complete, and their old quarters made 
ready for them again. But snow came—snow in great, 
solid flakes; and then rain—rain in floods. The two of 
them rang the changes week after week, and work had to 
be suspended, so that April had come before the last 
larch-pillar could be erected. 

The primroses did not resent their temporary ousting 
by any peevish act, such as dying; but they were plainly 
curious what it was all about. Never a plant but opened 
a bright, observant eye or two and watched the proceed- 
ings. In fact, the whole bedful of them kept up a relay 
of sentinel flowers. Beyond this they did not apparently 
go; but, in reality, they were all agog for progress. 
Every little crown fairly bristled with greeny-yellow 
spikes that were not flower stems, but incipient leaves ; 
and when the flowering time came what an explosion of 
blossom! Every plant reeled out flowers as champion 
lady typists reel out words. The plants were packed with 
blooms like pins on a cushion. They surged in frolic- 
some crowds, like troops of week-old lambs gathered for 
high-kicking, and back-arching, and sudden rushes at 
racing speed. Some of the flowers had stems of their 
own, which ran right down into the heart of the plant ; 
these were primroses proper. Others had stemlets only 
an inch or so long, converging on a main stem as thick 
as a cigarette ; these were polyanthuses. They grew and 
bloomed ; and bloomed and grew, in a riot of satisfac- 

It is when the lucky grower has a deep, cool soil, 
in a mild, moist district, that he sees what garden prim- 
roses are really capable of doing. It is a race between 
them and the rock cress (arabis) as to which shall spread 
the faster. The primrose strikes a solid thirty-five to 
the minute, and pulls them through ; the rock cress stabs 
out forty, and with a pretty feather makes way. The 
Arabis covers the greater amount of surface, but the 
primrose forgets its native lowliness, and goes up like a 
sturdy wallflower. The blooms it produces are almost 
as big as prize pansies, and even that richly-marked 
flower cannot excel it in beauty of colour. We have the 
pallid yellow of the wild primrose in a bloom as large 
again. We have rich, buttercup yellows; we have shades 
that are deeper than saffron, and others that hardly fall 
short of orange; we have white, and cream, and blush, 
and pink, and rose; we have madder and magenta, lilac 
and lavender; we have mauve, and purple, and violet ; 
yes, and we have blue—real, deep, rich blue; a blue as 
true as the blue of sweet pea “Lord Nelson,’’ or of 
viola ‘Blue Gown,’’ and only by a degree or two 
falling short of the perfect blue that is found in Gentiana 
acaulis and Salvia patens. “ But not in primroses! ’’ 
the astonished reader may ejaculate. Yes, in glorified 
garden forms of that same modest wilding which is now 
in evidence at every street corner. 

In case a London rate-payer should rise in wrath, 
and demand to know how it is that, with him paying 
nine and fourpence in the pound, we are not taught all 
about these floral gems through the medium of the Spring 

displays in the parks, but are fobbed off with hyacinths | 
and tulips, it may be well to mention that the primrose 

does not love town life. In the great nursery garden 

which the London County Council has at Avery Hill— 

once the home of the late Colonel North—many thou- 

sands are raised every year, but they do not enter into 

races with the rock cress when they have got planted in 

the Embankment gardens and elsewhere; it is rather a 

case of sauve qui peut. The embankment sparrows get 

inordinately fat—too fat to chirp, almost. But they 

podge about among the primroses, and pull off all the 

flowers they can while the policemen are not looking; 

and occasionally they contemptuously hop right over one 

of the poor, maltreated plants. Fancy a bloated em- 
bankment sparrow hopping over a real country primrose! 

He would never even attempt it, for he is a bird of dis- 
cretion, and does not endanger his life by futile efforts, 

even in fighting. He likes to pull off yellow primroses 

much better than coloured ones, and he has a way of 

pecking them off at the top of the stalk, and disposing 

them in neat ranks all round the plant. They suit his 
taste better that way, and the plan has the additional 
advantage of exasperating his natural enemy, the gar- 
The country grower saves his primroses after they | 
have flowered, of course. He divides them, and plants | 
them in a reserve bed in a cool corner against the time | 
when the autumn beds shall be made up; but he also | 
raises fresh plants from seeds in late Spring. Seedling © 
plants have a way of giving very large, fresh, brilliantly 
coloured flowers ; besides, the florists keep on adding new 
colours, and improving their “strains’’ in size and 

Other primroses than these glorious descendants of | 
the woodland flower will engage the affections of those | 
who admire the Primula genus. They will find a damp, 
cool spot for the April blooming species rosea, a lovely | 
flower of softest rose; and a similar corner for the . 
dusky Japonica, with its flowers in tiers (“ whorls ’’) up 
the tall, strong stem. They will grow the exquisite little | 
lilac-coloured “bird’s-eye primrose,’’? as primula | 
farinosa is called; and which they may have found in 
some secluded haunt among the northern fells. Surely, | 
too, they will grow the snowy nivalis, so dainty, so hardy, 
so full of blossom, and so appealing in its virginal purity. 

These flowers of the April garden have a winning | 
charm of growth, form and colour that the massive 
hyacinth lacks, and they bring garden and woodland into 
happy union in the heart of the flower lover. 


TuE result of last Saturday’s race was entirely in accor- 
dance with the expectations of all qualified observers 
who had watched the crews during their practice. The 
vigorous hearty rowing of the Cambridge men, their 
cheerful endurance, and the dashing generalship of their 
stroke-oar, Mr. Stuart, had commended them alike to 
the expert critics and to the general public who thronged 
the river-bank in multitudes every day while the oarsmen 
were going through their allotted labour. Oxford had 
suffered many misfortunes during the early part of their 
practice. Influenza had temporarily laid by several 
members of the crew, and they had not been able to do 
as much hard work as their rivals. Now hard work, 
by which we mean long stretches of genuine rowing, is, 
no doubt, exhausting and often disagreeable, but it is 
absolutely essential if a crew is to come to the post in 
good racing condition. In this respect Cambridge had 
been both judicious and fortunate. No illness disturbed 
their training, and their coaches were thus able to inflict 
upon them a great deal of toil and to turn them out in 
splendid physical trim. We doubt if any University 
crew of the last few years has done so much work or 
been equally fit. 

During the race the wind was against the crews 
nearly all the way to Hammersmith. From the Doves it 
began to favour them, and as they turned from Barnes 
towards the finish they once more found it opposed to 
them. Fortunately, it was of no great strength, and 

April 11, 1908.] 

gave no special advantage to one station above the other. 
Owing to the conformation of the river the Surrey sta- 
tion, on which Oxford rowed, is in ninety-nine cases out 
of a hundred the better of the two, for the crew possess- 
ing it can command the inside of the protracted corner 
which begins just before Hammersmith Bridge. To do 
this, however, the Surrey crew must be level, or, at any 
rate, not more than a length behind at Hammersmith 
Bridge, so that the Middlesex crew may be kept out and 
have the longer distance to travel on the outside of the 
bend. Obviously, therefore, it was to the interest of 
Cambridge to obtain such a lead as would enable them 
to cross over in front of Oxford and secure the inside 
berth. Oxford, on the other hand, should have en- 
deavoured, at all costs, to prevent Cambridge from 
executing this manceuvre. In the race they were unable 
to do this. While Cambridge raced away as if they had 
only a quarter of a mile to go, Oxford started at a com- 
paratively slow rate and almost immediately began to 
drop behind, until at the Crab Tree the light blues, being 
then two lengths ahead, were able to come over and to 
take Hammersmith Bridge and the bend beyond straight 
in front of their opponents. It was not until Hammer- 
smith Bridge was left behind that Oxford began to show 
any real racing vigour. Their repeated spurts after this 
were an excellent exhibition of pluck, but with a crew so 
strong and fit as Cambridge well ahead of them their case 
was by that time hopeless. They had allowed themselves 
to be out-generalled. 

In spite of conspicuous merits, which every judge of 
rowing must concede to them, it cannot be asserted that 
as a crew Cambridge were of the very highest class. They 
had strength and life. Their stroke in the water was a 
powerful one, and their beginning, though not yet swift 
enough, was an improvement on last year. Rough water 
did not put them out, and they were so confident in 
their bodily condition that they did not shrink from row- 
ing a fast stroke. They were not, however, welded to- 
gether with that beautiful uniformity which is found 
in the very best crews. In their body movements there 
was a distinct ‘“ break ’’ in the forward part of the boat, 
and the time of the blades, especially in the case of 
No. 7 and No. 6, left much to be desired. Their vigour 
and their racing ability were admirable. For these 
qualities they were very largely indebted to their stroke, 
Mr. Stuart, who has thus once more proved his brilliant 
capacity as a leader in spite of the carping and not very 
generous criticisms to which he was subjected by a promi- 
nent Oxford oarsman and coach in the columns of more 
than one daily newspaper. 

About the “secret trial’’ of the Oxford crew we 
should have preferred to say nothing more. Our duty, 
however, as veracious and impartial historians compels 
us, in view of the strange justifications that have been 
put forward, to add something to what we said last week. 
We may admit that the proceeding had its rise in 
thoughtlessness, in the schoolboy notion that it would 
be a pleasant “ rag’’ to bamboozle the newspapers, the 
rival crew, and the public generally. Such thought- 
lessness, however, cannot be permitted to those whose 
duty it is to guard the high traditions of manly open- 
ness and courteous rivalry for which this race is cele- 
brated. It appears that once before, in 1893, a similar 
secret trial was rowed by an Oxford crew, but there was 
great disapproval of it at the time, and it has been 
looked upon rather as a warning than as a precedent. 
All the other alleged instances that have been cited in 
excuse utterly fail upon examination to support the case 
of the excusers. It is the deliberate intention to de- 
ceive that makes all the difference—that and the silly 
dodges resorted to for throwing everybody off the scent. 
After what has happened we may hope and believe that 
no University crew will ever again make use of these 
methods. 4 

One final comment we are bound to make. We 
cannot believe that it is in the interests of this contest 
that the oarsmen who take part in it should write daily 
criticisms in the papers on the doings of their crews. 
Perhaps the two University Boat Clubs will themselves 
take measures to make this impossible in the future. 


Shetches of Travel. 


TuE line ran close beside the Minho, which foamed and 
brawled in the deep channel it had cut between the hills. 
Along the banks thickets of oleanders grew, mixed here 
and there with tamarisks. Clouds of white mist, raised 
by the sun after a touch of frost, hung over everything, 
shrouding the chestnut forests, half-way up the trees, 
leaving their tops, as it were, detached and floating in 
the air. 

It lingered in the stacks of maize, making them 
look like bee-hives. About the curious little hutches of 
rough stone, in which the peasants in Galicia store their 
Indian corn, it clung, leaving their squat stone 
crosses, suspended in the air without a base, as 
if, by a perpetual miracle, they were sustained, 
through some mysterious power. Then, the sun rose in 
all its glory, and as the train slowly crawled past, jang- 
ling and creaking like a bullock-cart, all the old agri- 
cultural life, such as that which Theocritus or 
Columella have described, was plain in all the beauty 
of its old-world simpleness and charm. Impassive men 
stood herding sheep, leaning upon their sticks. 

Girls held sleek, coffee-coloured cows by a long rope 
to graze, and twirled their distaffs, as they watched 
them eat. Women washed clothes, at great stone tanks 
fed by a rill that issued from the rocks, conducted in a 
cane, and over-arched with vines. 

As they knelt in a row, dressed in bright red and 
yellow petticoats, with scarlet handkerchiefs upon their 
heads, their wooden shoes appearing like canoes behind 
their tucked-up skirts, they sang, a natural, harsh, wild 
song that penetrated to the marrow of the bones. Some- 
times from other working places or from fields, other high 
voices answered them, and so a dialogue went on, just 
as it passes between birds unseen in a deep wood, all in 
a minor key. Primitive bullock-waggons, with solid 
wheels, and sides of wicker-work, like those on Roman 
coins, slowly crawled on the roads. The gentle oxen, 
swaying to and fro, just as a man walks, wrapped in a 
Spanish cloak, appeared fabulous as they turned 
towards each other, when the driver touched them with 
his goad, or called them by their names, exhorting them 
to be themselves and pull. The wheels creaked with a 
jarring sound, and seemed to sing as if a swarm of bees 
had been imprisoned in the axle, making a noise which, 
as the peasants say, both stimulates the beasts and 
frightens wolves, and is agreeable to those who do not 
care for progress and modernity, or the sharp whiz of 

Under the brown-tiled eaves long rows of maize-cobs 
ripened in the sun, and on the bushes here and there 
red and blue rags, and petticoats were hung to dry, and 
stood out blotchily, like colours on a painter’s palette, 
against the grass, and the metallic-looking scrub of 

In the minute and old-world gardens grew patches 
of cabbages, upon high stalks, like that which the old- 
fashioned Scotch knew as “long kale,’’ and by the steps 
which led up to the houses plants of red salvia, and 
underneath the pollard oak trees, the autumn crocus 
spotted the grass like stars. Up many of the hills ter- 
races of vines, all turning red and purple, mounted in 
tiers, and through the gorges now and then a distant 
bagpipe wailed like a soul in pain. 

As the train wriggled like a snake through tun- 
nels, the engine taking the short curves just as a bicyclist 
wheels in and out of heavy traffic in a street, creeping 
along the edge of precipices, and then emerging once 
again through woods into the cultivated fields, it passed 
a village, and drew up at a little station, near the river’s 
bank. A crowd blocked all the place, and on the houses 
men stood gazing; boys seated in the trees looked down 
upon the lines; and as the porter, in a nasal voice, called 
‘Los Peares, un Minuto,’’ it was at once apparent that 
the cry was quite illusory, for piles of boxes, bags, and 
bedding crowded the platform, whilst the perspiring 
stationmaster struggled in vain to make a passage to the 
train. The crowd surged to and fro, and to the questions 


of the passengers, women in tears, and boys excited by 
the crush and noise, replied that the whole hamlet known 
as Val de Cabras was going to Buenos Ayres, taking 
their priest with them, to found another Val de 
Cabras, out on the southern plains. As always 
happens in a country such as Spain, where time is 
of no value, the people rushed about as if the 
Day of Judgment were at hand. The stationmaster, 
who, if no one had been in the train, would have 
allowed it minutes beyond its time, was sweating blood 
and water to get everyone on board. Old women hugged 
their sons, and men stood stifling down their tears, their 
patched and parti-coloured clothes looking in keeping 
with the scene. Girls raised an almost Arab wail, and 
in the midst of the confusion stood the priest, a stal- 
wart, red-cheeked countryman, surrounded by a group of 
people, who held him, some by his hands, some by the 
lappels of his coat, and all pressed round him as a 
swarming hive presses about its queen, conscious he was 
the centre of their little world, wrenched up from its 
foundations, and so soon to be absorbed in the mysteri- 
ous continent beyond the seas, which either swallows 
up their fellows, just as a fish sucks down a fly, or else 
returns them, rich and unrecognisable, at the end of 
years. And as the people struggled round the priest, those 
who had elected to remain behind, kissing his clothes, 
the men grasping his hands in theirs—hard, horny 
and deformed by toil—and asking for hip blessing, 
he turned now and again towards the gate, behind which 
stood a row of donkeys and of mules, tied up to posts, 
with coloured blankets on their saddles, and their heads 
nodding in the sun. Women, with coloured flannel petti- 
coats, red, green, and yellow, like a bed of tulips, clat- 
tered across the platform in their wooden clogs, and boys 
raised the shrill cry they use in Portugal and in Galicia 
when excited, which sounds like a horse neighing, and 
from the crowd of hot, perspiring men and women there 
came a smell as of wild animals, mixed with the scent 
of bundles of salt fish, which almost all of them bore 
in their hands. Some dragged great parcels wrapped 
in striped blankets tied with innumerable knots, and 
others carried on their shoulders the little ark-shaped 
trunks, covered with cowskin with the hair on, that 
look as if they had been made upon the pattern of a 
medieval coffin, which, on a platform, seem as if they 
mourned the bullock-waggon where they had _ passed 
their lives. 

Hard, knotted hands reached out and grasped, for 
the last time, others as hard and toil-stained, which 
were thrust towards them through the palings, and 
men clasped one another with their heads looking over 
each other’s shoulders, just as the patriarchs of Scrip- 
ture embraced and wept upon each others’ breasts, and 
quite as naturally. A universal sob shook the whole 
crowd, which billowed to and fro, like water agitated in 
a tank, resisting all the efforts of the stationmaster 
to get the train away at its appointed time. 

At last, when all the bundles and the trunks, the 
water-bottles, and the poor household treasures, which 
the excited villagers, driven from their idyllic old- 
world life by weighing-down taxation, were taking 
with them, to wring and salve their hearts in the 
New World, were put on board, the priest was left 
alone, holding a bulky umbrella in his hand. The porter 
clanged upon the bell, the futile horn, which hangs upon 
a nail in Spanish stations, tootled feebly, and deep down 
below, the Minho dashing through the rocks, roared a 
farewell to those who, in the future, would, in the rivers 
they would know, hear nothing but an oily gurgle, and 
the occasional hollow sound of the alluvial soil as it fell 
into the deep and muddy stream, that had undermined 
the banks. 

The emigrants all climbed into the train, and from 
the crowd assembled rose a cry, “ The blessing, father ; 
bless us once more before you go’’; but he, stand- 
ing with one foot on the steps, still looked towards the 
palings, when through the crowd a breathless boy came 
forcing his way, and dragging by a string a white and 
liver-coloured pointer, which, when it saw the priest, 
rushed forward, and fawned upon his knees. 

Handing his umbrella to a woman in the train, he 


[April 11, 1908. 

drew his left hand hurriedly across his face, leaving a 
snuffy mark, where it had met the tear, and then, pat- 
ting the dog upon his head, murmured: “ Adios, 
Navarro,’ and with an effort and a gulp, steadily gave 
his blessing, as the companion of his rambles whined and 
strained upon the rope. 

Rough, friendly hands stretched out and drew the 
priest into the train, which, after jolting heavily, began 
to wind about through the deep cuttings in the rocks, 
emerging now and then close to the road, on which 
stood groups of people, waving and shouting their fare- 
wells. Just as it passed the last house of the village run- 
ning close to the road, an olive-coloured man upon a 
mule, stood in his stirrups, and with uplifted hand made 
a cross in the air, as the train, gathering way, slipped 
past and, entering a tunnel, was swallowed up and lost 
to those who, standing on the platform, stood waving 
handkerchiefs, and gazed with yearning eyes at the last 
carriages as they vanished from their sight. Then it 
emerged again into the sun, and a girl washing by a 
stream, her donkey tied beside her, putting one arm 
across its neck, waved a red dripping petticoat, and the 
train, puffing and snorting, resolutely set its face towards 
that Buenos Ayres which was to make and mar its 

It bore them westward towards a land bare of 
traditions, of vegetation, of everything that hitherto 
had made their lives; a land in which their children 
would be educated men, not knowing good from evil, as 
their fathers in a rudimentary way had dimly com- 

prehended them, where they would eat their fill and lose | 

their individuality, becoming uncomprehending instru- 
ments of the greatness of a vast empire, and from whence 
they would regard Galicia with a mixed feeling of con- 

tempt and pity, after the fashion of self-educated men. | 
But every puff the wheezing engine made, it took the | 
emigrants further away from their old, hungry, but 

idyllic life ; further away from bee-hives, made from the 
section of a cork tree, and laid in rows amongst the 

lavender and thyme; further away from the sleek, mild- | 
eyed oxen, and from the “ romeria,’’ where they had > 


danced “‘ muifieiras’’ to the sound of “ gaita’’ and of 


mi No more the ploughman in the deserted Val de 
Cabras would return home at night, carrying his plough, 
after the fashion of the ploughmen of whom the Georgics 
treat, or girls at evening time gather round the steps of 
the stone fountains and gossip as their hooped wooden 
buckets automatically were filled through long tin pipes, 
fitted upon theiron nozzle, where the water flowed. Lovers 
would no more linger in the oak woods of an evening, 
and tell the tale that never wearies those who tell or 
listen to it, whether amongst the cistus-carpeted 
‘‘robledos ’’ of Galicia, or in the alleys of a town. Each 
jolt and jerk upon the coupling chain, and each white 
bellowing burst of steam, left the deserted village more 
deserted, more given over to the decay that soon 
would settle on it, when in the winter nights the snow 
would lodge unheeded on the roofs, and the wolves 
scamper thrcugh the streets. 

And as it twisted on the track, winding and wheel- 
ing through the tunnels, and emerging now and then into 
the sunshine, the people, sitting hunched amongst their 
bundles, broke into a high-pitched song, which floated 
in the balmy, pine-scented air, and was taken up from 
one end to the other of the train. Cistus and lavender, 
thyme, burnet, and wild marjoram, germander, and 
the dead leaves of oak and chestnut, gave out their 
aromatic scent, and floating in the sun, white butterflies 
were borne across the Minho, skimming the streams, and 
soaring steadily across the linns. 

Nature had put on all her charms, to make the part- 
ing bitter, and to fix more firmly an eternal sad recollec- 
tion in their minds of their lost homes. Nothing was left 
of the departing village, but'the name, and a few elders, 
who had remained behind to hunger and neglect ; and in 
some other village, perhaps, Navarro, left to the care of 
some strange priest, sorrowed and wondered, for 
the great Power that chastens whom He cares for, ex- 
tends a hand even upon the dogs of those He blesses 
with His love, R. B. CunnincuaMe GRAHAM, 


eee Te 

April 11, 1908.] 



HFiseal Fallacies. 


NinE-TENTHS of the case for Protectionism is rooted in 
the fallacy of false distribution, the separatist treatment 
of that which is inseparable, the contention that what- 
ever is good for each of the parts is good for the whole. 
Though, superficially regarded, the Protectionist ap- 
proaches of Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Balfour are wide 
apart as the poles, they meet in this common fallacy. 
Mr. Chamberlain’s opening plunge into the controversy 
well illustrates the method. Healthy trade was to be 
tested by foreign trade alone, foreign trade by exports, 
exports by manufactured goods, and those only with pro- 
tected countries, and, among protected countries, with the 
United States and Germany, and selected trades were to 
be taken in selected years. A natural cunning of popular 
exposition thus drove our Protectionists to find their 
strength in an appeal to the obvious self-interest of 
separate local trades. In our highly specialised industry 
the mind of every business man and every worker is 
necessarily concentrated upon a tiny local section of a 
single trade, and a public policy which claims to be 
“ practical ’’ is naturally tested by the effect it claims to 
produce in this trade. If, therefore, the Protectionist can 
prove by clear illustration the benefit an import duty seems 
able to confer immediately upon any trade, what more 
naturalthan that I should accept his view that what is good 
for my trade is good for every other trade, and so for 
trade in general? To the “ practical’? man it seems 
invincible logic. But, curiously enough, the philosopher 
may fall into the same pit. The severely unpractical 
reasoning of Mr. Balfour’s first excursion into fiscal con- 
troversy in “ Notes on Insular Free Trade,’’ as well as 
his more recent disquisitions upon “ broadening the basis 
of taxation,’’ are vitiated by the same defect—an utter 
inability to grasp the unity of commerce. He shows us 
an enchanted island, under a fatal spell of non-resistance, 
surrounded by trade competitors which, placing probibi- 
tive tariffs upon her trades, destroy them one by one and 
suck away her capital and her working population. This 
is only a fanciful exaggeration of what every Protec- 
tionist thinks is taking place here and now in Great 
Britain. | Unless we repent we shall without doubt 

Now, in the rough and tumble of platform con- 

troversy, whatever weapon of fact or figure comes handy 
will be used, and the detailed errors of the assailants of 
Free Trade have been turned against them with im- 
mense effect. But the complete and enduring defence 
of Free Trade depends upon a clear, powerful grasp of 
the unity of the development of national trade. It is 
not sufficient to repeat the sound general maxims of free 
exchange; they must be vitalised and justified by show- 
ing how they still serve the cause of national industrial 
progress. Nowhere has this task been performed with 
such conspicuous success as in the little pamphlet just 
issued from the pen of Mr. Russell Rea, who, taking 
for his title ‘‘ Insular Free Trade,’’ sets the real island 
against Mr. Balfour’s fiction. More expository than 
controversial in its method, it upholds the true policy 
of free imports as inhering in the normal organic de- 
velopment of our national industry. By a masterly 
analysis of the present conditions of our manufacturing 
and export trades, Mr. Rea shows, first, that the reten- 
tion of our early monopoly of mechanical manufactures 
was impossible, and that the rise of other manufacturing 
nations has been beneficial not only to themselves, but 
to the world; secondly, “that this expansion of manu- 
factures has not been at our expense, for, as a matter 
of fact (1) we are keeping the first call upon the trade 

of the world; (2) we are keeping the best of the trade; 
(3) we are keeping as much as we can do in good times.’”’ 
Finally, he shows that, while unemployment in bad 
times is common to all nations, “ our Free Trade policy 
has to some extent moderated the alternation of good 
and bad times, which is the main cause of unemploy- 
ment, and mitigated the severity of the effects of bad 
times on our industrial population.’’ <A further survey 
of recent tendencies leads to the conclusion that not 
only are our markets in the world expanding, but that 
we are trading at an increasing advantage, gaining 
more than we lose by the modern fall of prices, and that 
England retains her position as the best seat for manu- 
facturing industries. 

These conclusions are reached by a chain of reason- 
ing based upon a genuinely scientific study of the evolu- 
tion of industry under the changing conditions of 
modern work and wants. Each link is tested by an 
appeal to recent economic history, and the result is a 
complete justification of free imports as the national 
policy which enables us more fully than any other 
nation to exploit the natural resources of the world 
through the application of modern scientific methods of 
production and of transport. Its force and lucidity of 
argument, supported by illustrations drawn from a wide 
range of business experience, render it the most con- 
vincing document that can be placed in the hands of 
thoughtful waverers. 

No other method of appeal, except from the part 
to the whole, from the single trade to general industry, 
is ultimately valid. The force of Protectionism as an 
intellectual movement disappears just as fast as one can 
lead the argument away from the single local instance 
to a wider and, from the political standpoint, a more 
genuinely practical view. Mr. Balfour’s “subtle ”’ 
sophisms are exposed in their naked folly by precisely 
the same method that avails for the man in the street. 
His notion that surrounding nations could suck the 
industry from a Free Trade island is, at bottom, iden- 
tical with that of the most narrow-minded tyro in Fiscal 
Reform. So long as any one trade in a country got a 
tariff for itself, it could thrive in present profits; for, 
by raising its prices, it could take it out of the con- 
sumer and out of other trades in three ways—first, 
by reducing the amount of income left for ex- 
penditure upon goods produced by these other 
trades; secondly, by sucking into the protected trade 
capital and labour from unprotected trades ; thirdly, by 
raising the expenses of production inany other trades where 
the protected product served as plant or raw materials. 
When the grievance thus engendered enabled a second 
trade to claim tariff support, the value of the tariff to 
the first trade is proportionately reduced, and the injury 
done to the body of unprotected trades doubled ; and as 
each other trade is admitted, the gain to those inside the 
protected ring is reduced, while the injury to the 
diminishing number left outside continues to increase. 
Since it is thus evident that the gain to the protected 
trade depends upon and is derived from the existence 
of other unprotected trades, the net gain of all-round 
Protection must be n/, or less than nz/, for the admini- 
strative costs of Protection must be defrayed. This argu- 
ment, which, of course, omits the positive advantages of 
free importation, is only one of several exposures of the 
self-contradiction of Protectionism. The extraordinary 
delusions that exports are more desirable than imports 
and can dispense with them, the whole tangle of mis- 
conceptions based on a refusal to define ‘‘ raw materials,”’ 
almost all the pathetic confidence of Protectionists in 
their nostrum as a cure for unemployment, spring from 
what they conceive to be the “ practical’? method of 
considering each trade with each country separately, 
and arguing that what is true of each is true of all. The 
person who looks at the whole is a mere theorist. Part 
of the process of national education required to kill the 
Protectionist fallacy must be directed to lead business 
men and thoughtful workmen away from the pelting of 
single facts and figures to a broader understanding of 
the operation of industrial forces. For this work the 
wide diffusion of Mr. Rea’s pamphlet will be invaluable. 

J. A. H. 


[April 11, 1908. 

Letters from Abroad. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Sir,—The question as to the nature and aims of 
the Balkan policy of Austria is as easy to ask as it is 
hard to answer. For there is, first of all, a double ques- 
tion contained therein—Do we understand by the Balkan 
policy of Austria-Hungary the policy of the joint govern- 
ment, or public opinion in Austria and Hungary in rela- 
tion to the policy of the double monarchy? The official 
policy has undergone a very real and, perhaps, very 
important change, through the initiative of the present 
Foreign Minister. This was made clear by what Baron 
Achrenthal said to the delegates. The question now is 
to what extent this turn of affairs receives the assent 
and sanction of the main political body. 

The characteristic of the Balkan policy of Austria 
in the last quarter of a century has been the extreme, 
not to say, painful caution with which Austria has 
treated the Balkan peninsula in spite of, and since the 
time of, the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 
the full thirty years which have elapsed since the occu- 
pation Austria has laboriously refrained from setting 
the position of the monarchy on a lasting basis worthy 
a great Power, in the provinces which she then occupied 
and has since with great labour restored to civilisation. 
Not only so, but in the question which, for more than a 
decade, has been the real essence and the danger of 
Balkan policy, the question of Macedonia, Austria has 
only with great hesitation and all possible precautions 
taken any part in the development of affairs. 

The ripest expression of this policy is the Miirsteg 
programme, of which the finished history now doubtless 
lies before us. The peculiar weakness in the handling 
of Bosnian affairs is always explained and excused in 
Austria as being due to the unfortunate dual form of 
the monarchy. It is true that Magyar influence, adher- 
ing to the tradition of friendship with the Turks, has hada 
crippling influence in this respect on the external policy 
of the monarchy. No less clearly, however, in Austria 
discontent has arisen with this state of things and the 
preponderance of the Magyars in the affairs of Bosnia. 

The policy which Baron Aehrenthal explained in 
the last committee betokens, at any rate, a break with 
the tradition of anxious moderation, and at the same 
time a political advance. The Sandschak railway 
scheme, over the economic worth of which opinions are 
divided, has, at any rate, one distinguishing mark of 
superiority—that it is the first independent measure for 
dealing with Austrian political or economic interests 
that there has been for years. That any initiative in 
any direction, even in the narrower domain of our own 
interests, should take its rise in Vienna, is in such sharp 
contrast with the traditions of a whole generation that 
the astonishment and the stir the measure caused far 
exceeded what was due to its own individual significance. 
The fact comes as strange that in the sphere of external 
policy Austria could take individual action, even when 
her own nearest interests were at stake. 

So far, then, the younger Austrian politicians greeted 
Baron Aehrenthal’s-action with approval. Difficult 
though it is to find a common basis for external policy in 
a kingdom of our peculiar type, formed from the juxta- 
position of so many different peoples and forms of civi- 
lisation, still history offers us such a basis for the 
peaceful development of our political and economic in- 
fluence in the Balkan peninsula. Even if the sharp- 
ness of the internal conflict in each half of the monarchy, 

as also the conflict of these with each other, has rather — 

thrown into the background in these last decades the 
interest in a comprehension of this natural direction of 
our external policy, yet just lately, in the last few 
years, there have been movements in an opposite direc- 
tion. The understanding of the great economic interests 
of Austria in the Balkans has long been increasingly 
prevalent among the masses of our population, and, as 
a natural consequence, also the wish, not only to pre- 
serve Austria’s due sphere of influence in the Balkan 
States, but also to bring it to an energetic expression 
in the direction of commerce. In so far, then, the official 
foreign policy expressed, as it was, in the stronger action 
of the Freiherr von Aehrenthal, is certainly in harmony 
with the views and aims of leading political and economic 
factors in Austria. Fundamentally considered, more- 
over, the well-known interests of Hungary run parallel 
with this policy. 
in so many other domains, the opposition between the 
specific Magyar policy and the interests of the monarchy ~ 
as a whole is here also unmistakably latent. But we 
must hope that a strong lead from our foreign Ministry 
in this special direction will be able to surmount the 
difficulties raised by Hungary. 

It can be confidently expected that the path Baron 
Achrenthal entered upon with the Sandschak Railway 
scheme will meet not only with the approval of public 
opinion in Austria, but also with the concurrence of the 
other great Powers. But the case is rather different 
with the second great Balkan problem, which occupies 
Austrian foreign policy, that is the question of Mace- 
donia. Hard though it is in any country to give a 
sure judgment on the actual diplomatic conditions of the 
present, in Austria this difficulty is greater than any- 
where else. For here, in accordance with a precedent 
which has scarcely ever been violated, foreign policy 
lies exclusively in the hands of the Sovereign and his 
advisers. Neither popular representation nor public 
opinion are in a position to have much influence. More- 
over, if we consider the heterogeneous national character 
of Austria-Hungary and the different kinds of relations 
of the monarchy to the problems of the South-East, we 
shall see that it is impossible to speak of a united public 
opinion with regard to the actual Balkan policy—Ger- 
mans and Slavs, Magyars and Rumanians, and among 
the Southern Slavs themselves again Kroatians and 
Servians, each stand on a very different footing with 
regard to the difficult questions which compose the prob- 
lem of the Balkan policy of to-day. This allows the 
more free play for a foreign policy guided by the Cabinet 
in Vienna and immediately dependent on the Crown, a 
policy which regards as its natural goal the raising of 
the interests of the dual monarchy, as a whole, above 
the mass of confused and hostile individual interests of 
the different peoples, a foreign policy, in fact, which is 
for the good of the whole State. How far this difficult 
task succeeds is extremely hard to decide. Now, as to 
the latest development of the Austrian Balkan policy, 
there can be no doubt that as the complement of Baron 
Aehrenthal’s forward movement in the question of the 
improved railway connection of Bosnia and the East, 
Austria has made a scarcely veiled withdrawal from the 
first rank of the Powers interested in the reformation of 
Macedonia. It is extraordinarily difficult for the 
outside observer to decide what part in the matter was 
played by the friendly diplomatic relations with Russia 
which appeared for a moment affected, but are now re- 
established, and what by the German-Austrian alliance 
and the peculiar position assumed by Germany in in- 
ternational politics. 

But if the question is asked how this develop- 
ment is regarded by Austrian public opinion, it 
seems very important, especially as it affects public 
opinion in England, to make clear one fact. This is 
that it would be dangerous to deceive oneself into the 
belief that there has ever been a warm interest in Mace- 
donian reform among the people at large. We can even 
affirm that the Miirsteg programme itself, with its 
feeble attitude towards the terrible Macedonian condi- 
tions which make so forcible an appeal for help—even 
this was regarded by some Austrian politicians as, 

We cannot, however, deny that, as_ | 

April 11, 1908.] 

perhaps, going a step too far. In Englanda philanthropic 
tendency in politics, supported by a strong section of 
the Liberal party, has busied itself zealously with the 
final pacification of Macedonia, but in Austria there is 
a complete lack of a corresponding movement in political 
life. Thereto must be added that in Austria there is a 
full comprehension of the enormous difficulties which lie 
in the fact that the individual Christian nations 
lead an internecine strife among themselves, and that 
the final pacification of Macedonia can only be accom- 
plished by compulsion and with vast force and expen- 

These facts only serve to strengthen the demand of 
all classes in Austria that she should not let herself be 
involved in political difficulties through a too bold and 
active Balkan policy. This explains the fact that a 
great proportion of Austrian politicians have, after some 
hesitation at first, greeted the attitude of Baron 
Aehrenthal as to Macedonian reform with ever increas- 
ing approval. 

As things at present stand, it seems to Austria, 
which is urged on by no schemes of imperial expansion, 
that the most important task of her foreign policy is to 
help to further the re-establishment of peaceful condi- 
tions in the Balkan peninsula, and specially in Mace- 
donia, zealously indeed, but in such a way that the Con- 
cert of European great Powers takes part unanimously 
in the action. There can be no doubt that the Mace- 
donian question behind which, as Sir Edward Grey says, 
stands the question of Turkey, can never be brought to 
a final solution by a policy based on transactions with 
the Porte. For Austria, however, especially in regard 
to her many difficult problems of internal policy, there 
is no necessity at the present moment, or for some time 
to come, to initiate an energetic measure of reform for 
Turkey, especially as this would bring up the whole 
question of the integrity of the Turkish kingdom on the 
one hand, and on the other the whole position of the 
Monarchy in regard to foreign affairs. There is no 
doubt that a policy in this direction, which would serve 
the philanthropic ideals of Western friends of Macedonia, 
would bring us into direct conflict with the Power to 
which we are bound not only with a diplomatic bond, 
but with a union rooted in deep-seated inward need— 
I mean, of course, the German Empire. This is a pos- 
sibility which no rational advocate of Austrian interests 
as a whole would wish to raise as a result of our Balkan 

The foregoing exposition will, I fear, appear very 
unsatisfactory to many English friends of Macedonia. 
But anyone who sees facts as they are cannot but dis- 
appoint the hopes of those who are counting on a 
popular enthusiasm in Austria for a radical reform 
policy in the matter of Macedonia. Of course, there is, 
even in Austria, a small number of politicians who wish 
intensely for a fundamental and lasting reformation of 
administration and law in Macedonia, not only on 
grounds of humanity, but in the interests of an economic 
strengthening of the Balkan States, from which Austria 
would benefit more than anyone. But even these few 
cannot shut their eyes to the pressing necessity for a 
cautious policy, produced by the web of hostile inter- 
national interests in the Balkans on the one hand, and 
the internal state of the dual monarchy to-day on the 
other. Moreover, it must not be overlooked that the 
present political supremacy of the agrarian parties, un- 
fortunately, stands in the way of a policy of industrial 
expansion, at once peaceful and energetic, in the South- 

In short, the efforts of all European (including 
all Austrian) friends of Macedonian reform must 
be directed to bringing about the lasting, if slow, 
progress of reformation under the pressure of all the 
Powers. A reckless policy, which might attain the end 
more quickly, while incurring great dangers, is certainly 
not, for as far ahead as we can see, either the task or the 
aim of Austrian policy in the Balkans.—Yours, &e., 

(Member of the Austrian Parliament). 
Vienna, April 5th, 1908. 


The Drama. 


As I watched Mr. Tree’s interesting revival of the 
“ Merchant of Venice,’’ I wondered how a director of 
artists would proceed if he desired to give something 
like a suitable modern representation of the play. And 
it seemed to me very difficult to find an answer to such a 
question. If the action were followed quite literally, no 
twentieth century audience, gentle or simple, would en- 
dure it. The play is so diffuse, the thread of action 
is so loosely followed (thus the incident of the caskets is 
twice dropped before it is concluded), some of the humour 
is so broad, and some, again, so heavy, that any such 
act of fealty to the Shakespearian legend must needs 
be terribly avenged. Yet, in acknowledging that some 
changes and some abbreviations are necessary, we seem to 
condemn the poet’s artistry. Why is it that while we 
never want to alter anything in Moliére, where all is 
terseness, fitness, symmetry, Shakespeare’s luxuriance 
seems to invite the pruning-knife? Is it because, as 
Tolstoy insists, Shakespeare wants Moliére’s moral direct- 
ness and simplicity, and because his appeal is more 
sensuous, more confusing, more like the effect of the 
music that he must have loved, since he is always speak- 
ing of it and breaking into it? Whatever be the causes— 
and the advance of our best dramatic work in compres- 
sion, logic, psychological truth and subtlety, must be 
reckoned among them—the critic finds it hard sincerely 
to blame the manager who “cuts’’ a Shakespearian 
play, or even re-arranges and transposes some parts of 

All this Mr. Tree has done, as others have done 
before him. But he has not only subtracted from 
Shakespeare; he has added to him. He has invented 
a whole scene in which, without actually increasing our 
store of Shakespearian verse, he occupies the stage for 
some minutes while, as Shylock, he calls, in hoarse cres- 
cendo, on the levanting Jessica, and ransacks his forsaken 
household, lantern in hand. He has also imagined and 
grouped a great deal of picturesque “colour.’’ Taking 
half-hints from the text, or acting without any hint at 
all, he plants Shylock’s house in the Venetian ghetto so 
that he may introduce all kinds of life-like accessories, 
melancholy old Jewish music, heard through the doors 
of the synagogue, groups of Jews in cap and gaberdine, 
scuttling submissively over tiny painted bridges, or 
béaten by Christian mummers, stores of yellow and brown 
linen hanging over the tangle of medieval house-tops, 
mourning Jewish women sitting mute by Shylock’s 
deserted threshold, and Shylock himself tearing his 
garments, grovelling on the earth, and sprinkling dust 
over his grey hairs. And much of this inventiveness, 
material as it is, is curious and interesting. It is in- 
teresting to see the grey-headed Doge walk into the 
court, featured and costumed like the famous Bellini in 
the National Gallery, to note that the columns of Portia’s 
palace are framed after Paolo Veronese, and to watch 
a gondolier, or a gay follower, decked out as Carpaccio 
would have decked him. Such things consort with our 
modern ideas of “scholarly ’’ art, our love of sumptuous- 
ness and decorative splendour, which, even though they 
lose half their effect in the hurriedly envisaged stage- 
picture, please our imitative modern souls and consort 
with Shakespeare’s aristocratic art. Moreover, they are 
not purposeless ; they do heighten the impression of the 
vivid, brilliant life of the Renaissance, running in mixed 
currents of refinement and ruthlessness, in which Shake- 
speare, its child, delighted. 

But if these accessories to a gorgeous Shakespearian 
play be in some tune and keeping with its creator, one 
would think that an intelligent spirit like Mr. Tree 
would not be less alive to the necessity of giving full 
value to Shakespeare’s qualities of charm and intellectual 
distinction. That, with this end in view, he would only 
engage actors and actresses trained to speak his verse 
with due emphasis, as, for example, Mr. Brydone, making 
a really magnificent entry as the Prince of Morocco, 
speaks it. That he would not allow Portia to hold converse 


in the pretty, clipped, mincing accent of a modern draw- 
ing-room. That he would make his Lorenzo rehearse 
the scene with Jessica in the moonlight until he could 
move the theatre to realise the beauty of the lines in 
which Shakespeare’s rich but earthly fancy takes on an 
unwonted spiritual vesture. That he would not cut out 
one of Antonio’s finest speeches in the trial scene—where 
nothing needs to be cut. Above all, that he would ran- 
sack the English stage until he had found a lady able 
to incarnate the divine Portia, most noble and most 
modern of all Shakespeare’s women, to show her chaste 
and passionate, free and proud and yet fit companion and 
consoler to a hero, to speak as she spoke, move, and 
smile, and jest, and command as her author designed 
her. This Mr. Tree has not done for us; and until a 
manager of his resources and not inconsiderable intellec- 
tual gift fulfils the more serious of his dramatic tasks, 
he must not expect unqualified approval of his work. 
Of his own Shylock one can speak with less reserve. 
It seems to me a very good Shylock, rightly, if over- 
ingeniously, conceived. It is more full-blooded than 
Irving’s, more massive, more in keeping with Shake- 
speare’s broad, direct, but not always subtle, vision, of 
human character and society. In passages, it was in- 
dubitably fine; the malignant rationality of the Jew’s 
bearing at the trial could not have been better expressed. 
The figure towered, grim and menacing; in its fall 
it excited pity and even sympathy, for it re- 
vealed the hard pagan atmosphere of the play, with 
cruel Christian pitted against cruel Jew. Shy- 
lock’s ironic Oriental salutations (a trifle Fagin-like 
these), his cold triumph, his defeat and despair, were 
truly, not merely sensationally, pictorial, as Mr. 
Tree chose to represent them; they showed feel- 
ing, not merely elaborated, carefully thought-out effects 
of melodrama. It is hard to say how far Shakespeare 
meant his audience to sympathise with such a man, how 
far he embroidered a mere anti-Jew story with the 
Christian philosophy of the barrenness of revenge, or how 
far he worked, as he seemed often to work, without a 
moral aim at all. Mr. Tree’s Shylock leans, not too 
heavily, on Shylock’s badness. It needed baser stuff than 
Hebrew patriots are made of to devise the bond with 
Antonio and to sharpen the knife for its execution, and 
if the literary spirit has turned Shylock’s plea for ven- 
geance into a charter of sympathy for alien races, it has 
probably read into Shakespeare’s eloquence more than 
the context bears. The greater moral of the play would 
seem to be that from the ghettos of medieval Europe 
sprang such poisonous fruit as Shylock’s hatred nur- 
tured. All that one can see is that the Jew is fright- 
fully wronged, and that, so far as his daughter’s mis- 
deeds are concerned, Shakespeare seems as callous as the 
virtuous Antonio, or the gallant Bassanio, or as Lorenzo 
himself, Christian gentleman and receiver of stolen goods. 
The rebound in Shylock’s nature of all this hard-hearted- 
ness, envenomed by Antonio’s Stock Exchange brutality, 
is the attraction of the drama; and Mr. Tree’s render- 
ing of it wants little in impressiveness. It does not gain 
in artistic seemliness and power by the invented “ busi- 
ness ’’ of the earlier scenes which I have described. But 
in the trial scene both the exultation and the suffering 
of Shylock were worthily rendered; and as the misery of 
the strong is always impressive, more especially when it 
has the Promethean touch of revolt against unjust 
governing forces, the actor has here to deal with 
great literary material. And his treatment was not 
unworthy of the theme. H. W. M. 

Hetters to the Editor. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Sir,—Mr. Laycock may think he “can answer Tariff 
Reformers all night without losing a point,’’ but in order 
to do so he must adopt a different line of argument from 
that disclosed in his letter. It is, of course, quite true that 
a duty on imported motor-cars will raise their price, and 

{April 11, 1908. 

that this rise of price will reduce the “demand,’’ in the 
sense of the number demanded (or the quality demanded), 
though it will not necessarily reduce the ‘‘demand’”’ in the _ 
sense of reducing the money expended on buying motor- 
cars. It is quite likely that more money might be spent 
on them, though not enough more to buy the same number 
as before at the higher price. Mr. Laycock is therefore, of 
course, justified in holding, as I hold, that the increase of 
employment in the English motor trade will not be equiva- 
lent to the loss of employment in the French trade that 
will result from the tariff. 

But he fails entirely to recognise the plausibility of the 
Protectionist contention to the refutation of which my arti- 
cle was directed, for he persists in assuming that “the goods 
which would have gone to pay for these (foreign) cars are 
not required,” and consequently that the labour which 
would have gone to making them will not be employed. If 
this is Mr. Laycock’s platform reasoning, it is utterly 
invalid. These goods will not indeed be made for the 
export trade in order to pay for French motors, but they, 
or théir equivalents, will be made for the increased home 
trade, in which they will be required to pay for English 
motors. It was in order to meet this plausible answer of 
the Protectionist that I wrote my article. Mr. Laycock, by 
refusing to recognise it, gives away his case. 

One word in reply to a point raised by Mr. Phillimore, 
who denies that “ British prices throughout the trade must 
rise,’ arguing that “though there may be a temporary rise 
of prices caused by the sudden dislocation, the increased 
demand for British cars will bring in fresh capital, and in 
time prices will fall to the old level.” If “the old level” 
means the level at which the displaced French cars were 
produced and sold, why are we entitled to expect that fresh 
capital will enable the British cars to reach this level? 
When French cars were bought in preference to English 
under “free competition,” we must assume that they could 
be made better or cheaper than the English cars which 
failed to get made and sold. Why should time and fresh 
capital ensure that this advantage of the French over the 
English economy of production will disappear? How will 
fresh capital assist? There was no lack of capital, but 
actually an excess, at a time when not only unemployed 
labour, but unemployed plant, was standing in the English 
motor trade.—Yours, &c., 

J. tA, 

April 6th, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Siz,—Two able writers have recently been discussing in 
your columns the best way of proving to the people the 
fallacies of Protectionism. They say many interesting 
things thereupon, but why do they assume that it is neces- 
sary to fight the enemy upon his own ground, and with 
weapons of his choosing? If I had to defend my life against 
a fencing-master, I should not stand upon the punctilios 
of the duellist when I had a chance of knocking him down 
with a cudgel. 

It is an easy task for a ready speaker to make a case 
for Protection that will seem very plausible to an unedu- 
cated audience. It is easy for him to show that the makers 
of motor-cars might be benefited by a duty on foreign cars, 
while it would require a very clever speaker to explain, and 
a very attentive and intelligent audience to understand, 
exactly how and why such a duty would be injurious to the 
people at large. I doubt whether one per cent. of our 
population would understand it—but all can understand the 
old adage that “the proof of the pudding is in the eating.” 
Decline to discuss these trivialities. Come to broad and 
solid facts. The proposal of Protectionists (or, as they 
choose now to call themselves, Fiscal Reformers) is to tax 
all imported manufactured goods, corn and meat. Their 
impudent assertion is that this would benefit the people. 

It is easy to prove by facts innumerable that such 
measures do not, never did, and never can benefit the people ; 
that they may, indeed, profit the landowners and the large 
trader, but at the expense of the rest of the community, and 
that all this misnamed Fiscal Reform agitation is 
engineered by the baser sort of capitalists in the hope of 
increasing their wealth by robbing the poor. A picture of 
the condition of the people in “the hungry ’forties ” may 

April 11, 1908.] 

touch the most sluggish imagination, and few working men 
could be led away by any fiscal fallacies if they were in- 
formed as to the lives of the proletariat in Protectionist 

The tendency of “our friends the enemy’’ to reckless 
and light-hearted theorising is amusingly shown by the letter 
of a “Constant Reader.”” I commend it to the notice of 
those who wish to see great national issues treated in the 
spirit of comic opera.—Yours, &c., 

Frank Bow ty. 

Charlbury, April 6th, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Siz,—Is it not easier to meet the Tariff Reformers by 
simpler arguments than those put forth by your corre- 
spondents ? 

Our imports of motor-cars and motor-cycles, valued at 
£2,486,357 in 1906, were only £2,080,166 in 1907. Our 
exports of the same were £208,041 in 1902, £808,242 in 1906, 
£1,106,961 in 1907; in words, our exports are steadily ris- 
ing, our imports have commenced to decline. 

If we take the test of numbers instead of values, we 
arrive at the same result. We imported 7,523 in 1906, only 
6,589 in 1907. We exported 2,847 in 1906, 3,738 in 1907. 

British resourcefulness is removing any excuse for 
“ Tariff Reform.’’—Yours, &c., 

T. Paumer NEWBOULD. 

Broadway Chambers, Ilford. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Srr,—Mr. Phillimore says that after the temporary 
dislocation caused by a protective tax on motor-cars, fresh 
capital would be attracted to the industry, and prices would 
fall to the old level. If this were the whole truth, the 
Tariffites would be answered, for they would have to admit 
that a low price under Protection is less profitable than the 
same price under Free Trade. But the fact is, as Mr. 
Phillimore will remember, that when the fresh capital had 
come, it would, on finding that remuneration was growing 
less, migrate into other industries or be extinguished by 

Thus a protected motor-car industry would give us, first 
-a “sudden dislocation,’ then a period in which it seemed 
-as though Protection was going to do no good, then con- 
siderable losses for some firms, followed by a monopoly for 
the survivors and higher prices than ever. But the worst 
thing that happens is that when that second period to which 
Mr. Phillimore looks forward is in vogue, and the third 
period of loss threatens, the motor-car manufacturers apply 
for a second dose of Protection. Thus we go from bad to 
worse. The story of every tariff in the world is the same, 
and the prime fallacy at the back of the Tariffite argument 
is that Britons can arrest themselves on a slippery path 
that has proved too much for every other nation.—Yours, 

G. G. Drsmonp. 

4, Pump Court, Temple, E.C. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Stx,—I am glad you draw attention to the striking 
victory of Free Trade finance over Protectionism, as seen 
in the contrast between our Budget surplus and the German 
deficit. I am also glad to see that you lay stress upon the 
robbery and jobbery that every Protectionist tax involves. 
Incidentally, may I put right a slip, not in the argument, 
but in the figures? As two-thirds of our corn is imported, 
two-thirds, not one-third, of the proceeds would at first go 
into the Exchequer, and one-third would be passed from 
the pockets of the consumer into those of the landlord. 
This theft is already perpetrated in Germany. But there the 
crime is even greater, for the figures are reversed, and only 
a small fraction of the tax on cereals goes into the Ex- 


chequer ; the rest is pocketed by the growers. What people 
do not always realise is that under Protection the larger 
the industry protected and the smaller the imports the 
greater is the iniquity; for so long as there is a constant 
import the price of the article must be raised to the full 
extent of the tax. Thus the more protective a tax is, and 
the more it stimulates the favoured industry, the more 
burdensome it becomes. Less and less goes to the revenue, 
more and more to the favoured class. No wonder that the 
German revenues are beginning to dry up as the “ scien- 
tific’’ tariff wall is raised higher and higher.—Yours, &c., 

London, April 7th, 1908. 

[We regret the inversion of figures to which our corre- 
spondent refers. It does not affect the argument.—Epitor, 
Tue Nation. ] 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Srz,—It is very kind of you to make my book, “The 
Townsman’s Farm,” the text of an article on “The Simple 
Life,” but I venture to think that your clever contributor 
has hardly done justice to it as a practical work. I figure 
amusingly as a “dour man uttering disparaging remarks 
about country life,’’ a “well-informed writer scattering 
thistle seeds and couch grass.’’ You say: “The simple life 
of the country, evidently, has not yet produced the simple 
soul that makes a free gospel of the good things learned.”’ 
No one reading your article would imagine that no fewer 
than six chapters of my book are devoted to considering the 
advice of experts, including nine professors of agriculture, 
with regard to training for the country at the agricultural 
colleges and on farms where they take pupils. There are 
two other chapters in which a small farmer gives, in the 
greatest detail, advice to the townsman as to how to suc- 
ceed, as he has succeeded. Three other chapters show the 
openings on home and colonial farms. Quite a number of 
amateur farmers give their experiences in three following 
chapters; and there are nine further chapters which, what- 
ever their faults, are as full of facts as they will hold, about 
how to set about fruit-growing, market-gardening, poultry, 
goat and bee-keeping, and “ girl gardenering.”’ 

I am very sorry to have to trouble you with all this, 
but, if you will permit me to say so, your article is a very 
good illustration of the difficulty which the country expert 
constantly experiences when he endeavours to speak the 
truth about rural life and industry. The townsman wants 
him to start right off with recipes for turning an acre or 
fifty acres to the best advantage. The expert knows that it 
is his duty first to impress or try to impress upon the novice 
some basic facts of rural life. I have honestly put these in 
the forefront of my book. But if you will examine it you 
will see that I have “come to the hosses”’ before the fiftieth 
page of a work of more than three hundred pages. I ex- 
pressly say in my preface :— 

“‘T hope this book may be the means of bringing many 
people into the country to live. But it will not be my fault if 
they come, either with an inadequate notion of the realities of 
rural existence, or with illusions as to the possibilities of 
making an income. Monetary gain in the country can only 
be secured by those who fit themselves for the business life of 
the rural] districts with the same pains as they would expect 
others to take in preparing themselves for an urban commer- 
cial career.” 

and I hardly see how I could have taken more pains. It is 
the chief aim of my book to show them how to “ fit them- 
selves.’’—Yours, &c., 
“ Home Counrizs.”’ 
April 6th, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Sir,—Does your correspondent really mean what he 
writes? If he does, he must have a very high opinion of 
the forbearance and self-restraint of other great Powers, 
which are girding their loins for the perpetual struggle for 
existence. Would he also suggest the abolition of the police 
force, which is a costly institution, but apparently necessary 





to the welfare of society? His remarks about the vegetable 
world are hardly correct. Ifa constant war were not waged 
on weeds, crops and flowers would stand a very poor chance, 
as any farmer or gardener could tell him. With regard to 
wild animals of the carnivorous order, man is constantly 
engaged in destroying them whenever possible, in order not 
only to protect his flocks and herds, but himself also. 

A nation contemplating suicide has but to render itself 
defenceless, particularly if it possesses assets which other 
nations covet. 

I had a letter some time ago from the secretary of a 
person not unofficially connected with the Labour Party, in 
which he stated he would. rather leave his country unde- 
fended than be called upon to kill a human being. Such 
sentiments may be noble, but are obviously not practical.— 
Yours, &c., 


Cliffe Hotel, St. Margaret’s, Dover, 
April 5th, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Srr,—In reference to the interesting article in your last 
issue, headed “ Theatre Risks,’’? I should like to draw your 
attention to an important aspect of the subject. No matter 
what precautions may be taken there will always be fires, 
arising from causes known and unknown; practically it is 
the latter only that ever become serious. The two recent 
fires at Drury Lane and at Harrow School must be classified 
as being amongst the fires arising from unknown causes. 

An analysis of the fires reported from year to year show 
that nearly every serious fire has its origin in some unknown 
cause. Loss by fire is a loss to the nation, and it is no 
argument for the insured to say his loss is covered by insur- 
ance. The scarcity of gold in this country during the last 
year or so must partly be put down to the immense sums 
of this valuable commodity which our insurance companies 
had to pay over out of the country in connection with the 
San Francisco fire. 

It is reported that our insurance companies pay out in 
losses some seventeen million pounds per annum; to this 
must be added whatever is lost by persons who are unin- 
sured, before we can get the loss of money which is due to 
fire annually. 

The Government do not insure, and it would be inter- 
esting to know what has been lost in fires during recent 
years on Government property, such as dockyards, &c., and 
in how many cases the cause of the fire was unknown; and 
the approximate estimate of the time in each case which 
had elapsed between the starting of the fire and its 

No matter how good the construction of a building may 
be, nor how fireproof, it can still be brought to the ground 
by fire; but for this to happen the fire must be undetected 
for some considerable time; in other words, it must start 
in a portion of the building which for the time being is 
unoccupied, then it will probably be discovered only when 
it has gathered sufficient strength to burst beyond the con- 
fines of the place in which it originated, then it has body 
and strength which will tax to their uttermost the fire-extin- 
guishing appliances which are brought to bear on it. A 
little luck on the side of the fire, such as a favourable wind 
or a further delay in calling the fire brigade, and it gets 
beyond control; this is what happened at Drury Lane and 
at Harrow School. Millions of pounds have been spent in 
the construction of buildings for the prevention of fire, and 
almost as much on our fire brigades and their appliances 
for extinguishing fire, but how much has been spent on 
appliances for detecting fire? Possibly a few hundred 
pounds. And yet, if serious fires are to be prevented, early 
detection is the most important, as a mere bucket of water 
applied to a fire, which is detected in its infancy, is far 
more efficacious than the whole fire brigade when the fire 
is beyond control. 

Many firms employ. watchmen to detect, report, and ex- 
tinguish fires. The Drury Lane fire casts considerable doubt 
on their efficiency ; it was left to a passer-by to discover the 

[April 11, 1908. 

An efficient automatic fire alarm should be capable of 
preventing all serious fires, and there are several automatic 
fire alarms in use in this country at the present time. The 
functions they perform are to warn the inhabitants, and 
at the same time call the fire brigade, whenever the tempera- 
ture of any part of a building reaches a dangerous heat, 
such as 200 degrees Fahr. If these instruments can be relied 
on to do this, serious fires will become a thing of the past. 
Common sense must admit that the principle of them is 
right; to see the benefit of them let us apply their action 
to the Drury Lane fire, and reconstitute the fire as far as 
one can. 

A workman going into one of the rooms in which the 
scenery was stored knocks out his pipe or leaves a smoul- 
dering match; for many minutes this smoulders on, then 
a piece of the scenery starts smouldering. By this time 
the temperature of the ceiling will have caused the auto- 
matic fire alarm to operate and notify the fire brigade, and 
the watchman, with a bucket of water, could easily have 
quelled the fire. Unfortunately, there was no automatic 
fire alarm, and the smouldering fire gathered more and more 
body, and finally burst into a flame. It is seen by a passer- 
by; he thunders at the door and calls the watchman, who 
then telephones for the brigade—here again delay. This 
fire is typical of other large fires: for the first hour or so 
a bucket of water would have quenched it; for the next 
ten minutes a hydrant, or possibly a fire extincteur, could 
have extinguished it; but afterwards, when it burst its 
bounds, the whole force of the best fire brigade in Europe 
was necessary to save the adjoining buildings and property. 

A little more money spent on apparatus for detection 
would mean the expenditure of less for extinction, and a 
large saving to the nation.—Yours, &c., 

Frank Row .ey. 

Hampstead, April 8th, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Smr,—In dealing with Tariff Reformers the main thing 
that has, in my opinion, to be made clear is that their move- 
ment is not directed towards public good, but toward the pri- 
vate profit of certain individuals. No doubt there are many 
genuine believers in Protection. There are the retired 
Colonels and other people of that sort who write letters to 
the papers explaining how they would re-arrange our com- 
merce. But these people, with all their zeal and all their 
ignorance, do not really amount to much, and could not of 
themselves keep the movement alive for a week. What gives 
it its vital force is something very different. 

The men who are subscribing huge sums to pay lecturers, 
and to buy up newspapers, are not vexed with economic 
doubts or troubled with any anxiety about the good of the 
nation. Their object is simple, clear and straightforward, 
namely, to plunder the public. by means of artificially in- 
creased prices. Their talk about unemployment rather re- 
minds one of what was said many years ago about a certain 
Chancellor of what was probably a very modest exchequer: 
“This he said, not because he cared for the poor, but because 
he was a thief.’’ Protection in most countries is nothing 
but a form of robbery ; and it is not an economic fallacy, but 
a solid fact, corroborated by the experience of all the ages, 
that robbing the public when it can be done by legal means 
is a most lucrative form of employment. 

The Tariff Reformers may be hazy in their economics, 
but they have got firm hold of this great truth. Their prime 
motive is the desire for plunder. That is what most of all 
needs to be driven home to the electorate.—Yours, &c., 

61, Chancery Lane, W.C., 
April 7th, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Siz,—I think that you are in error in stating at the 
foot of the first column of page 2 of your issue of the 4th 
inst. that “Incidentally Mr. Balfour showed that he was 
ignorant of the fact that Hamburg was a free port—a some- 

April 11, 1908.] 



what discreditable 

My recollection of the facts is that Hamburg entered the 
Zollverein over twenty years ago, and is no longer a free 
port except in the sense that every port in this country is 
free in so far as goods may be landed under bond and re- 
exported without paying duty.—Yours, &c., 


omission in his education as an 

April 7th, 1908. 

[Mr. Balfour’s reference in the debate suggested that he 
was not aware of the extent to which, as our correspondent 
correctly states, Hamburg is a free port.—Epitor, THE 
Natron. | 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Srr,—Mr. A. J. Marriott, in the closing paragraph of 
his letter, hits the nail on the head. He says, “Dash Mr. 
Stiggins. He is really the cause of all the trouble.’ As I 
remember, the Mr. Stiggins whose portrait was drawn by 
Dickens was a gentleman who regularly frequented the 
“Marquis of Granby’’ public-house, freely indulging in 
pineapple rum and other fermented liquors. So far, no 
doubt, Mr. Marriott is right—perhaps more nearly right 
than he knew—but when he poses as a constructive states- 
man he is not a conspicuous success. The Government are 
to ‘“‘sweep the country’’ with a measure providing, among 
other things, that, at the end of seven years, “ brewery com- 
panies or brewers must sell their houses.’”’ Think of it! 
Property-owners compelled by law to sell that which is their 
own, and (because the sale is a forced one) in many cases 
to sell at a loss. Think of what the “ Liberty and Property 
Defence League’? would say; of the effective (and success- 
ful) appeals which would be made to all classes of property- 
owners, with the cry, “It will be your turn next.” 

No, Sir, let Mr. Marriott concentrate his attention on 
the one great truth which has come to him, that “ the cause 
of all the trouble ’”’ is a certain red-nosed person who spends 
his time in public-houses, imbibing ardent spirits. Im- 
pressed, as he ought to be, with this, let him approach Mr. 
Stiggins, and show him that under the Bill of the Govern- 
ment he will not be deprived of opportunities for boozing ; 
that, indeed, those opportunities are not likely to be greatly 
diminished till “ that liver complaint’’ of his, which Mr. 
Weller foresaw, shall have taken him out of the way. By 
doing missionary work of this kind, Mr. Marriott will be 
rendering a great public service, for on the withdrawal of 
Mr. Stiggins’ opposition the Licensing Bill is assured of an 
easy passage into law.—Yours, &c., 

C. J. Back. 


April 4th, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Srr,—I have been much interested in reading the vari- 
ous letters on Woman’s Suffrage which have appeared in 
several issues of Toe Natron, but there seems to be a diver- 
gence of opinion among the Suffragists as to how far women 
should be enfranchised. I was in Devonshire at the time 
of the Mid-Devon election, and there the cry was for “ Votes 
for women householders ’’—a just plea surely! Since re- 
turning to London I find at the majority of Suffragist meet- 
ings the demand is for “ Votes for married women’? as well. 

I should welcome Woman’s Suffrage if I were con- 
vinced that it would redress women’s grievances, and 
especially the sweated woman’s labour, but the vote given 
to householders only would be a mere drop in the ocean; 
they would be in too small a minority to affect English 
politics at all. If the franchise were extended to married 
women, home-life would be broken up to a great extent. 

The contest over the Licensing Bill at the present 
moment shows to what a state of bitterness politics reduce 
us when former friends of different parties cannot casually 
meet without abusing each other in such terms as “ mon- 
strous swindler’’ and “iniquitous thief.’’ The picture of 
a husband and wife equally keen for or against such a Bill, 
absorbed in a whirl of the bitterest agitation on either side, 


ending with voting against each other, is a pathetic one. I 
leave aside all question of whether women are fit (physically 
or mentally) for the strain of public life, and confine myself 
to the fact that the moment women are pushed into the field 
of politics they will find themselves deprived of that other 
sphere of influence—the home. 

I hear the cry that Woman’s Suffrage would cure the 
terrible evil of woman’s sweated labour, but it is on the 
strength of their trades unions, and not on their political 
votes, that men fall back to keep up the standard of their 
wages. It is the inability of women to combine under one 
leader, and to support that leader through the trials of a 
long struggle, that keeps the standard of wages so low. 
Even this great “ Suffragette’? movement, which has been 
a revelation to many in the strength of its organisation, fails 
because the leaders are not unanimous in their demands; 
some want one thing, some another, and thus the party is 
split up into various sections, each intensely scornful of 
the others. Surely it would be better if the Suffragettes, 
instead of lowering themselves in the eyes of reasonable 
people by their undignified demonstrations, were to join the 
leaders of the anti-sweating movement, to encourage the 
women of London to combine to stand out for a minimum 
wage. There is so much they could do in the way of clubs 
and unions for women workers to show that, if they get a 
vote, they will know how to use it.—Yours, &c., 

April 2nd, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Sir,—We have witnessed a rather interesting aspect of 
the Women’s Suffrage question at the last few bye-elec- 
tions. Standing among the crowd listening to the Peckham 
result last night, I was astonished to see known temperance 
enthusiasts and women Liberals shrieking for joy at the 

What, we are entitled to ask, will be their course if 
they are admitted to the Suffrage? 

They are now suffering wrongs and insults, real or 
imaginary, at the hands of “ men,’’ and feel justified there- 
fore in using all their influence against their principles to 
spite their oppressors. 

Of course, we understand they mean to be “ naughty this 
once’? and then “good for ever afterwards,” but what 
guarantee have we? 

Most sections of the electorate, even in the best-ordered 
of democracies, have reason to feel themselves wronged, 
slighted, even’‘“virtually unrepresented’? sometimes. What 
will be the action of the women voters under these circum- 
stances ? 

Will they not turn, as they turned yesterday, in a wild 
passion, and vote (as yesterday they used their influence) 
blindly against all that they affect to regard as most sacred 
and lofty in politics ?—Yours, &c., 


March 25th, 1908. 




Averit—your name was; often I forget 

Your name, for all the music that it made, 

Rather remembering the ivory shade 

Pale on your cheek, small hands, grey eyes deep-set, 
But warm with light, while your tongue—half-afraid 
To prove our strident English—would parade 

Some vagrom reminiscence of “ Villette,”’ 

Till laughingly your French with English met. 

And all the while you suffered: not your sin, 

It was the curious malice of the world 

That kept your eyes sometimes with tears empearled, 
Cr sank the voice that else rang clear and thin: 

“Tf they must strive, who bade me once to be, 

Why needs their strife this toll of tears from me? 4 



Che GHorld of Books. 


THE first two volumes of Mr. Nutt’s uniform edition of 
W. E. Henley’s Collected Works will be issued about Easter. 
The edition is to be completed in seven volumes, two being 
given to the “ Poems,” two to the “ Essays ’’ in prose which 
have not hitherto been gathered together, two others to the 
famous “ Views and Reviews,’’ and the remaining volume 
to the four “ Plays’’ which Henley wrote in collaboration 
with R. L. Stevenson. The edition has been a long time 
under way, but it probably arrives at the right moment, for 
there are several signs of a revival of interest in Henley. 
One of the best recent appreciations of his work is that by 
Mr. G. K. Chesterton in the opening number of “The 
Bibliophile ’’—a periodical of great promise to which we 
offer a hearty welcome. Henley, says Mr. Chesterton, was 
a man thoroughly by nature a poet, who forced himself, 
against all his own emotional trend, to be a boisterous and 
topical ballad-monger. 

“Unfortunately in his life-time, and especially in his later 
years, Henley hid himself behind the mask of what he thought 
he ought to stand for. Somebody told him, or he somehow 
got into his head, that he was the representative of rude 
energy and militant empire. His talents were entirely in the 
other direction. So far from specialising in strength, he 
describes in his most penetrating poems a condition of beautiful 
weakness. He caused his own exquisite voice to be 
drowned in the clamour of his own quite fictitious reputation as 
a sort of political ruffian. He drowned his own voice in his 
own big drum. But anyone who cares to-day to take up one 
of his books of poems will suddenly find himself in an atmos- 
phere very unexpected and very calm. He will break into a 
sudden stillness. He will read a few quiet poems about grey 
streets and silver sunsets. He will find that the poet has a 
peculiar power of describing the voiceless and neglected corners 
of a great city; the little grass-grown squares, the little 
streets that lead nowhere. All will seem full of a 
kind of quiet irrelevance; and yet the very foundations of the 
reader’s heart will be moved.” 

This strikes exactly the right note. It is Mr. Chesterton 
at his best, and it is the criticism which will do most for 
Henley’s reputation. 

% % % 

Messrs. Cuatro & Winpus will issue next month an 
illustrated edition of Jane Austen’s novels, the pictures of 
which are to be by Mr. Wallis Mills, while Mr. Brimley 
Johnson has supervised the text and added bibliographical 
and biographical notes to each novel. Judged by 
the test of the number of editions that have ap- 
peared—not a bad criterion in the case of an author 
who has been dead for nearly a hundred years—Jane 
Austen is by far the most popular of English women novel- 
ists. Charlotte Bronté probably comes second, and George 
Eliot third. Another woman novelist who once had a great 
vogue, but now seems to be unduly neglected, is Charlotte 
Yonge. Messrs. Macmillan are, however, issuing some of 
her stories in attractive form at a low price. It will be 
remembered that Burne-Jones, William Morris, and the 
Prae-Raphaelites, while at Oxford, adopted as their model 
Sir Guy Morville, the hero of “The Heir of Redclyffe.”’ 
Charles Kingsley said that ‘“ Heartsease’’ was the most 
wholesome and delightful novel he had ever read, and Dr. 
Whewell classed “The Clever Woman of the Family” as 
the first of English novels. 

* % % 

Mr. J. Granam Brooks, whose brilliant series of lec- 
tures at the School of Sociology and Social Economics has 
just come to a conclusion, will shortly issue through Messrs. 
Macmillan a critical study of the chief criticisms that have 
been passed upon the United States during the nineteenth 
century. The book is to be called “‘ As Others See Us,’’ and 
Mr. Graham Brooks has adopted the plan of examining the 
views expressed upon American politics, manners, religion, 
education, and so forth, by about seventy of the leading 
foreign writers who have concerned themselves with Ameri- 
can affairs. By this method the reader will be furnished 
with a sort of chart or plan of the progress made by the 
United States throughout the century. As Mr. Graham 
Brooks is one of the leading authorities upon the sociologi- 
cal problems of the American Republic, his book is certain 
to be a valuable contribution to social science. 

[April 11, 1908. 

AnorHER important book on American affairs to be 
issued by Messrs. Macmillan is Professor A. C. Coolidge’s 
“The United States as a World Power.” It discusses in 
detail and with many comparisons the situation arising from 
the formation and growth of the United States, the com- 
position of its population, its economic status, the Monroe 
Doctrine, the Spanish-American War and the acquisition of 
colonies, the relations of the United States with this coun- 
try and other European Powers, as well as with Canada and 
the countries of Latin America. Of special interest in view 
of recent events will be the discussion of the presence of the 
United States in the Pacific, and its relations with China 
and with Japan. 

* * % 

Tue short story, if not one of the highest forms of litera- 
ture, is at least a literary type whose popularity is assured. 
There should, therefore, be a large public for a new series, 
“The World’s Story-tellers,” which is announced by Messrs. 
Jack. The aim of the series is to give in handy volumes 
some of the characteristic masterpieces of English and 
foreign writers of short stories. The first volume to be 
issued will contain three of the most famous tales of Théo- 
phile Gautier in Lafcadio Hearn’s fine translation. This is 
to be followed by stories of Hoffmann, Balzac, Poe, Chateau- 
briand, Boccaccio, Cervantes, Tolstoy, and others. The 
general editor of the series is Mr. Arthur Ransome, whose 
“ History of Story-telling’’ is to be published during the 
autumn by the same firm. Mr. Ransome contributes an 
introduction to each volume, in which he gives a picture of 
the author’s personality and an account of his characteris- 
tics as a writer, special stress being laid upon the influ- 
ence which each author has exerted upon the art of story- 
telling. The plan is an excellent one, since there is a large 
number of readers who will be glad to have the finest short 
stories of the world in cheap and handy form. 

% * % 

“THe Story or British DrpLomacy: Irs MAKERS AND 
Movements,” by Mr. T. H. 8S. Escott, which Mr. Fisher 
Unwin will have ready this month, traces the varying ten- 
dencies which have been operative from time to time, and 
have reflected themselves in the relations between England 
and other nations, from the period when English diplomacy 
began to be methodised under the early Tudor sovereigns 
down to the present time. Mr. Escott begins by a rapid 
survey of the earlier period of English diplomacy which 
ended with the Peace of Ryswick in 1697, but the greater 
part of his narrative deals with the eighteenth century and 
onwards. The diplomacy connected with British develop- 
ment from the Crimean to the Transvaal War is examined 
in detail, and the events of the last Hague Conference are 
also considered. An important branch of the subject which 
Mr. Escott keeps in the forefront is the progressive organ- 
isation of the Foreign Office, and the share that each of its 
famous servants have contributed to its political traditions 
and efficiency. 

* * a 


“Germany in the Early Middle Ages: 476-1250.” By 
William Stubbs, D.D. Edited by Arthur Hassall. (Longmans. 
6s. net.) 

‘Memories of Men and Books.’? By the Rey. Professor A. J. 
Church. (Smith, Elder. 8s. 6d. net.) 

‘“Limbo, and Other Essays.’’ By Vernon Lee. (Lane. 3s. 6d. net.) 

“The Tragedy of Korea.’’ By F. A. McKenzie. (Hodder 
& Stoughton. 6s.) 

“‘ Montreux.” Painted by J. H. Lewis and M. H. Lewis. 
Described by Francis Gribble. (Black. 7s. 6d. net.) 

‘“My Belief: Answers to Certain Religious Difficulties.” By 

R. F. Horton, M.A., D.D. (James Clarke. 3s. 6d. net.) 

““ Advanced Golf.”’ By James Baird. (Methuen. 10s. 6d. net.) 

“The Grey Knight.”” By Mrs. Henry De La Pasture. (Smith, 
Elder. 6s.) 

“L‘Idéal Moderne.’ Par Paul Gautier. (Paris: Hachette. 
3fr. 50.) 

““@luvres Posthumes.” Par Charles Baudelaire. (Paris: 

Société du Mercure de France. Tfr. 50.) 
“Walt Whitman: L’Homme et son (Muvre.”’ Par Léon 
Bazalgette. (Paris: Société du Mercure de France. Tfr. 50.) 
“T,’Education intellectuelle et morale.’ Par Gabriel Com- 
payré. (Paris: Delaplane. 4fr.) 
“Les jours s’allongent.”’ 
(Paris: Plon-Nourrit. 3fr. 50.) 

Roman. Par Paul Margueritte. 

April 11, 1908.] 



For suggestiveness of utterance, aptness of illustration, and 
a condensation which makes it impossible to realise that 
this is but 120 pages of normal print, it would be difficult 
to overpraise this little volume. There is here set out in a 
form more lucid and eloquent than in many voluminous 
monographs and histories, a masterly analysis of the prin- 
ciples and bed rock powers and weaknesses of the Napoleonic 
Empires. Bonapartism was no reckless despotism, depen- 
dent on military glory and independent of the popular will. 
It was a definite system of government in which the common 
people approved a principle fatal to liberty—as liberty is 
understood in the modern world. It rested upon an auto- 
eracy based on the plébiscite. It appealed to the workman 
and the peasant and the soldier, against the intellectuals ; 
and it never appealed in vain. Four months before Sedan 
the Liberal Empire received the endorsement of seven mil- 
lions of voters: and making every allowance for manipula- 
tion and official influences, few can doubt that this was 
indeed Government by consent of the people. The Revolu- 
tion of Brumaire and the coup d’état have been denounced 
in passionate invective by the poets and men of genius whose 
voices they silenced and whose schemes of society they over- 
threw. They were brutal measures, brutally conducted. 
But they had France behind them, which had declared em- 
phatically against the poets and the men of genius and the 
schemes of society which they supported. There was 
nothing here comparable with the shooting of the crowd by 
the Russian autocracy, or the suppression of the popular 
demand for free Government in Hungary, in Italy, or in 
Poland after the revolution of ’48. Before Brumaire, 
“when Bonaparte landed at Frejus,’ says Mr. Fisher, 
“having escaped the vigilance of English cruisers, a thrill 
of delight and relief passed through France.” “Every 
peasant I met,” wrote Fievéé from the Bourbonnais, ‘in 
the fields, the vineyards, and woods, stopped and asked me 
if there was news of General Bonaparte, and why he did 
not come back to France. No one inquired after the Direc- 
tory.”” Nearly forty years afterwards, the death of another 
Republic was received with equal popular approval. In the 
election of Napoleon III. for Prince President, “ How should 
I not vote for this gentleman,” said a peasant to Mon- 
talembert, “I whose nose was frozen at Moscow?’’ “The 
plot of Brumaire,” says Mr. Fisher, “ was forgiven in the 
greatness of the achievements to which it was the prelude, 
while the bloodstain of December proved to be indelible.”’ 
It was indelible as a black stain in the current of thé 
spiritual life of Europe, because Victor Hugo and Mr. 
Swinburne, and other great voices of the century, cried aloud 
for vengeance and reparation. But the French people had 
forgiven: had accepted the Bonapartist theory of Govern- 
ment, and had no wish for the return of those fine gentle- 
men who could write good verses and make eloquent speeches, 
but could give no lead in battles, nor restore the altars of 
religion, nor establish, in the interests of the common people, 
large and practical schemes of social reform. 

It is an old antithesis, existing since absolutism first 
was overthrown, and destined to endure to the end of time. 
Liberty and democracy were accepted in the theory of san- 
guine thinkers of the mid-century as being legitimate bed- 
fellows. In practice they are often as far as the poles 
asunder. Bonapartist France accepted the idea of 
Equality: in the name of Equality it was content to repu- 
diate the idea of Liberty. The opponents of the Govern- 
ment were gagged and suppressed, the newspapers muzzled, 
Parliamentary Government reduced to a sham, The first 
Empire marked “an end of the bold curiosity of the 
eighteenth century, which played so nimbly over the whole 
surface of human belief.” “The price which France paid 
for order was the silence of poetry and the death of criti- 
cism.’”’? And amongst the “ugly features’’ of the Second 
Empire, Mr. Fisher notes “ the absence of large and gene- 
rous principles in public life.” “As the great issues were 
removed from the sphere of legislative responsibility, per- 

* Bonapartism, Six Lectures delivered in the University of 
London, By H, A, L. Fisher. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 3s, 6d, net, 




sonal jealousies filled the vacuum. ‘The present régime,’ 
wrote De Tocqueville, ‘is the paradise of the envious and 
the mediocre.’’’ The Emperor above, the peasant below, 
with between a centralised bureaucracy of willing servants : 
that was the machine in its completion; the most wonderful 
machine for war and the restoration of order from anarchy 
that the world has ever seen. The career was to be freely 
open to all. Men of wealth and birth, if inadequate, were 
to count as nothing—did for a time count as nothing— 
before industry, capacity, and personal ability. ‘The de- 
clared principle,’? wrote Napoleon to Jerome, “is to choose 
talents wherever they can be found.’’ Even when the bureau- 
cratic machine broke under the stress of foreign invasion, 
and the weight of the world in arms against him, the 
peasant soldiers—the Army—never failed Napoleon. He 
had looked through Paris—the Paris which for the Liberals 
and cultured appeared to be France—into the France which 
lay behind it: he read its needs and gave it what it de- 
sired. ‘He looked beyond the clever sophisticated people 
in Paris, for whom Voltaire represented the sum of human 
wisdom, out into the fields and the teeming villages.’”’ He 
realised what they dumbly desired, with a kind of patient 
hunger; security in the land which they tilled, the 
restoration of the old religion which had been overthrown, 
‘a master who would quell the red politicians, make peace 
with Europe, and send up the price of Government stock.” 
He gave them all they desired: in return they gave him 
such devotion and extravagant energy, as not only dragged 
France back from a dying anarchy, but lifted the nation to 
the most intoxicating triumph that any civilised nation has 
enjoyed, and put its master into the position of the over- 
lordship of the civilised world. ‘‘ When the Empire fell, 
the imagination of the world was touched by the sudden 
catastrophe of so much greatness. Here in the field of 
action, were events more wonderful than the ‘Arabian 
Nights,’ the matter for a thousand poems, histories, and 
centuries.’’ The echoes of the noise of that falling have 
reverberated through Europe for a hundred years. 

And the ultimate problem remains still unsolved. The 
democracy demand two devotions—their religion, which the 
intellectuals despise, and more desirable social life, which 
seems to the Liberals incompatible with freedom. Bismarck, 
fresh from his astonishing military conquests, thought he 
could suppress both these demands, and in the name of the 
Prussian aristocracy fought the Red and the Black Inter- 
nationalism. Both of them proved strong enough to triumph 
over and defy the victor of Sadowa and Sedan. Liberalism 
to-day is fighting an unequal struggle against these two 
popular movements, embodied in the Catholic Church and 
an International Socialism. In France it appears for a 
moment to have triumphed over the one, in Germany over 
the other. But both these movements think less in years 
than in generations; and the end is not yet. Bonapartism 
harnessed both to its chariot wheels, and found strength to 
drive down all the roads of Europe, with such triumph as 
that which Heine witnessed when the Emperor, riding into 
Dusseldorf in 1811, seemed to have written on his face with 
its hue of marble: “Thou shalt have no gods before me.” 
Will this demand for a religion which Liberalism has repu- 
diated, and for a Socialism of which Liberalism is terrified, 
lead inevitably to a renewed Bonapartism? The material is 
there, stronger to-day than yesterday. But the man is the 
key-stone of it all. It is doubtful if Bonapartism is com- 
patible with a dynasty. Behind the plebiscite and the de. 
mocratic satisfaction stands the figure of the most won- 
derful of all the children of mankind. He came in the full- 
ness of the time, to “fuse the old France with the new.” With 
supreme military ability, melodramatic eloquence, a 
piercing insight, and a power of attracting the devotion of 
masses of the people, he united “an immense capacity for 
relevant labour.’’? ‘I am always working,” he said once to 
Roederer; “at dinner, at the theatre. At night I get up to 
work. Last night I got up at two o’clock, put myself in an 
arm-chair before my fire, to examine the field state sent in 
yesterday by the Minister of War. IT found twenty mis- 
takes.” “I know more in my little finger,’ he once de- 
clared, “than is known by all the heads in Italy put 
together.’’ The boast was justified. 

A Napoleon II., inheriting a limited and baffled France 
if the Fountainbleau abdication had been accepted—would 


[April 11, 1908. 

probably have proved the incompatibility of the Bonapartist 
system with prolonged periods of quietness and security. 
But the Second Empire was made at St. Helena. The 
greatest work in many respects which Napoleon accom- 
plished was in the days of his utter overthrow, chained to a 
rock in the Mid-Atlantic, no longer, in the gleeful rejoicing 
of the old Kings, able to terrify the world. Many men have 
altered the boundaries of the world during their lives. This 
man settled the fate of Europe thirty years after his death. 
The times of glory and action established the Napoleonic 
prestige; the times of overthrow and enforced idleness settled 
the Napoleonic tradition. ‘The Battle of Waterloo,’’—so 
the echo came from the remote prisoner—‘“ the Battle of 
Waterloo has been as fatal to the liberties of Europe as the 
Battle of Philippi was fatal to those of Rome.’’ And the 
people listened, and wondered, and approved. ‘“ Our situa- 
tion here may even have its attractions,’’ said that “ Pro- 
metheus of St. Helena’’; ‘the universe is looking at us, we 
remain the martyrs of an immortal cause. Millions of men 
weep for us, and glory is in mourning.’’ He declared to the 
attentive millions what he had fought for. “ He stood for 
the Revolution, he defended the principle of nationality, he 
never deviated from his love of peace; he respected the in- 
fluence of religion in society. I asked for twenty years,”’ 
was his cry; “Destiny only gave me thirteen.’’ ‘ France 
never ceased thinking of the old things,’’ as Treitschke re- 
minds us, “of the songs which the peasant women had sung 
at their looms, and of the cottage walls hung with cheap 
lithographs of the triumphs and the paladins of the Napo- 
leonic Wars.’’ ‘“ La France s’ennwie,” was Lamartine’s fatal 
verdict on the Bourgeois monarchy. In 1840, when the body 
of Napoleon was brought back from St. Helena, “the senti- 
ment of the people was so stirred that some onlookers re- 
marked that the Second Empire was already made.” A few 
months afterwards the official representative of Bonapartism 
was tried for high treason and conspiracy against the exist- 
ing régime. “TI represent before you,’’ he declared to his 
judges, “a principle, a cause, and a defeat. The principle 
is the sovereignty of the people: the cause that of the 
Empire: the defeat, Waterloo. You have recognised the 
principle, you have served the cause, you wish to avenge the 
defeat.”? Seven years of imprisonment, endured with un- 
faltering faith and patience, a daring escape, a year of 
exile, led to the most sensational of all triumphs. ‘“ He 
stood as the candidate of the peasantry, and the Army, as 
the heir of a great tradition, as the pledge of vague, un- 
measured aspirations.’’ He received more than four million 
votes. Lamartine, the poet, orator, and historian, who had 
saved France in 1848, polled no more than eighteen thousand. 

Would the Second Empire in any case have stood the 
test of time? Possibly, it may be safely asserted, except for 
a singular vicissitude of fortune. Bonapartism might have 
survived Sedan as it survived Waterloo. It perished in a re- 
mote region of South Africa, and the death in inglorious 
skirmish, of the heir to the tradition, who showed signs of 
a genius not incomparable with that of Napoleon the Great 
and Napoleon the Little. Had the stirrup leather of the 
Prince Imperial in that fatal hour of testing been made of 
sound material, instead of paper, Bonapartism might to- 
day be exhibited as a living and operative system in the 
world; instead of standing but as a phantom of the past, the 
memory of a once all-conquering cause. 


Brownine sometimes treated history in this dramatic but 
allusive way. Sometimes he would take a crisis in the story 
of some historic man or woman, and give the actual words 
that might then have been used, without explaining the 
crisis further. His “Cristina and Monaldeschi”’ is an in- 
stance. The words throughout are Cristina’s; there is no 
explanation of any kind. The reader is supposed to know 
beforehand what is happening, and the method is so allusive 
that, unless he does know beforehand, it is no good his read- 
ing. He had better leave it alone, for from the mere words 
as they stand he will learn nothing, or, at best, he will learn 
only a tenth part of what is there. 

*« The Duke of Gandia.’ 
Chatto & Windus. 5s. 

By Algernon Charles Swinburne. 

To Greeks who knew their stories of gods and heroes 
from babyhood, this way of treating their mythology gave no 
difficulty; and in the days when the Bible was intimately 
known among us and formed almost the only literature of 
the English people, an unexplained allusion to its histories 
did not seem at all strange. But when the subject is an 
episode in Cristina’s life, or in the story of the Borgias, 
which Mr. Swinburne has here chosen, only students can 
understand. It is true that a reader who had never heard 
of the Borgias could still make something of “The Duke of 
Gandia.’’ He would understand from the bare words of the 
dialogue that one brother murders another, and, perhaps, 
he would discern that there was some horrible secret be- 
tween the two brothers and their father, the Pope. He 
might even feel something of their mother’s terror, jealousy, 
and grief. But he would remain blind to the power of these 
four short scenes, because their power is not in the words 
as they stand, but in hints and echoes from things outside 
them—things that the scholar knows, but the ordinary man, 
untrained in Italian history, could hardly guess. Mr. Swin- 
burne has always been inclined to assume readers as learned 
as himself. That makes much of his prose essays so diffi- 
cult, except for specialists. The dramatic poems of “ Rosa- 
mond’’ and “ Chastelard’’ are saved from obscurity by the 
plain and simple situations, but an audience must be some- 
thing of historians to understand “ The Queen Mother,” and 
now it is the same with “ The Duke of Gandia.”’ 

The choice of time and subject is characteristic of the 
great poet we have known. In the Papal Court of the 
Sixth Alexander shone a splendour of sin unequalled since 
the Imperial Court of Nero reigned in magnificent abomina- 
tion upon the same Seven Hills :— 

‘When thy gardens were lit with live torches; 
When the world was a steed for thy rein; 
When the nations lay prone in thy porches, 

Our Lady of: Pain.’’ 
In Alexander’s Court was seen the same unbounded power, 
the same abundance of world-collected treasure, the same 
curiosity in wickedness, the delighted defiance of laws and 
observances established by ancestral piety, the hideous 
relationships followed by hideous crimes, the abolition of 
conscience, the passion for artistic beauty. To Alexander’s 
Rome, as to Nero’s, it had been granted to outstep the limits 
of human pleasure and shatter the holy little bonds that tie 
mankind together :— 

“To say of shame—what is it? 
Of virtue—we can miss it; 
Of sin—we can but kiss it, 
And it’s no longer sin.” 

Nero perceived the charm of escape from the trammels of 
dull old laws and the sacred usages of Numa. It was a joy 
to burlesque the Roman matron and the quiet deities of 
hearth and road and tomb. But the days of faith were 
already vanishing far behind; the augurs had almost ceased 
even to laugh. Even the Good Goddess, even the Vestal 
Virgins were suspect, and now it seemed a little difficult 
to discover a peculiar wickedness outrageous enough for 
delight. It is tame sport to mock a dying god. Already 
satiety hung suspended by a hair over the head of pleasure, 
and for the adventures of sin the ruler of the world felt the 
lack of opposing virtue :— 

‘Ah, where shall we go then for pastime, 
If the worst that can be has been done?”’ 

To Cesar Borgia the solemn restraints of centuries were 
nearer at hand, and they had been far more stern. Rome 
and Europe for the most part were bound by them still, or 
at least professed them sacred. There was still a fresh and 
added joy in tearing them apart, in defying the recognised 
sanctions of existence, and shaking one’s fist in the face of 
Powers still enthroned within the skies. In Europe when 
the fifteenth century was just ending, the strict command- 
ments of heaven and hell had not ceased to sound with 
authority, and the pathway of sin was still bright with 
strange possibilities. The Borgias, dwelling in the sacred 
heart of Europe, could set out along that pathway, like new 
discoverers, with freshness and the sense of liberty un- 
impaired. That they dwelt in the sacred heart of Europe, 
that Alexander, father of Francesco and Cesar and Lucrezia 
—all three—was worshipped through Christendom as God’s 
voice and Christ’s Vicar upon earth, just added the final 

April 11, 1908.] 

stimulus of irony to the family pursuit of beauty and 

The final step in that pursuit is the poet’s theme, and 
in these few pages he suggests rather than reveals the beauty, 
the horror, and the irony of it all. The one touch of 
common humanity, of our daily affections‘and shame, to 
say nothing of decency, is shown in Vannozza, the Pope’s 
concubine, and mother of his monsters. She is not of the 
breed, but stands entangled among them by habit, mother- 
hood, and continual fears. Of Lucrezia we only see the face 
that makes pale the sun in heaven, the beautiful face with- 
out shame, and the soul shameless as the marble of a 
wanton image. Francesco is only weakness and sin and 
folly before we see him die :— 

“And he 
Drifted, and caught the moon across his face 
That shone like life against it: and the chief 
Till then sat silent as the moon at watch, 
And then bade hur! stones on the drifting dead 
And sink him out of sight; and, seeing this done, 
Rode thence, and they strode after.” 

Pope Alexander, Christ’s Vicar on earth, is still 
haunted with shivering ghosts of religion, of natural com- 
punction, or at least of custom. Now and again he falls 
into the habitual language of the Church, and always with 
a heightened irony for those who know, whether it be his 
concubine, his children, or the reader. “Jest not with 
God” are his words on entering, and his words are the 
finest jests of all, till at last his son Cesar shows him to us 
weeping as a woman, howling as a wolf, above his other 
murdered son, but hale and whole none the less, and ready 
to share with Cesar the place of God to all the world. 

The joys of such a brood, littered in the glories of 
God’s throne, are the ironic motive of the play, and, natur- 
ally, the motive finds its strongest phrase in Cesar, now 
Cardinal and hinge of heaven’s gate. In him Rome saw 
again “the implacable beautiful tyrant, Rose-crowned, hav- 
ing death in his hands.’’ His mouth is full of obscene 
blasphemy, and his face has never shown shame or pity. 
Neither regret nor repentance have place after his crimes, 
and he alone can speak with ease and joy of things un- 
speakable. But beauty he loves, and strength. He could 
impose himself upon the world, and if he sang amid a city’s 
shrieking, it would be with no “thin and rusty voice,” like 
Nero’s. For in Cesar Borgia the young nature of the 
renaissance had given birth for once to Satan in his most 
faultless incarnation, the superman of sin. 

The language of these dramatic scenes is, as a rule, stern 
and quiet; there is little of the unchecked exuberance and 
over-emphasis that used to be the poet’s danger. One new 
and peculiar habit of verse every reader must notice: the 
frequent use of an isolated monosyllable at the beginning 
of a new line. Take three instances, all within the second 
page :— ; 

‘‘ With more Italian passion than brought forth 

“Mother beloved and hallowed. I desire 

“Thou wast ever sleepless as the wind— 
A child unhungered for thy time to be 
There is hardly a page in which this trick is not repeated. 
But let us not insist on criticising a gift from the one 
great poet still left to be our honour. 

Racuet Gurney, of the Grove, Norwich, was born in 1794; 
and her letters, edited with conscientious care and whole- 
hearted love, bring “a breath from a simple fragrant past 
—a few bits of withered lavender from a garden where it 
bloomed.’’ When Rachel was a child “coaches and broad- 
wheeled waggons rattled over the paved streets” of the 
famous weaving city. When she was twelve, the Grove 
family made a three months’ tour in the Midlands and 
North of England. The parents and seven children travelled 
in chariots and on horses, and the children kept a Journal. 
It tells of a stay at Buttermere, of drinking tea with 

* “Rachel Gurney of the Grove.” By Sir Alfred E. Pease. 
Headley Bros. 18s. 6d. net. 


Southey, and of climbing Skiddaw. At Hull, they find 
‘the Baltic and Greenland trade are the principal—40 sail 
of Greenlanders, just arrived, perfumed the streets most 

Half a dozen years later, Rachel is in York Minster, 
where the anthem “ with the beautiful organ, delighted even 
my unmusical ears.’’ At Norwich she attends the Friends’ 
Meeting, and writes to a sister, “Nothing can, I think, 
exceed Betsy as a minister.’’ Betsy is known to us as 
Elizabeth Fry, née Gurney, a cousin of Rachel’s. 

M. Bardelin was tutor to the Grove girls for nine years ; 
he is delighted to be back in France in 1814: “C'est tout 
fini, Louis est proclamé par la nation frangaise, Buonaparte 
se retire,—La France et l’Europe seront heureuses.” Next 
year Rachel writes from Exmouth that she has seen Napoleon 
on board ship. ‘He laughed to see the English coming to 
see him. . . He sailed yesterday morning very early. 
The coast looked so beautiful, and the bay lovely.”’ 

The child of seven had written to her father that “ the 
pigeons and doves have got each another young one. The 
Grove looks very pleasant; everything is very green and 
fresh. Dear little Emma asked for thee to show her a book 
the evening after thee went.” Her letters retain a simple 
style throughout, in striking contrast to the parental pon- 
derosity. At eighteen she is reading the Book of Job in 
Hebrew, writing out Alfred the Great’s Will in Anglo-Saxon, 
and translating his version of Orosius. She gets so tired of 
herself and everybody else whilst attending May Meetings 
that “I ran off and read a little Homer, which was as bene- 
ficial as a sermon to me just then.” Rachel hopes to join 
her sister in Darlington very shortly. One reason is that 
“all my old gowns are slitting at the elbows, and I must 
not touch my new ones on any account, as they are all laid 
up in lavender for the North.” 

She dated her chest delicacy from exposure to cold as 
they returned from the North. After being snowed up at 
Swaffham for three or four days, they left “preceded by a 
waggon with seven horses, and men in it with shovels to 
cut away the snow.” Then follow three years of heroic 
struggle. She cannot understand “not being allowed to 
breathe the fresh air when the weather looks so delightful,”’ 
but the doctor has ordered her to try the close air of London 
city; so to Birch Lane, Spitalfields, the invalid goes. 
“Maria Sewell (authoress of ‘Black Beauty’) is very kind 
in coming to see me.”’ 

The close air of London city has done her no good. 
Devonshire is tried: “it appears to me that the chances of 
my recovering my strength or not are even, I cannot feel 
them greater. Perhaps thou wilt hardly under- 
stand me when I say I do not know what it is to have an 
uneasy thought about myself; I feel as if I had nothing to 
do with the business but to bear the present evil, and to 
leave the future.”” She smiles to see the profound silence 
that the family maintains about her health; she hears the 
father sigh as she leans on a great stick and her brother’s 
arm. The doctors bleed her week after week, and send her 
to Nice. It was a great undertaking to winter on the 
Riviera the year after Waterloo, and two months were occu- 
pied in the journey. II] as she is, she clings to life: “ how 
very dear you all are to me.”’ 

The Editor tells with restraint that the once sweet full 
face is now thin and pale; the patience and sweetness are 
tried by torture and pain. ‘‘ Her mind remains clear, her 
eyes bright to the end, but with a pride that makes the 
heart beat faster, let it be written here that she stood the 
supreme test.’? No word of murmuring passes her lips. 
The first June morning of 1817 breaks over the Maritime 
Alps, illuminates the blue Mediterranean, and lights up the 
orange groves. Rachel is asleep: ‘it is the endless sleep 
in which she has closed her eyes, and Rachel’s rest has 

Tus is the first instalment of what promises to be the most 
elaborate history of our national literature which has ever 

*The Cambridge History of English Literature.’’ Edited by 
A. W. Ward, Litt.D., Master of Peterhouse, and A. R. Waller, 
M.A., Peterhouse. Vol. I. From the Beginning to the Cycles 
of Romance. Cambridge: At the University Press. 9s. net. 


been attempted, but we must frankly say that it has greatly 
disappointed us. Its title, to begin with, is a misnomer. 
The work should be more properly described as a series of 
independent essays by various writers, chronologically 
arranged as chapters in a consecutive narrative. To being 
history of our literature in the strict and correct sense of 
the term it has no more pretension than such a collection 
as ‘“‘ Hellenica’’ would have to be a history of Greek litera- 
ture. Unity it has none, proportion it has none; its chap- 
ters overlap; interstices are unsupplied; it is full of repe- 
titions—thus we have an account of the Tale of Gamelyn in 
Chapter XII. and another in Chapter XVII. A series of 
chapters give an account of the literature of the thirteenth 
century; of the general characteristics, political, social, in- 
tellectual, of that wonderful century not a word is said. 
Not only are the historical conditions moulding and deter- 
mining the tendencies and characteristics of literary and 
artistic activity unindicated, but, incredible to relate, the 
origins of British literature are traced no further than the 
Teutonic settlers, the Celts and Celtic Britain being simply 
ignored. The history of every literature is the expression 
of racial idiosyncrasies modified in various ways, and how, 
without defining those idiosyncrasies and accounting for 
those modifications, is any history of a literature possible? 
Such an omission as this leaves the whole work without a 
basis and radically defective. The opening chapter, en- 
titled “ The Beginnings,’’ is a mere tag, serving no purpose 
whatsoever, but merely anticipating what is repeated in the 
chapter on Anglo-Saxon poetry. 

What both the student and the general reader have a 
right to expect in a new and elaborate work appearing 
under such auspices as the present work does is, in the 
first place, some attempt to place an _ impor- 
tant study on a_ proper basis. In the preface it 
is announced that on that historical basis the work 
will rest; in the work itself no such basis is discerni- 
ble. Indeed, the preface seems to have no connection with 
the actual matter. Who wants what is to be found in 
books which are in every student’s hands and what has 
long been filtered into current manuals? Such chapters 
as the chapters on Anglo-Saxon literature are simply thresh- 
ing the straw, merely cooking up a crambe, and nothing 
but a crambe, from Henry Morley, Ten Brink, Mr. 
Stopford Brooke, and innumerable others. In the whole of 
that long chapter we have not noticed a single original or 
really discriminating remark. Who now wants accounts 
and an analysis of what has been described and analysed usque 
ad nauseam ?. If, for example, in treating of the “ Beowulf ”’ 
some light had been thrown on the probable source of the 
extraordinary analogies to be found in it to passages from 
Homer and to the ethics of Attic Tragedy, we should have 
been grateful, but who wants to be informed that “the tale 
of Beowulf’s adventures embodied the aspirations of all 
valiant Thegns,”’ and that “it is a tale of brave deeds nobly 
done,’’ &c.? What is so exasperating in this work is the 
droning indiscrimination with which poems or prose pieces 
are treated. It might, for example, have been expected that 
in the account of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle some reference 
would have been made to the fine passage describing the 
interruption of the burial of William the Conqueror and 
the reflections which follow. The wretched account given 
of the most remarkable work produced in the thirteenth 
century, Layamon’s “Brut,’’ is marked by the same in- 
difference to what is interesting and striking. In the 
account given of Geoffrey of Monmouth no attempt is made 
to trace his extraordinary narratives to their possible 
originals or to determine the important question as to how 
far he was probably indebted to his own invention, and how 
far to tradition, written or oral. Certainly Mr. Fletcher’s 
dissertation, which is referred to, has not exhausted the sub- 
ject. The chapter on the Middle English secular lyrics and 
tales is most, unsatisfactory, as will easily be understood 
when we say that “Sir Cleges’’ and the “Laie le Fresne”’ 
are not so much as referred to. Some of the contributors 
have a remarkable way of entirely missing the true signifi- 
cance of a particular author’s work. Thus, for instance, 
in an account of Robert of Gloucester’s Chronicle, the fact 
that what invests it with peculiar interest and importance 
is that it is the first remarkable expression of the realisa- 
tion of English nationality is not noted. On the other 


[April 11, 1908. 

hand, and we are glad to see it, full justice is done to 

Robert Mannyng and his ‘‘ Handlynge Synne.’’ | 

There goes a story that when Dean Prideaux placed in a ‘ 

publisher’s hands the manuscript of his “Connection Be- 
tween the Old Testament and the New,’ that functionary 
observed that it was no doubt a very instructive work, but 
that he thought the public would find it a little heavy. 
‘“Now could you not,” he asked, with a persuasive smile, 
“put a little humour into it?” 
sternly replied the Dean, ‘does not admit of humour.” If 
Dr. Ward could manage to secure for the future instalments 
of this imposing work we do not say humour, but something 
which would relieve what may be called a certain Academic 
stodginess at present characteristic of it, many of his 
readers would probably be grateful. At present the work is 
too like a farrago of lectures or theses of the average order, 
which, without much solid learning or any trace of research, 
have neither distinction nor colour. It is no light thing 
for a most pretentious book to appear under the sanction 
and with the authority of a great University. We repeat 

that with this first instalment we are greatly disappointed. 

No history of English literature can possibly be satisfactory 
which simply resolves that history into independent ac- 
counts of its mere phenomena—that is, particular works and 
particular authors. But even from this point of view the 
work before us is not, as we have shown, at all satisfactory ; 
it is most unequal from the point of view of execution, 


A STEREOTYPED phrase best describes the impression left on 
the mind by these portly volumes. They are a storehouse 
of information, much of it of the kind which we are accus- 
tomed to associate less with historical literature than with 
the Parliamentary committee-room. Such, however, as it 
is, it is all here—a copious mass of material not entirely 
raw, to which in a future age other historians of Manchester 
may be expected to turn as to a convenient quarry. As the 
author says, in his rather loose phraseology, ‘the story in 
many respects contains all the elements of romance.’’ And 
in truth it is a story which in an earlier age and under 
other skies might have been written, not in the graceful 
waters of the Irwell and the Mersey, but in the blood of 
warring traders; since even in our own day, and with alder- 
men and learned counsel, and jealous shipowners and rival 
engineering experts as its leading partisans, the prolonged 
conflict between the two great Lancashire centres almost 
invites comparison with the inter-city wars of medieval 
Yet, as Sir Bosdin Leech shows, and as Gladstone, 
among others, foresaw would be the case, the trade of Liver- 
pool has positively benefited by the advantages that have 
accrued to Manchester from the opening of her great water- 
way, the reduction in. freight charges and in port dues 
brought about by the exertions of a new and enterprising 
competitor having had the effect, usual in such circum- 
stances, of producing a marked expansion of business, 
limited to neither Manchester nor Liverpool. Eyen the 
shareholders are encouraged to look some day for a return 
for their faith and their money. Meanwhile, they have the 
satisfaction of knowing that they are good citizens. By 
their canal they have made many blades of grass to grow 
where only one grew before. Apparently all that remains 
is for Manchester to form a ship-owning company of its 
own, headed by its leading shippers, and thus make a start 
with that determined effort, on the importance of which Sir 
Bosdin Leech so strenuously insists, to ‘break down the 
pernicious rebate system of the shipping rings,’’ and check- 
mate shipowners in other ports who persist in boycot- 
ting the inland waterway. 

whatever Manchester may think to be necessary for the com- 
plete success of the Ship Canal will eventually be accom- 

*“ History of the Manchester Ship Canal.” By Sir Bosdin 

Leech. Sherratt & Hughes, Manchester and London. Two vols. — 

£2 2s. net. 

“The subject, sir,” 

On this point a study of Sir | 
Bosdin Leech’s ample pages leaves no room for doubt that _ 

April 11, 1908.] 


A. & G. BLACKS | | 


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[April 11, 1908. 


Ir is natural to compare Miss Camilla Jebb’s “A Star 
of the Salons: Julie de Lespinasse ’’’ (Methuen, 10s. 6d. net) 
with the masterly study published a couple of years ago by 
the Marquis de Ségur. The latter work (an English trans- 
lation of which was reviewed in Tur Nation for March 9th, 
1907) must remain the standard biography of Julie de 
Lespinasse for many years to come, and Miss Jebb’s book is 
neither so full nor so authoritative. The present volume 
should, however, find many readers, for Miss Jebb succeeds 
in her endeavour ‘to give some idea of the background 
against which Julie de Lespinasse moved, and the strange 
transitional epoch in which her life was cast.”’ Thus Julie’s 
stay at Champrond as governess to her sister’s children sug- 
gests an account of the education of the upper classes and 
a description of French country life during the eighteenth 
century. On both these subjects, as well as on the social 
position of actresses before the Revolution, we are given 
several interesting details presented in a lively manner and 
without causing undue interruption to the narative. The 
book would have gained by a fuller discussion of the En- 
cyclopedists who played so large a part in Julie de Les- 
pinasse’s life. With the exception of d'Alembert, Turgot, 
Morellet, and Suard, they receive but scant notice, although 
both before and after her breach with Madame du Deffand, 
Julie de Lespinasse lived on terms of the closest intimacy 
with most of the famous men connected with the Encyclo- 
pedia. More use might also have been made of the corre- 
spondence with Guibert. Miss Jebb is probably right in 
describing Guibert as ‘a pinchbeck hero,’ but she does 
nothing to explain either his reputation as an author or the 
still greater reputation in which he was held by the women 
of the time. The reader is left to guess what the fascination 
could have been which induced Julie to be unfaithful to 
Mora and stirred in her the depth of passion which produced 
that amazing series of love letters. Otherwise there is little 
to complain of in the book. It is a lively and entertaining 
account of a woman of gifted and striking personality who 
influenced some of the greatest minds of the eighteenth cen- 
tury in France. . 

* * * 

A vERY pretty indictment against those who would have 
us regard Canada as a suitable dumping-ground for our 
surplus population is revealed in “ The Land of the Maple 
Leaf’’ (Routledge, 6s. net). According to the author, Mr. 
B. Stewart, the emigration and steamship agents who pro- 
claim that English labour is wanted in the Dominion, and 
induce countless ‘failures’? in this country to try and 
better their lot by going there, are little less than unscru- 
pulous liars; the truth being that while Canada requires 
more labour, she prefers—whatever her Immigration 
Department may say—that labour to be anything rather 
than English. The Englishman is unpopular because he is 
unadaptable. Moreover, the long, rigorous winter, during 
which work is at a standstill, complicates the employment 
question to an extent undreamt of by the would-be emigrar 
from these shores. Then, if wages are higher, living is dis- 
proportionately more expensive, and the Protection policy 
of the Manufacturers’ Association tends to increase the 
expense. We have heard a good deal of this before, but the 
case has never been stated more relentlessly than in Mr. 
Stewart’s book. The American “sharpness’’ of the modern 
Canadian, the stream of aliens willing to work for next to 
nothing that pours into the country, the climatic disadvan- 
tages, the open dislike of English intruders, make up a 
lugubrious picture of discouragement. Mr. Stewart is a 
civil engineer, not a writer, and his paragraph style re- 
minds one of the report of a sensational railway accident. 
But the information is instructive enough to enable one to 
overlook this and other drawbacks to his volume. We con- 
fess to some doubt as to the composition of Mr. Stewart’s 
political views. He is a staunch Chamberlainite, and 
despises “ cringing, weak-kneed Little Englanders.” At the 
same time he demonstrates, with apparent satisfaction to 
himself, that from the home country’s point of view a pre- 
ferential tariff would be a very bad bargain. It is interest- 
ing to note his statement that the agriculturists, who form 
the majority of Canada’s population, are consistently in 
favour of Free Trade. 

Tue greater part of Mr. Hector Macpherson’s “ A Cen- 

tury of Political Development” (Blackwood, 3s. 6d. net) 

has appeared in the “Edinburgh Evening News,’’ but the 
book is far from being a series of disconnected articles. — 

Starting with “ Rousseau and the French Revolution,” Mr. 4 

Macpherson carries the reader through the chief political 
developments of the nineteenth century, ending with a 

couple of chapters on the Socialist Movement and a discus- — 

sion of Imperial Federation. The book forms a valuable 
addition to political history. Perhaps the best chapter is 
that on “The Rise of Imperialism,” 
pherson points out that all genuine progress made during 

the past has been made on lines not of domination but | 

of co-operation. Succeeding to the struggle for religious © 
domination came the struggle for dynastic domination, and 

this in turn gave place to the struggle for national domina- — 
“The Imperial delusion,’ says Mr. Macpherson, — 


“took its rise in the notion that trade was impossible apart +l] 
Such a theory is contrary | 

from possession of territory.” 

to the fact, and tends by obliterating the ideas of right and | 

wrong, to end in sheer barbarism. For a bird’s-eye view 
of the political history of the past century there could be 
nothing better than this book. 
knows his subject, and who has a real gift of style. 
difficult to treat a subject of so great complexity in the short 
space Mr. Macpherson has allowed himself, but one of the 
features of the book is the extreme clearness in which each 
phase of political development is presented. He takes the 
individualist point of view: but states the Socialist case 
very fairly, and, as all readers of this brilliant controver- 
sialist may imagine, writes with an illuminating pen. 
* * * 

Owine to the changed situation in Macedonia, we draw 
attention to an excellent little book on the “ Military 
Georgraphy of the Balkan Peninsula,’ by Professor Lionel 
Lyde and Colonel Mockler-Ferryman (Black, 5s.). Its pur- 
pose is to describe all the Balkan States, including Turkey 
and Greece, as a strategic field for the movement of great 
armies. With this view the mountains, rivers, and marshes 
that have military importance, all the main roads and rail-~ 
ways, and the value of the towns for defence or supply, are 
carefully examined. There is also a brief account of the 
political situation, of the strength of the various armies 
that might be engaged, and of the chief Balkan campaigns 
of modern history. Maps are added, sufficient to follow the 
course of possible strategy, though not nearly detailed 
enough for the tactics of the field. If the extreme diffi- 
culties of the present situation, owing to the jealousies of 
the Powers, can in the end only be solved by the long- 
expected war, this little book will prove of equal service to 
military students and ordinary readers. 

* * * 

In “Sport and Life on the Pacific Slope’’ (Nash, 7s. 6d. | 
net) Mr. Horace Annesley Vachell says some very hard |} 

things about the women of California. In his view the 
Western woman is “unconsciously the most selfish creature 
of her sex.’’ She spends her time squandering her hus- 
band’s money in vulgar display. Even her affection for her 
children rapidly diminishes as the child grows older—Mr. 
Vachell calls it “an animal love of the very young, a wish 
to cudile and kiss, and flatter, and dress,” the veneer of an 
esseritial hardness. The children show an amazing preco- 
city and sense of their own importance. Mr. Vachell tells 
some amusing stories in illustration of this latter trait. 
The following may not support his theory, but is amusing 
enough for quotation. ‘A small boy was listening atten- 
tively to the story of the Golden Calf and the Fiery Ser- 
pents. ‘Well,’ he remarked, as the Bible was closed, ‘ they 
were wicked, those Israelites. No wonder God was mad with 
them. JI don’t blame Him.’”’ The descriptions of ranch 
life, if not so rose-coloured as those we sometimes read, are 
inviting enough, and many of the failures of Englishmen to 
secure a footing on the land are due either to ignorance of 
farming or a determination to carry English ideas and 

methods into a country to which they are not adapted. The | 

sport includes big game shooting—bear, wapiti, caribou, 
sheep, and goats—a great variety of small game and birds, 
and fishing for tuna—which measure from five to seven feet 
in length and weigh from one to three hundred pounds— 
salmon, albicore, halibut, and black-bass. The book is 

in which Mr. Mac- | 



It comes from a man who | 
It wasmel 

April 11, 1908.] 




Editor of “The Times,” 1841-1877. Containing hitherto 
unpublished Letters of Palmerston, Disraeli, and other States- 
men, and numerous Anecdotes of the Court and London 
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ARTHUR IRWIN DASENT. With Illustrations. 2 Vols. 
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By Count pE LespaAIn. With Maps and Illustrations 
based on the Author’s Surveys and Photographs. Demy 8vo, 
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Count and Countess de Lesdain, immediately after their marriage 
travelled from Pekin through the little-known district of the Ordos 
Desert. thence, by the province of Kansu, across the high mountainous 
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By Monsieur E. K. NoJINeE, accredited Russian War Corre- 
spondent during the Siege. Translated and Abridged by 

aptain A. B. Linpsay, Translator of “The Battle of Tsu- 
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By 8S. M. Mirra. With an Introduction by Sir GEORGE 
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Mr. Mitra is distinguished amongst our Hindu fellow-subjects for 
his knowledge of India and as a loyalist. He disapproves of Congress 
methods, appreciates the benefits derived from the British Raj, but at 
the same time is able to point out some of the reasons for the un- 
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By RowLanpD E. ProtTHEero, M.V.O., Author of ‘*The 
Psalms in Human Life,” &c. Demy 8vo, 10s. 6d. net. 

These Essays deal with life in a provincial town in France; 
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No. 415. APRIL, 1908. 6s. 

1, CARDUCCI, By J. Slingsby 9. THE IDEAS OF MR. H. G, 

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The Edinburgh Review. 

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Sir Hubert Herkomer, the distinguished artist, writing from Bushey 
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Dear Sir—It gives me great pleasure to tell you how your paper, 
PUBLIC OPINION, answers a purpose in my life. Although 
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trend of higher thought that is going on around me, which can 
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From PUBLIC OPINION I get to know certain modern 
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Your selection of current thought is worthy of all praise, 
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I wish you with all my heart continuous success with 
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K Weekly Review of Current Thought and Activity. 
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written in an easy, vivacious style, and should be read by 
those who contemplate visiting California either with the 
intention of settling in the country, or to enjoy the splendid 
sport to be found there. An appendix gives useful hints 
on the necessary equipment. 

* * * 

Miss Ouca Racster deals with a fascinating subject in 
her “Chats on Violoncellos’’ (Werner Laurie, 3s. 6d. net). 
We are not sure that her treatment of it would not have 
been more fascinating to the musically inclined, to whom 
the book is presumably addressed, if it had been less 
“chatty’’; but the fashion of to-day is to serve up this 
type of book with a kind of piquant sauce, and we are not 
disposed to dispute with a fashion. The authoress has 
garnered many interesting facts about violoncellos. She 
traces their origin, with those of other stringed instruments, 
to the Ravanastron, the mythical invention of a mythical 
Indian king in the very dark ages; dwells upon the bass 
viol (viol da gamba) of the sixteenth century, as it was made 
and improved to something like the modern violoncello by 
Duiffoproucatt, by Andrea Amati, the master of Cremona, 
and a century later by Stradivarius; and shows how fond 
we were of big double basses in the eighteenth century. 
There is much miscellaneous information about famous 
viols, violins, feminine players, and youthful prodigies, the 
wood used for stringed instruments, &c.—she touches, in 
fact, upon most of the lore of the subject in a scrappy, 
though not uninteresting, manner. One’s time passes pleas- 
antly enough on the whole in the varied company of anec- 
dote and instruction, and the book is adequately illustrated. 
She should not, however, have put modern ‘“ Cockney” into 
the mouth of an eighteenth century bird salesman (on p. 12), 
neither should she have shown her knowledge of the history 
of wood-carving by a reference to‘‘ Grinley ’’ Gibbons. 

* “* x 

It is not easy to see why M. Roger Boutet de Monvel’s 
“Beau Brummell and His Times” (Eveleigh Nash, 10s. 
net) has been translated into English. It gives a pleasant 
though slight account of the famous dandy, but there is little 
in the book which the English reader may not find set out 
to better advantage in Captain Jesse’s “ Life,’’ Gronow’s 
delightful ‘‘Reminiscences,’’ and other memoirs of the 
Regency. M. de Monvel explains Brummell’s vogue by 
certain qualities which he regards as inherent in the English 
character. “As everybody knows,”’ he says, ‘‘the English 
will never entertain a deep aversion for anything that be- 
trays pride or obstinacy; indeed, they keep a reserve of 
indulgence for these faults, and are always ready to regard 
them as virtues when they see them justified by success.”’ 
But besides the effrontery which amused his contemporaries, 
Brummell was a man of engaging qualities. Many of his 
repartees now seem poor enough, but by the general consent 
of his contemporaries, he could “score”’ off wits, or would- 
be wits, who ventured to cross swords with him. The best 
part of M. de Monvel’s book is the end, when Brummell, 
‘ defying Fortune and laughing at her blows,’’ preserved, as 
well as his straitened circumstances would permit, the affec- 
tations of the time of his youth. The picture of him in 
the hotel at Caen, broken in mind and fortune, but recalling 
the visions of his triumphs at Carlton House and Brighton, 
is not without pathos. One of his delusions was to an- 
nounce the Prince Regent’s famous guests, and to wind up 
by calling out his own name. The story of Beau Brum- 
mell’s life recalls the wit and brilliancy, as well as the wild 
extravagance, of the Regency, and if M. de Monvel has little 
that is new to tell us, he carries us along familiar ground 
in entertaining style. 

: * * 

Tue blend of biography and fiction presented in 
“ Richard Kennoway and his Friends,”’ by Katherine Steuart 
(Methuen, 7s. 6d. net), is far from unpleasant to the taste. 
The book can best be described as a picture of middle-class 
society as it existed in the Scottish lowlands at the end 
of the eighteenth century, and the authoress shows con- 
siderable skill in reconstructing the atmosphere of the 
age, and the many personalities whose career she traces 
through her pages. As a narrative, it may not perhaps be 
considered very exciting, since, with the exception of 
Thomas Muir, the Scottish reformer and advocate, who was 
unjustly condemned for seditious utterances and transported 


to Botany Bay, the characters mentioned mostly led quiet — 
and comparatively uneventful lives. But one or two—such 
as Gilmour the privateersman—are picturesque enough, 
and the contemporary manners and customs in Glasgow, 
Edinburgh, and the Kingdom of Fife, are portrayed in 
scrupulous detail. 

[April 11, 1908. _ 

We are shown what political feeling — 



meant in those days, when the horror of the French Revolu- | 

tion and the fear of French invasion was upon men’s hearts ; 

how the Scottish Church was even then threatened with — 
schism; how men and women practised deportment in life — 
and letter-writing, made their journeys and marriages, and © 
inclinations. Of — 
Fifeshire divine and — 
preacher, whose eloquence became his only monument, we — 

or irreligious, 

obeyed their religious, 
Richard Kennoway himself, 

have the career, but it is neither more nor less adventurous 
than the rest, and from a psychological standpoint he is 
less interesting than his unsuccessful and pathetic elder bro- 
ther, James. When he disappears from the narrative for 
many pages together, we hardly miss him; he is merely 
one of the characters in a Hogarthian picture of the society 
in which he moved. The authoress has composed this 
picture very carefully and sympathetically out of old records 
and age-stained letters to which she has had access, and the 
note of intimacy in the tale rings true. She is obviously 
ironical on the High Toryism of the day, but the irony 
is such as might have been indulged in by a contemporary 
Whig. It is not that of the superior modern person. The 
story of Richard Kennoway’s courtship, invented out of 
threadbare matters of fact, is a good example of the gentle 
and kindly humour that illumines what has obviously been 
a labour of love. 
* * a 

A cottEction of short, reflective essays, such as Canon 
Sheehan’s “ Parerga’’ (Longmans, 7s. 6d. net), is not likely 
to appeal to the mass of readers unless it contains some- 
thing strikingly out of the common either in thought or 
style. In neither respect does this book reach distinction, 
though there is something in the author’s personality which 
gives to the expression of his views on men and literature 
an undoubted charm. The form in which Canon Sheehan 
has cast his book—a series of paragraphs usually not more 
than half a page in length—presents peculiar difficulties. 
The reader expects to find something striking or epigram- 
matic in each paragraph, and is disappointed when, as is 
bound to be the case in a volume of this size, he is often 
put off with a mere platitude. However, Canon Sheehan 
has evidently read widely in philosophy and literature; his 
judgments are, for the most part, fresh and suggestive; and 
his style, if presenting few examples of the curiosa felicitas, 
has an air of amenity and a pleasant discursiveness which 
is the more taking from the fact that it is so seldom met 
with to-day. For these reasons his book will be welcomed 
by an inner circle of readers, though we should be surprised 
if it appeals to the general public. 

* * * 

SEVERAL reprints of special interest have recently made 
their appearance. Mr. John Morley’s “Life of Cobden ”’ 
(2 vols., 8s. net) has been added to Messrs. Macmillan’s 
comely ‘“‘ Eversley Series.’’ There have been several cheap 
re-issues of this famous account of the great Free Trade 
leader, which has never perhaps quite attained the place its 
admirable qualities deserve, but many readers will he 
pleased to have it in an edition uniform with Mr. Morley’s 
other works.—The same publishers have issued “ The Diary 
of John Evelyn,”’ with notes and an introduction by Mr. 
Austin Dobson, in their “ Globe Library ’’ (3s. 6d. net). It 
gives in more compact and less expensive form the helps 
towards understanding KEvelyn’s allusions, which Mr. 
Dobson—who touches no eighteenth century subject with- 
out illuminating it by his accurate scholarship and graceful 
style—first published in his three-volume edition in 1906.— 
From Messrs. Smith, Elder comes an edition of Mrs. Suther- 
land Orr’s “ Life and Letters of Robert Browning ”’ (7s. 6d. 
net), revised and in part re-written by Mr. Frederic G. 
Kenyon. Since Mrs. Orr’s book first appeared much fresh 
information about Browning has come to light. The chap- 
ter relating to Browning’s courtship and marriage has been 
wholly re-written, and those relating to his married life 
have been re-arranged and amplified. Also, an account of 
the poet’s last illness and death, written by Mr. R. Barrett 



April 11, 1908.] 


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Municipalities. ; The Poultry Industry. 
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and of all Booksellers and Newsagents, 

64 | | THE NATION. 

Browning, who was present at the time, has been substi- 
tuted for some of Mrs. Orr’s original paragraphs. In its 
present form the book is indispensable to all who require an 
accurate narrative of the events of Browning’s life. 

* * * 

Norutne save the most intense enthusiasm for his sub- 
ject could have enabled Mr. T. Francis Bumpus to carry 
out a work as comprehensive and painstaking as is his his- 
tory, in two volumes, of ‘London Churches: Ancient and 
Modern ’”’ (Werner Laurie, 12s. net). In this the author is 
at his best, and the best is far better than a recent work of 
his on North Italian cathedrals would lead one to suppose. 
The work is not merely a history of London churches from 
the architectural standpoint, but a record of everything 
connected with them, of their architects, their incumbents, 
their organists, the famous people immortalised on their 
monuments; and the research and first-hand observation 
that have gone to its making astonish by their completeness. 
There are two principal landmarks to be observed in the 
development of Metropolitan church building. The first 
is the Great Fire, which robbed what had hitherto been 
almost a city of churches of the greater part of its posses- 
sions. So great was the destruction that Parliament author- 
ised the building of fifty new churches, and, these proving 
insufficient, a further Act in the tenth year of Queen Anne 
provided for the erection of fifty more. To the first Act 
we owe Wren’s noblest creations, and, indeed, the hundred 
or more churches built between the Fire and the middle 
of the next century may be said to have been the work of 
Wren and of the school that developed his Italian-Roman 
ideas. The second landmark is the Gothic Revival of 
1820-59. It followed a period of great slackness, not only 
in building, which languished after 1750, but in the general 
administration of ecclesiastical affairs. It gave scope for 
the genius of Sir Charles Barry, of Pugin, of Sir Gilbert 
Scott, and of later men such as Butterfield, Burgess, Street, 
and Bodley. Gothic, as a matter of fact, never really died 
in this country, not even in the seventeenth and eighteenth 
centuries, when Renaissance styles were paramount. The 
movement of 1820 was therefore a genuine revival, not a 
resurrection. What is known as the “ Million’’ Act of 
1818 helped to pave the way for it. Under this Act, which 
owes its title to the fact that the Parliament responsible for 
its passing voted a million of money for the purpose, forty 
or fifty new churches were raised in London and the suburbs. 
They were in harmony with the feeble ecclesiasticism of the 
day, and mainly helped to emphasise the necessity for 
developments more vigorous and vitalising. The Metro- 
polis Churches Fund of 1836, with the institution of local 
funds initiated by Bishop Blomfield, had results of great 
importance. Mr. Bumpus is an Anglican Churchman with 
High Church views, and he does not let the reader forget 
this, especially when he is describing the anti-Puseyism 
riots that took place at sundry well-known churches in the 
mid-century. These views also colour his criticism of vari- 
ous architects. Yet, if partisan, he is not unfair, and the 
fund of anecdote which leavens the heavier knowledge of 
these volumes should endear them to many besides the 
serious ecclesiologists in whose ranks Mr. Bumpus has 
already found an honoured place. 

‘ *% * * 

To a great number of readers Mary Wollstonecraft is 
known only as the author of “A Vindication of the Rights 
of Women.’’ A reprint of “ The Love Letters of Mary Woll- 
stonecraft to Gilbert Imlay’? (Hutchinson, 3s. 6d. net), to- 
gether with an admirable biographical introduction by Mr. 
Roger Ingpen, should serve to remind the present generation 
that she was also a woman of great force of emotion whose 
unhappy fate has given us some of the most exquisite love 
letters in the language. No one can read these letters, at 
once so proud and so pathetic, without recognising in her 
a noble spirit whose unhappiness was the result of believing 
that other human beings were moved with the enthusiasms 
and high ideals in which she herself lived. She was, as 
Mr. Ingpen puts it, “ an idealist in a very matter-of-fact age, 
and her outlook on life, like that of most idealists, was 
strongly affected by her imagination.’’ Mr. Ingpen is to 
be heartily commended for having given us this pretty 
edition of the famous “ Letters.”’ 

[April 11, 1908. 

The Geek in the City. 

Tur talk of the week has been the new German loan, | 
On the Stock Exchange it is called the ‘“ Dreadnought” 
loan, and the patriotic members declare that they will haye 
nothing to do with it. I suspect, however, that if the terms 
were a little more favourable a good deal would be taken up} 
in this country. But many shrewd people think that | 
German securities will be cheaper later in the year. The) 
financial situation in Germany is very bad. There haye 
been many commercial failures, and more are expected, » 
Several banks have suffered, and one or two of the big ones 
are notoriously weak. The fact that the Government has) 
to borrow largely at 4 per cent.—by far the worst terms) 
since the war with France—is a very depressing factor; and | 
the position is made worse by the market’s anticipation 
that the Imperial loan will not last for the year. There 
will have to be another in the autumn. What one may 
fairly expect is that the German Government will be driven 
by its own embarrassments, and by popular discontent, | 
before long to economise and abandon its ambitious naval) 
programme, which is at the root of the mischief. ‘| 


The full after effects of the American panic are seen in. 

the reviews of the first quarter of the year, which are just} 
to hand by the American mail. “Bradstreet ’’ estimates 
that trade generally is from 25 to 50 per cent. lower than 
in the first quarter of 1907. These figures are indeed stu-' 
pendous, but there seems to be no doubt about their correct- 
ness. “Bank clearings, for instance, will run 30 per cent. | 
below the first quarter of 1907; cotton-goods production has 
been easily 25 per cent. below last year; and the output of 
the leading interest in iron and steel tonnage is estimated. 
to have been at least 50 per cent. below 1907.’’ Lumber) 
production is from 25 to 50 per cent. lower, and the railway’ 
traffic figures are in harmony. Speculation in Wall Street 
has revived during the last month; but there is practically 
no sign of any general improvement in trade. The high 
cost of living combined with want of work is still driving 
emigrants in thousands back to the Old World. Moreover, 
the Treasury deficits are steadily mounting up. In March 
the deficit was eight million dollars. The experts in Wash- 
ington calculate that the total for the financial year will 
work out at about twelve millions sterling. This is the 
amount by which the revenue will fall short of the Estimates. 
The shortage will be largely caused by a falling off in 

Tue Erte Mystery. 
The Erie directorate includes four of the most impor- 
tant financial groups in the United States, ‘‘ and if no doubt 
has ever existed that maturing obligations would be met, 
there has been wanton squandering of the road’s credit by, 
these repeated delays in making a definite announcement.” 
These are the words of a New York contemporary, which 
goes on to say: “Surely the handling of the Erie’s finances 
on this occasion has not been transcendently skilful—unles 
(and the thought is not pleasant) there may have been specu- 
lative motives underlying the mystery that has been encour 
aged.”” For over a fortnight the ups and downs of the 
American railway market have been ascribed to alternate 
rumours as to the probability or improbability of the Erie 
railroad going into a receiver’s hands. The whole incident 
is a disgrace to American finance, and shows how little effect 
President Roosevelt’s sermons, or even the disasters of the 
panic, have had upon the financial morals of the American 
The embarrassments of the Sultan are not much talked 
about, but they are very pressing, and the curious thing is 
that he is constantly borrowing small sums from the 
Deutsche Bank of Berlin, which is becoming more and more 
interested in Turkish concessions. The question is how 
much longer the game can be kept up, seeing that the Mace} 
donian deficit is so tremendous. Sir Edward Grey is very 
wisely laying stress upon these difficulties in his correspon 
dence, and is pointing out that the only way to straighten 
out the situation is to reduce the Turkish army in Mace 
-donia, which- now numbers about 70,000 men, and is worse 
than useless. LucELLuM. 

April 11, 1908.] 


“Beautifully Cool and Sweet Smoking.’’ 

Navy Cut 
Tobacco ana 


Sold only in the original 
Packets and Tins, and may 
be obtained from all Stores 
and Tobacconists of repute 




Inspection invited, or Illustrated 

Catalogue of Chairs sent free 


Liver troubles 

are speedily and effectually cured by LIVERETS. The 
great disadvantage of most liver medicines is that 
they have a distinctly debilitating effect on the health. 


Are especially compounded to overcome this evil. Pre- 
pared, as prescribed by an eminent physician, from purely 
vegetable ingredients, they thoroughly cleanse the liver of all 
impurities and leave it perfectly healthy. And the valuable 
tonic properties they possess, stimulate the liver while 
they relieve it, and finally, make it sound and strong enough to 
enable it to perform its functions in a healthy, natural way. 
Price 1/1} and 2/9 of all Chemists and Stores, or, if unable to 
obtain, send direct to 
MERIT & CO., 66, St. Mary Axe, London, E.C. - 
CAUTION.—None are genuine unless the name Merit’s LIVERETS, 
and the signature Merit & Co., is on the package, Beware of 
spurious imitations. PRE So FES ~apacy 


Delicious for Breakfast & after Dinner. 

In making, use LESS QUANTITY, it being so 
much stronger than ordinary COFFEE. 



2i per cent. INTEREST 

allowed on Deposit Accounts. 

2 per cent. INTEREST 

on Drawing Accounts with Cheque Book. 
All General Banking Business transacted. 
ALMANACK, with full particulars, POST FREE. 
C. F. RAVENSCROFT, Secretary. 







THE “OSMAN” Turkish Goods enumerated here are 
an absolute necessity in every household. They are a 
luxury, but not expensive, and can be obtained at prices 
within reach of every one. Be sure to buy the ‘ Osman” 

brand and avoid imitations. 



And Seld by all High-class Drapers and Upholsterers. 


en eeve: 




Great Russell Street, London. 


Hart Street, Bloomsbury Square, London. 

Passenger Lifts, Electric Light throughout, 
Bathrooms on every Floor, 
Spacious Dining, Drawing, Writing, Reading, Billiard 
and SmokKing Rooms. Heated throughout. 

Fireproof Floors, Perfect Sanitation. Telephones. Night Porters. ay 
BEDROOMS (including attendance) from 3/6 to 6/0. fF 
Inclusive Charge for Bedroom, Attendance, Table d’Hote, ® 

Breakfast and Dinner, from 8/6 to 10/6 per day. 


Thackeray Hotel—‘' Thackeray, London.” 
Kingsley Hotel—‘' Bookeraft, London.” 

Telegraphic Addresses 



With fine Bathing Establishment. 
‘* The English Home.” 


at the Curplace. 


High-class English Family Hotel, in the 
Inclusive terms 11 to 20 francs. 


finest and sunniest position. 

MANILA® and 




WEEKLY SAILINGS from San Francisco, 14,000 and 12,000 tons, 
twin-screw steamers, LARGEST and FASTEST on the Pacific. 

For rates, berths, tickets, &c., apply to the 

London Offices—West End, 22, Cockspur-street, S.W. ; 
City, 49, Leadenhall- street, E. Gy 
And at 25, Water- street, Liy erpool, 

Steamers of the co. 



Should any Garment shrink in the wash it 



(April 11, 1908. : 




30-40, Ludgate Hill, E.C. ; 70 & 71, Euston Square, W.C, 

Sun Lounge. Every form of Bath. 

THE QUEEN, Rath Road. Miss Tye, 
Central. Board and Residence, 35/6 to 3 guineas weekly. 

NEWLYN’S (Royal Exeter) HOTEL, Close Pier; rst Class ; Moderate, 

SILVER HOW. Boarding Est. West CliffGdns. From 3os. week, |) 


BRIDPORT (Near West Bay), 

BOARD RESIDENCE. Every Comfort. 10, West St., 





THE TORS HOTEL. Tel. : 0199. 



CLARENCE Private Hotel & Boarding House, Sussex Grdns. 5/- day. 

S. R. Jefferson. 

nn enatemntpemmneaenamennmennnenneeeenedientienanememmmnteetnl 

HADDON HALL, Devonshire Place, overlooking Sea. 5/- day. 
ROYAL HOTEL (MacGregor’s). Scotland’s leading Hotel. 





RED LION HOTEL. Overlooking famous Regatta course, 

HOTEL METROPOLE, 2 minutes’ walk from either station, 
ee parr rtm en se oyee as rpotnr perpanetsaicancareaernte ttc st CaS PALO OSM e tan 

COMPTON HOTEL, Church Street. Wm. Russell. 
Telegrams: ‘‘Compton.” Telephone: 3032 Royal, 3 wires. 

HARDWICKE PRIVATE HOTEL. Prop. & M’g’r.—J. Wilson, 
[dlebvcntideiaeanineaiora ematical tts eaten tne 
SMEDLEY’SHydropathic Establishment. Estab. 1853. 
ROCKSIDE HYDRO. Tennis, Bowls, &c. Nr, Golf Links. (18 holes). 
OXFORD (near). 
SUNNINGWELL HALL, Boars Hill. Ory Sunny, Golf, etc. Lecture 
PENTRE HOTEL, Rhondda. Tel. No. P.O. 30. 
SWISS CAFE, Union Street. 

A. Grigsby, Managing Director. 

H. Challand, Mnger. 

W. H. Miles. 

And at Torquay. 

Moderate. Genoni Bros, 


KENWORTHY’S HYDRO. Near Pier, Lord St., Band and 

Illuminations. Turkish, Electric, Hydropathic, &c., Baths and Treatment. 

STRATHEARN MANSIONS, South Parade. Miss Collis, Manageress. 

BELVEDERE, high-class English Family Hotel. Situated in 
‘sunniest and finest position. Inclusive terms 11 to 20 francs. | 

ok, Dena nere R URTe  e eD or S 

‘“6CRAIGSIDE,” Board Residence. Tel. : 6. . - -Misses- Fell. 
REGENT RESTAURANT & Criterion Hall for Catering. W. H. Bonner, 


WILFRED LAWSON. Temp. Hotel, J. J. Bluadell Manager 

E. Richard, Manager, } 
H. J. Preston, | 

First Hotel, | 

Mrs. F. Sara.) 

Magnificent Moor Views. | 

Cathedral Close, and at Paignton. ’ 

Proprietor, W. Pearl. | 

J. T. Weaver. 



_April 11, 1908.] j 

(Under the Management of the Society of Friends.) 


Twenty-six boys passed University Entrance Examinations in 
1906 and 1907. 

A new feature for post-Matriculation students is a CITIZENSHIP 
COURSE, including Economics and Modern History with special 
reference to existing political institutions and social problems. 

The School continues to hold a strong position in Leisure-Hour 
work :—Natural History, Archaeology, Carpentry, etc. 

For copies of prospectus and full particulars with regard to 
scholarships, apply to the Head Master, Bootham School, York. 

Head Master: Arthur Rowntree, Certificate of Distinction in the 
Theory, History, and Practice of Education, Cantab. 

Principal: Misa J. F. GRUNER, Certificated Student of Girton Col- 
lege, late Becond Mistress, Dulwich High School, G.P.D.8.Co. Educa. 
tion thoroughly modern; physical training and outdoor games. Great 
attention is paid to healthful conditions of life. The boarding-house 
stands at an elevation of 800 ft.—-For prospectus address to 



Preparatory School at Hitchin recognised by the Governors. 
Enquiries should be addressed to the BuURSAR. 


(s body of Oxford and Cambridge graduates), gives advice and assist- 
ance without charge to Parents and Guardians in the selection of 
schools (for GIRLS AND BOYs) at home or abroad, and as to Tutors 
(ARMY, Navy, UNIVERSITY, &c.). A statement of the requirements 
should be sent to the Manager, 

R. J. BEEVOR, M.A., 22, Craven Street, Trafalgar Square, W.C. 

Telegrams: ‘‘TRIFORM, LONDON.” Telephone No. 1854 QeRRARD 


Good English Education. Eight Acres of Grounds, 


Accomplishments, Needlework, Cookery, 



Farm, 1,000 acres. Carpentry, Smith’s work. Riding and 
Shooting taught. Prospectus. 



Have the I Illustrated, 
Largest Wide Margin, 
Selection Re pus p= Interleaved, 
xford and h ‘4 
Other Bibles and Prayer L. Brace 
Books from E Revised 5s 
6d. to $10. S and other Editions. 
53, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C. Telephone Central 329. 

and Modern, Bought, Sold 

BOOKS. Soren and Exchanged. 
THOMAS THORP, 100, St. Martin’s Lane, W.C. 

[And at READING.) 
Mr. Thorp has incorporated the business in Review Books 
carried on for many years by Mrs. Hindley at Booksellers’ Row, 
and at the above address. 

BOOK BARGAINS.—Harmsworth’s Encyclopedia, last edition 10 vols., 
25/-, cost £2 16s, net. Who’s Who, 1907, 4/6, cost 11/- net. Burton’s Arabian 
Nights, full edition, illustrated, 17 vols., £13 13s. Lear’s Book of Nonsense, 
2/6, pub. 6/. Balzac’s Famous Novels in English, 40 vols., £3 3s. Oscar 
Wilde’s Dorian Gray, 10/6. Pepys’ Diary, 4 vols,, 15/-, pub. £110s. G, P, R. 
James’s Historical Novels, 25 vols., £2 2s. Encyclopwdia Britannica, last 
edition, 35 vols., £12 12s. Business Cyclopedia and Legal Adviser, 6 vols., 
£1 4s., cost £2 8s. Catalogues free. Books bought. Special list of 3,000 
books wanted post free. Libraries purchased for cash. HOLLAND BROs., 
Book Merchants, 21, John Bright St., Birmingham. 
(Books out of print supplied. Please state wants.] 


TYPEWRITING,. — Typewriting of every description, 
high-class work. Author’s -MSS...10d..-per. thousand-..words, 
prompt, accurate. E. C. PEARCE, 30, College Road, Reading. — 

e'US Fig dows 





Afhliated to the University. Contains Study Bedrooms for Fifty 
Students, with Dining Hall, Library, Class Room, Common Room, 
Billiard Room, Workshop, Fives and Tennis Courts, Football Field 
and Garden. Stands on three and a-half acres in a residential Park. 
Large staff of Tutors, and all social and athletic advantages of 
college life. Managed on undenominational lines by the Society 
of Friends. 

JOHN W. GRAHAM, M.A., Principal. 

Under the Management of the Society of Friends. 

Boys from this PUBLIC SCHOOL have done well at the 
Universities and in business careers. 

The School stands in its own grounds of about 45 acres, high 
above the town and the Thames Valley. 

For Honours List, Prospectus, particulars of Scholarships, and 
other information, apply to the Head Master, JOHN RIDGES, 
M.A., at the School. 

Scholarship Examination, June 2nd, 3rd & 4th. 

One of $87, five or more of $50, five or more of £30 (£21 for Day Scholars) 

per annum. Faber Exhibition of £12 awarded to boy who does best in 

examination. Council nominations, value £12 per annum, may te awarded to 

boys who do well, but fail to obtain a scholarship, For particulars, apply to 
the Head Master or Secretary. 


The South Wales and Monmouthshire Training School of Cookery 
and Domestic Arts, 3, 4, 5 and 6, St, Andrew’s Place, Cardiff. 
Superintendent Miss HESTER DAVIKS. 
Secretary J. AUSTIN JENKINS, B.A. 

The School is under the Management of a Committee appointed by 
the Council of the College. It is under Government Inspection, and the 
Committee 1s empowered to grant Diplomas in Cookery, Laundrywork 
and Housewifery, under the cognizance and with the approval of the 
Board of Education. 

The Departments of the Training School of Cookery and Domesti¢ 
Arts are as follows :— 


Further particulars can be obtained on application 
Superintendent of the School, at 6, St. Andrew's Place, Cardiff. 

to the 


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[April 11, 1908. 




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Small crown 8vo, coloured tops, cloth, with special binding design and 
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Vols. 1.and Il. PRIDE AND PREJUDICE. [May 1st 
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And the Court of France during the XVIIth Century. 


Translated from the French of M. Louis Batiffol by MARY KING, under the 
superintendence of H. W. C. DAVIS, Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford. 
With Collotype Frontispiece after a rare engraving of the Queen dated 1601. 
Demy 8vo, cloth, 7s. 6d, net. 

with an Introduction and Notes by F. Sip@wicK. Chiefly 
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By the Right Rev. ABBOT GASQUET. Being some account— 
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the Greater Monastic Houses of England. With 60 Illustrations 
after Water-Colours by WARWICK GOBLE. Large fcap. 4to 
cloth, gilt top, 20s. net. Also a Large Paper Edition (limited 
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The Ports and Harbours of the South Coast. By CLIVE 
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RANDALL. Large fcap 4to cloth, gilt top, 12s, 6d. net. Also 
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Long before ‘‘ Drake sailed the Main” the Harbours and Ports of the 
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PORTRAIT OF ALADY. Never before reproduced. By an unknown Flemish Master. Now in the Academy, Vienna. 
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A remarkable advance in Photographic knowledge has recently made possible the reproduction, in the colours of the original Della 

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aud Published by THk Nation PUBLISHING Company, LIMITED, at the Offices, 14, Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, 
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Vou. III., No. 3.] 

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[Price 6p. 
Postage: U.K., 4d. Abroad, ld. 

THE DIARY OF THE WERK ... 69 The Justice of the Licensing 
Bill. By J. W. F. Gillies, 


The New Government fvanitl The Problem of Medical Re- 

The Position of the Monarch 72 lief. By G: G:C nee els 

The Next Phase in Soutl Hamburg, ByG.E.Harrison 87 
Africa artsy Women Suffragists and the 

ue 75 Government. By J. M. 
Lloyd Thomas, Yet An- 
other Woman Liberal, and 

The Party of Protection 

Fear. By John Galsworthy 76 Jane Atkinson... ce aan Asie 

The Pleasant Land ..  .. 177 The Use of the Lash. By 

The Onlooker’s Risk ... ae A Liberal Member and Carl 

The Wild Bee ice an ite) Heath»... Pn a. Afey, wots: 


Parties in the Prussian Elec- 

The Pro-Consul as Historian, 
tions. By Ed. Bernstein... 81 II ; vo 8 

The Nemesis of Pride... ok OO 

CONTEMPORARIES :— The Master Mariner ... eh 
Osman Digna. By H. N, Critics for Socialism. 1I.—Mr. 

Brailsford +¢ Eo a YP Mee tee ak 3 ee SDL 

i orence and Some Buildings 92 

POETRY :— Two Historical Novels . 94 

The Gypsies’ Road. By Dor B 
Sigerson Shorter... ... 83 oes IN eek ua 
atherine o raganca Sty yh’ 
THE WORLD OF BOOKS vv 84 Types of Tragic Drama ...._ 96 
Books to be Read oe ho. kote An Apostle of the North... 96 

My Schooland My Gospel ... 98 

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR :— Literary and Historical Es- 

The Practical Reconstruction gays ae An oes) 
of Country Life. By Mon- Records of Stirring Times ... 98 
tague Fordham, M.A. ... 85 Garcia the Centenarian and 

“Fiscal Fallacies.” By R. C. His Times eee sac: 
Phillimore = a 52885 The Admiralty of theAtlantie 100 

Kangaroo Island. By A Man Richard Wilson... Ree .- 100 
of the Woods ... PAA Peatie) THE WEEK IN THE CITY ... 100 

[The Editor will be pleased to consider manuscripts if accom- 
panied by stamped and addressed envelopes. He accepts 
no responsibility, however, for manuscripts submitted to him.] 

Diarp of the Geeck. 

THE new Government is now complete. The Cabinet 
is practically that which THz Nation suggested last 
week, with the single exception that Lord Elgin retires 
altogether from the Ministry, and that Lord Ripon 
retains, for the present, the post of Lord Privy Seal, 
though neither he nor Sir Henry Fowler are likely long 
to associate their names with the new Administration. 
The delays resulting from the King’s absence at Biarritz 
make it impossible for Mr. Lloyd George to introduce 
the Budget, but there has been no hitch and, we gather, 
little real difficulty about the considerable, but not revo- 
lutionary, changes that have been effected. The Presi- 
dents of the Board of Trade and the Local Government 
Board are, as we suggested last week, to receive the 
status of Secretaries of State. The changes in the con- 
duct of the Board of Admiralty and the Colonial Office 
are generally approved, even by the Conservative press, 
which, through the “Times ’’ and the “ Morning Post,’’ 
has acknowledged the suitability and adequacy of the 
new appointments. Lord Elgin conducted the Colonial 
Conference with tact, but he has shown a certain want 
of sympathy with the spirit of Ministerial policy, and 

Lord Tweedmouth bears the penalty of a singularly 

thoughtless act of journalism. 
* * * 
Tux outer ranks of the Government have been filled 
with discretion, though we should have liked to see 

places found for popular and able Parliamentarians. of | 

the type of Mr. Lehmann, and it is surprising to see 
that so good and thoroughly competent a worker as Mr. 
Whitley, who has given his days and nights to the 
Parliamentary party, and sought no fee or reward, has 
been passed by. No new prominence has been given to 
the small knot of Liberal Leaguers, and on the other 
hand Mr. Masterman is the only fresh recruit who 
definitely represents the new Radicalism. The Whips’ 
office needed strengthening in a direction more in 
consonance with the opinion of the majority of the party. 
Many of the special appointments are good. Mr, Acland, 
who has gone to the War Office in place of Mr. 
Buchanan, was a very capable secretary to Mr. Haldane, 
and he inherits his father’s ability for affairs. It is, 
however, a pity to lose so good a financier as Mr. 
Buchanan from the chief centre of useless expenditure. 
Mr. Buchanan will henceforth represent the India Office 
in the House of Commons, and, like Mr. Lough, who 
retires, becomes a Privy Councillor. The same honor is 
rightly conferred on Lord Fitzmaurice. 
* * * 

Mr. Loveu’s successor at the Education Office in 
the place subordinate to Mr. Runciman, the new 
head, is Mr. McKinnon Wood, an able muni- 
cipal statesman, trained in the thorough Progressive 
school, and long the leader of the party in the London 
County Council. The new Secretary to the Treasury is 
Mr. Hobhouse, one of the less adequate of Mr. Asquith’s 
nominations. Dr. Macnamara replaces Mr. Edmund 
Robertson at the Admiralty, and will bring freshness of 
mind and statement to an always attractive position. 
In personal interest, and in suggestion of a fresh outlook 
on politics, the most notable appointment is that of Mr. 
Masterman as Under-Secretary of the Local Govern- 
ment Board. Mr. Masterman has feeling and the literary 
touch, which is more and more missing from modern 
politics, and if Mr. Burns gives him his head the two 
men should co-operate in working out the new Poor Law. 
Colonel Seely takes Mr. Churchill’s place at the Colonial 
Office, and will be its spokesman in the Commons. He 
knows South Africa, is popular there, in spite of his 
strong view of Chinese labour, and has both dexterity 
and charm. But Natal is an ugly problem, and will 
need strength as well as suavity on the part of the Home 
Government. Lord Lucas, son of Auberon Herbert, 
once an outstanding figure in Radicalism, replaces Lord 
Portsmouth at the War Office, and has youth and 
talent. Finally, we are glad to see that Mr. Asquith 
retains the services of Mr. Vaughan Nash, his prede- 
cessor’s able secretary. 

* * * 

MEANWHILE, the political interest of the hour centres 
in Mr. Churchill’s struggle to retain North-West Manches- 
ter. The constituency includes a great body of mer- 
chants, a large proportion of Jews, a considerable Irish 
element, and a mass of workmen, so that it is typical of 
nearly every phase of our politics. It also represents a 
Free Trade citadel, with a specially engaging and bril- 
liant champion to hold it. Mr. Joynson-Hicks, his 
opponent, places a pledge to Balfourism in a corner of 
his address, and is reported to have said that he would 
not consider his victory a success for Tariff Reform. 


Mr. Churchill’s address, written with singular verve 
and freshness, insists that the Tory aim is to establish 
‘a preferential, retaliatory, or protective tariff.’’ He 
claims for the Government the creation of a great Afri- 
kander Federation in South Africa under the Union 
Jack, pledges himself to support the Licensing Bill “in 
its integrity,’’ pleads for an “ amicable ’’ settlement of 
education, claims a Liberal reduction of forty-three 
millions in debt, taxation, and expenditure, but does not 
mention Ireland. He is fighting his campaign with 
brilliant generalship and incessant soldiering, and has 
had a warm response from the constituency. 
* * ¥ 


Mr. RooseveEtt is pressing his big navy policy with 
all his might. His message to Congress calling for the 
construction of the four new “ Dreadnoughts ’’ suggested 
by the Navy Department, is one of the most reactionary 
State documents which any modern Government has 
set forth, not excluding Germany. He minimises the 
uses of arbitration, pretends that great naval armaments 
are necessary to prevent the oppression of weak nations 
by strong, though America has used her new navy only for 
the dragooning of the weak, and suggests that if the 
United States desires to avoid “‘insult,’’ it must “ be 
able to repel it.’’ Mr. Roosevelt does not specify what 
country proposes to insult the most touchy and not the 
least aggressive of the Great Powers, whose need for a 
huge navy proceeds entirely from her breach with her 
own Constitution, and which is more responsible than 
Germany for the new start in naval armaments. 

* * * 

Tue Prussian Landtag was dissolved on April 9th, 
and the new elections will take place in June. The elec- 
tions are to be used by the Socialists as a demonstration 
in favour of a reformed franchise. The Prussian 
franchise, with its triple plutocratic division and its 
system of indirect and public voting, has hitherto kept 
the Socialists entirely out of the Landtag. They may 
possibly carry a candidate or two on this occasion, but 
their chief aim is to poll an imposing voting strength. 
The ‘“ Vorwarts ’’ plainly puts its hope of ultimate suc- 
cess on extra-Parliamentary agitation, and it makes the 
remarx—so significant of the change which is coming 
over the temper of the German social democracy—that 
“ the three-class franchise is incompatible with the peace- 
ful development of Germany, and the incompatibility 
must be demonstrated.’’ The Radicals, who theoreti- 
cally support universal, secret, and direct suffrage, are 
making a sorry show. They are excluding democratic 
candidates and making pacts with the National Liberals 
and other reactionaries. It is inevitable that the work- 
ing alliance in the Reichstag should have a parallel 
in Prussia, and Prince Biilow’s insistence on the 
profit the Socialists would get from a democratic franchise 
is having a persuasive effect on a Radical Party already 

corrupted by compromise. 
* * % 

In dissolving the Finnish Diet because of its vote 
of censure on the Senate, the Czar probably desired to 
postpone the necessity of coming to a decision on the real 
Finnish problem. That problem is illuminated by three 
interpellations which are about to be discussed in the 
Duma. Two, presented by the Right, charge Finland 
with organising an armed revolt against the Russian 
connection, and with being the seat of all the Russian 
conspiracies against the present 7égime ; the third, pre- 
sented by the Octobrists, demands to know why Finnish 
affairs, unlike the affairs of other provinces, go straight 
to the Czar from the Finnish Secretary instead of through 
the Premier, What is sought is a declaration from the 

[April 18, 1908 

Government that Finland is not an autonomous State 
linked with Russia only through a common sovereign, 
but merely a province of Russia on the same constitu- 
tional footing as the other provinces. In other words, 
the majority of the Duma is working for a restoration 
of the Bobrikoff system. So far, the Government has 
resisted the pressure put upon it, but if, as is probable, 
the Socialists are returned in nearly their old strength 
on July Ist, we may see a change. 
* * * 

Tue murder of Count Potocki, the Polish Governor 
of Galicia, by a Ruthenian student, brings before the 
general public the bitter struggle in that province 
between the Poles and the Ruthenians. The Austrian 
Government has won the good-will of the Poles by hand- 
ing over Galicia to them. Now that the Galician Jews 
have formed a national party, the Ruthenians, who 
are a little Russian people of the same blood and tongue 
as the people of the Ukraine, probably outnumber 
the Poles in Galicia. Nevertheless, the whole provincial 
administration is in Polish hands, the Universities are 
Polish, and the machinery of government is employed to 
crush out Ruthenian national consciousness and preserve 
Polish dominion. Under the Universal Franchise Act 
for the Reichsrath the Poles secured a quite dispropor- 
tionate number of seats, and they conducted the elections 
against the Jewish National Party and the Ruthenians 
with lawlessness and not a little violence. Count 
Potocki, as Governor, concentrated upon himself the 
hatred of the suppressed race, and the Ruthenian 
students held him particularly responsible for the im- 
prisonment of the Lemberg students, which led to a 
‘hunger strike” last year. This is the explanation of 
the crime. 

x * * 

An almost comic sidelight was thrown on Protection 
by a short debate on the hop industry which took place 
in the House of Commons on its re-assembling on Tues- 
day. Sir Gilbert Parker, as member for Gravesend, 
desired the Government to stop the “dumping” of 
Californian hops, declaring inaccurately that 8,000 tons 
of foreign hops had been landed here within the last 
three weeks, and that 15,000 more tons were coming. 
The Protectionists want a duty of 40s. a hundredweight, 
which, as Mr. Harold Cox pointed out, was putting a tax 
on raw material in order to raise the price to the con- 
sumer. Sir Gilbert suggested that the evil lay in the 
Americans who “‘ dumped,” but it clearly resides, as the 
new Chancellor of the Exchequer pointed out, in the 
brewers who buy. “ Here,” says Mr. George, addressing 
this industry, “are you, a great patriotic trade, using 
all this foreign stuff.” Mr. Gretton, of Messrs. Bass, 
made it quite clear that foreign hops came in when the 
British hop harvest failed. As a matter of fact, the 
import of foreign hops depends largely on the English 
season, and the shrinkage of the hop area in Kent and 
elsewhere is due partly to intensive culture, partly to 
the brewers’ use of substitutes. 

* * *% 

Ir is now fairly certain that Mr. Taft will get the 
Republican nomination, but Republicans are not 
sanguine as to his chance of election. Apart from hav- 
ing to fight in a year of depression as the nominee of 
a party which has always claimed to be the masters of 
prosperity, he is faced by the opposition of the Trade 
Unions. Mr. Taft as a judge ran foul of Labour men 
by the lavish issue of injunctions, and even conservative 
labour has been stirred by the decision of the Supreme 
Court, which brings Trade Unions under the Sherman 
Anti-Trust Law, Labour is pressing for a law nullify- 

April 18, 1908.] 

ing that decision; it is not likely to get it, nor will it 
be consoled by the new Employers’ Liability Bill which 
Congress has just passed, and which it is generally 
expected the Supreme Court will declare as unconstitu- 
tional as the one which preceded it. The really interest- 
ing thing in American politics is the future of Labour. 
The Conservative section has hitherto prevented Labour 
organising as a party independent of Republicans and 
_ Democrats, but events are fighting against Mr. Gomperz 
and his friends. The American Constitution can hardly 
remain as it is, if a powerful American Labour Party 
should be formed. 

* * * 

THE ‘“ Daily News’’ announces the approaching re- 
tirement of Sir Antony MadDonnell, the permanent 
Under-Secretary for Ireland. Sir Antony’s greatest ser- 
vice was his brilliant organisation of the scheme of land 
purchase, and his success in turning the flank of Unionism 
with the meliorist Wyndham policy, of which’ he was 
the real author and executant. His Catholicism, and 
his honesty, strength of character, and love of his 
country, were also singularly useful assets in the com- 
posing of disputes arising out of the declining land-war. 
His weakness lay in his long detachment from Parlia- 
mentary Government, which a prolonged Indian service 
implied. This explained some defects both in the Council 
Bill and Mr. Bryce’s Universities Bill, and underlay 
his general attitude to the Irish Parliamentary Party. 
But he is very nearly a great man, and he is a very 
good one. 


* * * 

MatrHew ARrnotp died twenty years ago last 
Wednesday, and we are glad to see a disposition to give 
full weight and emphasis to his authority and message. 
He is now fixed in his true position as the most searching 
critic, perhaps the only great critic, of modern English 
life. His contribution to religious thought has been 
stamped with the approval of the most eminent of living 
writers ; and the cause of politics has turned at last to 
the amelioration of precisely those phases of our society 
which he exposed to all who had eyes to see and 
which most deeply discredit it in the eyes of good and 
serious men. Much of what he has written, little con- 
sidered in his day, might now be taken as a manual of 
modern thought and social and moral endeavour; and 
though in his poetry we recognise chiefly the retreat to a 
rather sad view of the world as he saw it, it more than 
retains its old power of appeal to the contemplative 

* *% * 

Or only moderate interest is the summer exhibition 
of the Royal Society of Painters in Water Colours, which 
opened on Monday. There are, however, a few drawings 
that claim attention. The six ample women in Mr. R. 
Anning Bell’s “Cupid Disarmed’’ are admirably 
grouped against their background of heroic landscape, 
and the childish naughtiness in Cupid’s face is a piquant 
note that relieves the rather massive dignity of his atten- 
dants. The colouring is deep and luscious. Mr. R. 
Thome-Waite’s large landscape, ‘‘ The Setting Sun,’’ is 
a conscientious and accomplished study of warm atmo- 
spheric effect, the peace-inducing contemplation of which 
is only marred by the unfortunate violence of the sunset 
picture that hangs just below it. The two contributions 
of Mr. F. Cadogan Cowper, technically proficient as they 
are, do not indicate any development in his art, neither 
does Miss E. Fortescue-Brickdale, another talented artist 
of the same school, break any fresh ground in her con- 
ventional decorative panel, “The Ten Virgins.”’ 


Politics and Affairs. 

Tue Prime Minister may fairly accept the general con- 
clusion about the néw Government that in point of 
He has made skilful and 
courageous use of the material at his disposal; and the 

personnel it is a good one. 

general body of the Ministry has been brightened 
has taken for his Chan- 
cellor the most vivid and original political talent 
and he has added to his 
counsels the most striking orator and the best fighting 

and strengthened. He 

in the party; inner 
man that Liberalism has gained since Mr. Chamberlain 
changed the face of politics. He has been wise to re- 
pair visible weaknesses in the structure, and to provide 
the Colonies and the Admiralty with abler heads and 
more discreet or more exactly trained personalities than 
they have hitherto obtained. Equal wisdom has been 
shown in adapting the status of Ministers to modern 
needs and universal practice, and turning the heads of 
the Board of Trade and the Local Government Board 
into Secretaries of State. No country whose life-blood is 
commerce and labour should treat the heads of the de- 
partments that chiefly control these tremendous interests 
asif they were mere satellites to theshining luminaries that 
direct our foreign, our Indian, and our colonial policies. 
We may expect to see well-ordered Ministries of the In- 
terior and of Commerce emerge from Mr. Asquith’s 
further labors in co-ordinating the duties of the Home 
Office, the Local Government Board, and the Board of 
Trade. And, on the whole, he has distributed the minor 
appointments that have fallen vacant with regard to 
such talent, and such promise of power and usefulness, 
as reside in the younger members of the party. During 
the last ten years a school of young thinkers and workers 
has arisen to carry on the Liberal tradition, and to 
infuse it with fresh ideas, and anyone who glances down 
the list of under-secretaries in the Asquith administra- 
tion will see that it is very fairly represented there. 
Mr. Samuel, Mr. Masterman, Mr. Acland, are all men 
who have spent thought and labour on the problems with 
which the modern statesman has to deal. We do not 
desire to make invidious comparisons, but it is clear that 
in serviceable talent for public work, the new Govern- 
ment, both in its higher and in its lower branches, com- 
pares favourably with Mr. Balfour’s administration at 
any period of its existence, and completely outshines 
its later years. 

Thus far, both the friends and the critics of the 
Government appear to stand on common ground. The 
new Ministry is admitted to be efficient, and we may 
add that while it is composed of men able to govern the 
Empire with vigor and discretion, it contains no extreme 
representative of the doctrine of Imperialism, whose 
logical end is Protection. In this matter, Mr. Asquith 
has acted fairly and honourably, and with some thought 
for the balance of forces in the party. But events have 
decided the part which Imperialism has had to play in 
the fortunes of the Liberal Party. It was never more 
than a passing phase, which derived its seeming im- 
portance from the South African War, and declined 


THs oN AT EG: 

[April 18, 1908. 

when the normal tendencies of our policy regained their 
accustomed strength. The Government therefore, in its 
general composition and tendencies, was bound to stand 
to the normal tradition of Liberal Ministries. But it 
is also necessary to note what is its relation to the polli- 
tics of the hour. 
tion of politics began to yield, Socialism has arisen, the 

Since the purely Gladstonian concep- 

women’s movement has arisen, the Independent Labour 
Party has been formed, and, as a natural result of these 
new factors in the national life, men’s eyes are no longer 
fixed almost exclusively on the strife between the old 
Constitutional parties. The Government, like its pre- 
old conditions: cannot recur, and Liberalism must con- 
sole itself with the reflection that if it has to fight for 

its life with idealistic Socialists, Protectionists, indif- 

decessor, has to make the best of this situation. 

ferents, monopolist interests and their slaves or sup- 
porters, here lies the battleground of modern politics, 
and here, in choosing to stand for the general welfare 
of the people, it has a great and, indeed, a decisive, 
part to play. The Tories have chosen, in the name of 
Protection and the extended tariff, to embark on the 
meanest and most hypocritical kind of oppression of 
poverty by wealth known to the modern State; and 
sooner or later, in spite of its plausibilities, the worth- 
lessness of that device will find them out. And the 
same kind of popular disillusion must follow the preach- 
ing of intelli- 
gent, conscientious Socialist knows this, and realises 

revolutionary Socialism. Every 
that he could not stay the ruin of a community which 
was too heedlessly pushed into the repudiation of private 
_property, and that neither the workmen nor the 
middle-class Socialists of experience and _ capacity 
_would know. what to do with such a situation if it were 
brought about. Liberalism is, after all, the guardian 
of the tradition of liberty, and in that capacity it is 
always called upon to keep men, including Socialists, 
alive to the dangers of mere bureaucracy. And, further- 
more, when it comes to practical remedies for social 
evils on co-operative or collectivist lines, Socialists, for 
all their repudiation of Liberalism, know that within 
its bosom. reside, in the main, those forces of intelli- 
gence and of social compunction on which, served as 
they are by a great organisation, reformers must rely. 

Here, then, is a guide to the policy of Liberal 
which, unless bad and _ short-sighted 
counsels prevail, ensures their usefulness and provides 
them with definite functions in the interpretation of 
popular needs. The danger is that this middle position 
will not prove interesting enough. To the enthusiast, 
and also to the average Liberal, much was lost when 
“C.B.’’ went: chiefly a feeling that under him the 
Government had its “heart in the right place.’ 
_And the democracy is all for attractiveness in its 
leaders and_ their 
attractive ? 

_ Governments, 

ideas. Socialism is 

attractive ; 
Can Liberalism be made 
Is it fresh and sincere enough, has it 
the gift of disinterestedness which makes the early 
life of the Labour Party, for all its crudeness, so engag- 
ing? Is it not in danger of losing the mass of the workmen, 
for lack of ideas, for want of feeling and depth in its 

exponents, and because of its separation, in the persons 

is attractive. 

of its leaders and in its local organisations, from the 
daily life of the people? With all its merits it ought 
to be more successful than it is; it ought to be better 
able to impress the man in the street with the idea 
that it is going to win. We doubt whether it can 
thoroughly catch the popular imagination so long as its 
policy seems to be dominated by Mr. Balfour’s will, and 
unless it emerges from its struggle with the Lords with 
some substantial trophies of victory, some proof that, by 
choosing its ground where the Commons are supreme, 
it can shake that old citadel of privilege to its fall. 
Here Mr. George’s selection for the Chancellorship is 
hopeful. Finance is not only the key to the fight with 

the Lords, but it opens up the centre of the warfare 
with Protection and the struggle to provide a fund for 
social reform. If, therefore, Mr. Asquith is bold and 
resourceful, if he does not recoil after a check by the 
Lords, or recoils only to make a surer lead the next time, 
if he can show the end of Liberal policy to be the 
gradual raising of the standard of life for the mass 
of our population, until they pass far beyond the 

present low level of comfort and refinement, if he | 
and his more powerful lieutenants can persuade the | 
Nonconformists and the middle-classes to further so truly | 

moral and intelligent an aim, and the workmen not to 
leave reform for a will-o’-the-wisp, and, above all, if he 
will not forget Ireland, he will have kept the heart of 
Liberalism alive. That, and not the exhibition of a 

mechanical efficiency, is the really important task of the | 

new Government. Politics in the last two decades have 
become more and more real; and the palm will go to 
the party which is most in touch with reality. 


Tue return of King Edward to London suggests some 
observations, as true as they are trite, upon the réle 
of the modern Sovereign in the modern State. 

We have heard a good deal of late, perhaps a little 
one good thing about the absence of the King from his 

too much, about the revival of Monarchy. 
Capital during the recent Ministerial crisis is the evi- 
dence which it affords that the popular notion of the 
supreme importance of the Sovereign in a Constitutional 

State does not impose upon the reigning Monarch. He | 

did not deem it necessary to leave Biarritz when a new 
Administration had to be brought into being. There 
was a suspicion in some minds that the example of his 
nephew and the prestige of Queen Victoria in her 
Edward that in 
this democratic age the Monarch had regained in 

later years had convinced King 
personal influence what he had lost in constitutional 
in April has dispelled that 
The that kingship 
Prussian sense is an_ historic 
permitted to haunt the 
ruled. Therein he shows his good sense, his ability 
But this month 
he has shown that he knows it, and therein he has com- 

authority. Biarritz 

alarm. King knows in the 


a ghost 

places where Monarchs 

to distinguish the real from the sham. 
mitted the first error of his reign. We maintain the 
Monarchy for many reasons, historic, traditional, and 
political. It has its uses, not merely ceremonial, but 
solid uses, as more than one episode in the late Queen’s 
reign conclusively showed. But one of the conditions 
of its usefulness is that the less real insignia of the 
institution must be kept polished, and in full view of 

answered, even if it is offered. 

April 18, 1908. 



the public. 

at Biarritz 

Therefore, remains 


when the 

Empire is 


while in the throes 

of a Ministerial he commits an error of 

before the eyes of all his subjects, ‘‘ The Monarch is a 

With his own Royal hand, he writes up 
negligible quantity.’ And with all due respect to his 
Majesty, it is necessary to say that this was a mistake. 
At the same time, it may turn out that this, the 
first, and indeed the only blunder of his reign, may, with 
his Majesty’s characteristic good fortune, be a blessing 
both to the Monarchy and to the Empire. 
travel on the Continent or in the United States without 

No one can 

being reminded at every turn of the prodigious reputa- 
tion which King Edward has achieved. Mr. Carnegie 
outdoes any Monarchist in his eulogy of the Royal am- 
bassador of peace. In France the peasants gather in 
crowds at railway stations merely to see the express 
whizz by in which “Le Roi’’ travels. In Ger- 
many the few but noisy Chauvinists are obsessed 
by the conception of his 
He it is who is supposed to direct all the threads 
of British diplomacy. He is the author of the entente 
cordiale. He is the subtle and weariless statesman who 

omnipresent influence. 

has spun round Germany a network of alliances through 
which she in vain attempts to break. When he goes 
to Paris or to Rome, ambassadors have to give solemn ex- 
planations—usually disbelieved—as to the innocent 
object of his Majesty’s journeys. It is not too much to 
say that, in the eyes of many very clever people on the 
Continent, all the recent diplomacy of Europe centres in 
the great game of chess between King and Kaiser. Just 
as in England we credit the direction of German 
foreign policy not to Prince von Biilow, but to the 

Everyone in England knows that this is nonsense. 
We know our Monarchy and Constitution too well to be 
under any delusion as to the part which his Majesty 
But others do not, and 
it is a serious and an all-round danger that the King 
should be supposed to be more important and in- 
fluential than he really is. And the fact that 
he did not consider that there was any pressing need 
for him to be in his Capital when a new Ministry was 
being formed will, it may be hoped, do something to 
remind the European and the American public that in 
his own estimation King Edward is not the real captain 
of the ship of State, whose rudder is in other hands. 

It is always a somewhat thankless task to write 
If we praise them when they deserve our 
If we censure 

plays in international politics. 

of kings. 
eulogy, we are distrusted as flatterers. 
them when they go wrong, it is regarded as a species of 
lése majesté. It is, however, sometimes a duty to tell the 
truth to kings, and the present occasion offers an oppor- 
tunity which ought not to be allowed to slip. The popu- 
larity of King Edward renders it difficult to suggest that 
he has made a mistake. But the suggestion may be for- 
given when the mistake is pointed out in his own in- 
terest. Kings, like meaner mortals, fancy themselves, 
and, in their case, the prayer that we may not think of 

ourselves more highly than we ought to think is rarely 

But King Edward has, 
by the exercise of the gifts which he possesses, succeeded 

in gaining a great reputation for talents which he would 
be the last to claim. Good nature, good feeling, and in- 
stinctive tact are valuable qualities. But they do not turn 
a popular king into a great statesman. The conception 
of the Seventh Edward as an English Richelieu which 
King has neither the powers nor the ambition nor the 

prevails in some quarters in Germany is baseless. 
temperament of Richelieu. He is no student; neither 
is he an idealist. He is essentially a good-natured, 
prudent man, with much shrewd sense, much experience 
of the world, and a habit of dealing with men which has 
been, at times, of great service to his country. He is sym- 
pathetic, quick to see what is the right thing to do in any 
situation if only he can be got to see it whole. No states- 
man, Whig or Tory, has ever been influenced, .so far as 
can be known, by any counsels of the King. On the other 
hand, no one has ever found him obstinate or re- 
actionary. He is, as kings go, one of the best of the 
bunch. But, perhaps, the best of his qualities is shown 
in his superiority to the megalomania which unwise 
or ill-informed people insist on attributing to him. 

Wirn what a biting humour has history rounded off the 
tragic-comic episode of the last decade in South ‘Africa! 
It is just ten years since that able architect of ruin, 
then Sir Alfred Milner, discovered in the Bond and 
in Krugerism that determination of the settled popula- 
tion of the country to rule which he called African- 
derdom, and sought to crush. Africanderdom is now 
triumphant, and by Lord Milner’s act. For the war 
which he engineered brought him a victory far worse 
than hollow. It brought the permanent and necessary 
frustration in South Africa of that distinctively British 
dominion which he half-wrecked the country to estab- 
lish. The Transvaal is to-day in the hands of a Govern- 
ment whose Prime Minister was Commander-in-Chief 
of the Boer forces. in the war, while its ablest member, 
Mr. Smuts, was Mr. Chamberlain’s diplomatic an- 
tagonist in 1899, and two years later raided the 
Colony at the head of his horse. The Orange River 
Colony is under the sway of the strongest member of 
the late Republican régime, Mr. Fischer, who has with 
him an overwhelming majority of Dutch colleagues. 

The recent turn of events in Cape Colony has now 
deposed Dr. Jameson, the leader of the Raid, and has 
placed in the seat of authority Mr. Merriman, the stoutest 
opponent of the war policy, with a large majority 
in both Houses of Assembly whose return is described, 
not, perhaps, unfairly, as largely attributable to the 
votes of “ex-rebels,’’ recently restored to the rights of 
citizenship. Three of the four Colonies are thus solidly 
Africander under abiding and compact majorities of 
Dutch-British: the fourth, Natal, remains sunk in the 
degradation of martial law and in desperate financial 
straits, the the 
men of British race rule and hold undivided sway. 
To Lord Milner this doubtless appears a shocking state 
of things, for which he would wish to hold our Liberal 
Government responsible; it is a new and a political 
Majuba. But the least reflection will dispel the folly 

corner of country where 



of this view. Had a Conservative Government been 
continuously in power, the war would have yielded pre- 
cisely the same fruits, a little tardier, that is all. To 
have withheld complete self-government for more than 
a few years would have been so manifest a violation of 
the spirit and the letter of Vereeniging that shame, to 
say nothing of the pressure of the other white Colonies, 
would have forced them to hand over the country to 
the rule of a Dutch majority somewhat larger and more 
solid than the present and very much more intransigeant. 
All this might have been foreseen, and is one more 
testimony to the blindness of Jingoism. It is quite 
true that in the outcome there is nothing to fear, but this 
If it had 

really been the settled policy and purpose of the Dutch 

is because there was no cause for fear before. 

to drive the British into the sea, in order to set up a 
Federal Republic of their own, they would be in a very 
much better position to compass this end now than ten 
years ago. For there is hardly one of the acts of oppres- 
sion we talked about then which they cannot now, as 
self-governing British Colonies, commit with impunity. 
Could we prevent them from spending any money they 
liked in setting up militia and in importing guns? Can 
we claim to interfere in any way with their police ad- 
ministration, the decisions of their judges, their system 
of taxation, the teaching in their schools, their right to 
expel undesirables, their treatment of the natives, or 
even of British Indians? Almost every action which 
formed the substance of Sir Alfred Milner’s indictment 
of the Kruger Government in 1899 is now clearly within 
the competency of Mr. Botha. Nay, should it be 
thought that the Constitutions set some limitations on 
the new Colonial Governments, we have only to cite the 
current course of events in Natal to dispel any such 
delusion. If there is anything constitutional, as to re- 
strictions on their native rule or otherwise, which ham- 
pers Mr. Botha or Mr. Fischer, he has only to copy Mr. 
Moor, suspend his Constitution, declare martial law, 
and the Imperial Government, accepting his own 
assurances that his illegal conduct was justifiable, will 
grant him immunity. Such, it appears, is now the 
status of a self-governing Colony, with which no British 
Government, Liberal or Conservative, can attempt to 
interfere unless it is prepared to defy the stout, unani- 
mous resentment of the whole “ family.’’ 

This process of events, moving so fast, now calls a 
halt as the several Colonies confront the important issue 
At the forth- 
coming inter-Colonial Conference the question of Union 
or of Federation must force its way to the front as the 
dominant issue of practical politics in South Africa dur- 
ing the next few years. 

of their future relations to one another. 

To the political observer from 
outside it seems the simplest thing in the world to 
achieve such Union or Federation among States severed 
by no strong natural barriers and by no wide divergency 
of climatic and other physical conditions, and peopled 
by the same white and coloured races, occupied for the 
most part in similar industries, and holding the same 
general level of civilisation. That this community of 
natural and human conditions does make for unity of 
government is undeniable. Even before the war the 

centralising tendency found expression in tentative ex- 

[April 18, 1908. 

periments towards a common policy in customs and rail- 
roads which must ultimately have ripened into definite 
political agreements. But in South Africa itself it is 
natural that the impending prospect of closer political 
union should tend for the time to emphasise the diffi- 
culties and divergencies of interest between the States. 
Natal, in virtue of her distinctively British white popu- 
lation, fears to be swamped either in a Union or a 
Federation where Dutch votes will be dominant; the 
inland States are suspicious of the manipulation of 
customs and railroads in the interests of the sea- 
port States; the bitter antagonism displayed in the past 
between Cape Town and Durban, and the strong interest 
which the Transvaal has manifested in the development 
of the shorter route through Lorenzo Marques, are grave 
obstacles in the way of a Federation which shall be 
real in its establishment of central government. Besides 
these specific divergencies, the practical dominance which 
the mining industry must secure to the Transvaal by 
virtue of its wealth, its growing population, and the 
superior capacity and energy of its leaders, remains a 
source of half-conscious dread to the more backward 
States. Finally, the unsettled and anomalous condi- 
tion of that huge speculative estate, Rhodesia, which 
could not be wholly left out of consideration in a federal 
scheme, introduces a whole sheaf of difficulties. 

That the principle of South African solidarity will 
finally triumph over these numerous obstacles cannot, 
however, be seriously questioned. Whether the unifying 
process will stop with a moderate measure of federal con- 
trol, or will move further towards unity, will probably 
depend on that great perpetually disturbing factor, the 
native question, more than on any other matter. For to 
any stable genuine Federation some common native 
policy is admittedly essential; and yet the history and 
the present local conditions of the several States impose 
peculiar difficulties upon the attainment of such policy. 
Cape Colony cannot, and does not, desire to abandon 
her comparatively enlightened policy as regards the 
native franchise, education, and land settlement. But 
none of the other States are prepared to give any real 
and direct political representation to the natives. Natal, 
and even possibly the Transvaal, might with reluctance 
be induced to make some slight experiment in the direc- 
tion of the New Zealand Maori policy, barring the elec- 
tion of coloured representatives. But the Orange River 
Colony would entertain no such proposition, nor would 
Rhodesia, were this State brought into a Federation. 
It is, indeed, the reluctance to raise this huge underlying 
issue that holds back Federation as a pressing policy. 
For it is felt that in the settling of a federal constitution 
the Imperial Government would claim to have some say 
upon arrangements which involved the vital interests of 
the natives who constitute the vast majority of British 
subjects in South Africa. And, indeed, it is eminently 
desirable that we should turn our minds more definitely 
upon the obligations of the Imperial Government in the 
large re-settlement that is contemplated. That the small] 
groups of white business-politicians who may occupy 
the seat of government in one of these States cannot be 
implicitly trusted to show justice or mercy to the subject- 
race is a lesson bitterly impressed not by one but by a 

April 18, 1908.] 



score of episodes in South African history. 
not unnatural, Federation should be accompanied by a 
demand that the new South African Dominion should 
be entrusted with the same full measure of government 

If, as is 

over her subject-races as is possessed by Canada or 
Australia, the only practical safeguard of the interests 
of natives might consist in an arrangement for the trans- 
fer of such native territories as Zululand, Swaziland, 
Basutoland, and the Bechuanaland Protectorate to the 
province of the Federal Government. Though such an 
arrangement would still leave the large mass of the 
natives, who, as individuals or in clans, are scattered over 
the several States, to the separate administration of the 
State Governments, it would at least substitute a wider 
and, perhaps, a wiser and humaner judgment for the 
perilous mis-handling by which from time to time a 
single State has placed in jeopardy the entire fabric of 
white civilisation in South Africa. 


Havine at length caged their shy bird, our Protectionists 
apparently decided to let him loose again for a decoy 
to catch other birds. 
talk about “ broadening the basis of taxation,” “ Im- 
With them 
T» some fiscal 

So he has gone about with free 


perial unity,’ 
he seems to have caught Lord Curzon. 

and other amiable phrases. 

“innocents” it appears as if Lord Curzon, a Free Trader 
“at heart,’ may have saved Mr. Balfour from fiscal 
damnation by the simple device of furnishing a new 
The “ Westminster Gazette,’’ for instance, 

ever anxious over fiscal and other wandering souls, 


finds curious comfort in a cryptic phrase of Lord 
“Tt might be that this 
it did come, would not take precisely the shape 

Curzon’s: change, when 
that was anticipated by the authors of the move- 
ment,’’ followed by a more definite suggestion that what 
England needed was a tariff like that of India. This 
Indian tariff, introduced “for revenue purposes in Eng- 
land,” might also be utilised for Colonial preference as 
well as “to improve the position of our trade, or to 
secure better employment for our working-classes.’’ 
But does Lord Curzon really imagine that he has 
persuaded, or can persuade, Mr. Balfour that an Indian 
tariff will satisfy the demands of the British Protec- 
tionists, or even the conditions of his own commitments? 
Here are some of the points of his Indian tariff. It 
taxes large numbers of raw materials, it lets manufactur- 
ing machinery in free, though taxing the tools of the 
ordinary workmen; its purely ‘revenue’ purpose is 
marked by the fact that the import duties upon cotton 
goods are balanced by excise duties upon domestic manu- 
factures. But Mr. Balfour has declared against all 
taxation of raw materials, his general tax upon foreign 
manufactured goods must be taken to include machinery, 
and in all his fiscal writings he has never suggested that 
he proposes to rob import duties of their incidental pro- 
tective value by imposing excise duties. The only 
resemblance between the Indian tariff and that fore- 
shadowed by Mr. Balfouristhe multiplicity of low duties. 
The notion that Mr. Balfour has drawn or can draw 

the fiscal reform movement in this country away from 
Protection towards tariff for revenue only, on the basis 
of a number of small taxes upon foreign manufactured 
goods is a delusion, kept alive merely to lure stray Free- 
fooders into the fold. 
from the speeches of Mr. Balfour. 

It has no plausible support, even 

For Free Traders and their cause a plain recogni- 
tion of the fact that Mr. Balfour is committed to Pro- 
In his 
famous Valentine letter he declared for “a moderate 
together with 
“a small duty on foreign wheat ’’ unaccompanied by 

tection in four separate ways is quite essential. 
general tariff on manufactured goods,”’ 

excise; he has repeatedly advocated the use of a tariff 
for negotiation and for retaliation, for imperial prefer- 


ence, and for meeting an “‘ unfair competition.” Every 

one of these acts entails Protection. It is quite true 

‘ 2) 

that for each case he supplies a “ motive ’’ which is not 

protective in the simpler sense. Indeed, it may be 
admitted that a new large source of revenue which shall 
meet the needs of Conservative finance, without recourse 
to direct taxation, is to him the first consideration, and 
that, for the rest, his tariff is a blend of imperial cement, 
anti-dumping, and diplomatic bargaining. But our 
Protectionist Party know better than to trouble about 
They are 


the “intentions ’’ of their casuistical leader. 
concerned not with what he intends or means, but with 
what he does. And they are satisfied that, if in two 
or three years’ time the Conservative Party is placed in 
office, Mr. Balfour will produce a tariff on the lines 
which they require. This tariff is to produce a revenue 
large enough to enable them to reduce existing taxes 
upon income and property, and to furnish the necessary 
fund for old age pensions and other social progress by 
shifting the existing taxes from sugar and tea on to 
agricultural produce without raising the total taxation 
for the working classes, and by imposing low general 
This tariff has 

been proposed by the avowed Protectionists, and form- 

duties on imported manufactured goods. 
ally accepted by Mr. Balfour. When, therefore, any 
suspected free-fooder or other hesitant Unionist accepts, 
as Lord Curzon did, ‘‘ Mr. Balfour’s platform,’’ he com- 
mits himself to protective duties upon foods and manu- 
factures, and, though he may shy from the admission, 
upon raw materials. 

For neither Mr. Balfour nor any one else has dared 
to meet the Free Trade challenge upon raw materials. 
No single one of the tariff objects can be secured without 
taxing them. Effective negotiation, or retaliation, re- 
quires the liberty to tax materials, for in no other way 
could we bring pressure upon such countries as the United 
States and Russia; Colonial Preference is impossible 
without it, for investigation of Colonial imports into 
this country attests the accuracy of Mr. Asquith’s declar- 
ation at the Colonial Conference, “that you cannot 
possibly give a preference which shall be anything like 
an even-handed preference between the different Colonies 
of the Empire unless you include in it raw materials as 
Most of the flagrant cases of dumping 
have reference to metal bars, rails, and other materials 
of manufacture. The outcry about foreign hops in 
Tuesday’s debate in the Commons brings the Protec- 
tionists full on to the taxation of raw materials, and 

well as food.’’ 


[April 18, 1908. 

gives a ludicrous turn to the brewers’ catchword, “‘ Your 

beer will cost you more.’’ Finally, if all manufactures 

which are raw materials for other manufactures are to be 
exempt, the bearing of the tariff on manufactures will be 
whittled down to small proportions. Take the single in- 
stance of the building trade, upon which Mr. F. J. 
Voicey has recently furnished some interesting informa- 
tion: “ Nearly the whole of the timber used in house 

construction comes from the Baltic. There is nothing 

here in Britain to substitute for it. At present it is 

imported in log or bunch (a small quantity)—deals, 
battens, boards, laths, mouldings, and joinery. We get 
steel joists, nails, and glass from Belgium, and slates 
from France. We get marble goods from Italy, and 

ready-made doors from Sweden. Canada sends us doors 
while Belgium provides us with ornamental slates and 
cement. Spain produces the lead and Belgium the zinc 
for our roofs.’’ Nearly all these raw materials of the 
building trade are also manufactured goods and compete 
with British produce. Are they to be taxed or to enter 
free? In scores of diverse trades this very practical 
problem must arise. Finally, the crowning absur- 
dity of the proposal consists in the pretence that 
a number of low duties, five per cent., upon 
manufactured imports, without an _ increase of 
aggregate food-taxes, can yield the income required 
by our Protectionists to bribe the working-classes of this 
country by pensions and other social reforms. Five per 
cent. on fully manufactured imports would not, upon an 
outside computation, yield seven millions of money in 
any ordinary year, and from this must be deducted the 
enormous expense of collecting a mass of trifling duties 
from innumerable sources. 

But these absurdities and palpable dishonesties 
must not lead us to suppose that Protectionism must 
break down in this country by dint of its intrinsic rotten- 
ness. Nothing of the sort. If the British manufactur- 
ing interests, who are the backbone of the movement, 
can once get their general tariff, however moderate, the 
needs of public revenue will be subordinated to their 
pockets. A British revival of agriculture, imperial unity, 
and all the other pretty phrases will go by the board, 
and a naked domination of greed and plunder, Protection 
in its proper, historic meaning, will be fastened on the 
necks of our people. This is what we have to fight. All 
this side play of politicians hankering for return to power, 
and practising the cajolery of their order, must not 
concern us over much. These gentlemen, however 
eminent, will all dance to the tune of the Protectionist 
paymaster of their party. ‘‘ The world,” said the late 
Sir James Stephen, “belongs to hard practical 
men, who know what they want, and mean to get it.” 
This, at any rate, is nominally true of the world of 
politics. Our fight is essentially for the purity of public 
life, and in order to realise the task before us we must 
brush aside all the false distinctions with which the 
issue has been blurred. Not only is the Conservative 
Party and its organisation solidly committed to Pro- 
tection, but Mr. Balfour, Lord Lansdowne, Lord Milner, 
and now Lord Curzon, stand for Protection as “ the first 
constructive work of the Unionist Party.”’ 

Lite and Wetters. 


I saw him first on a spring day—one of those days when 
the limbs are lazy with delicious tiredness, the air soft 
and warm against the face, the heart full of a queer 
longing to know the hearts of others. 

He was quite a little man, with broad, high shoul- 
ders and hardly any neck; and what was noticeable in 
his square, wooden-looking figure, dressed in light grey, 

shabby tweed, and patched, yellow boots, was that he 
seemed to have no chest. He was flat—from his white 
face, with its sandy hair, moustache, and eyebrows, 
under an old, narrow-brimmed straw hat, right down 
to his feet. It was as though Life had planed him. 
His face, too, seemed to have lost all but its bones and 
skin of yellow white; there were no eyelashes to his red- 
dish-brown, round eyes; there was no colour in his thin 
lips, compressed as though to keep the secret of a mortal 
fear. But for the wheeze and rustle of his breathing, 
he stood very still, nervously rubbing his claw-like hands 
up and down his trouser legs. 

He spoke in a hoarse, faint voice. 

‘“T was a baker. They tell me as how that’s where 
I’ve done meself the harm. But I never learnt another 
trade; I was afraid that if I give it up I wouldn’t get 
no other work. Bakin’s not good for a 

He laid his thin, yellow fingers where there was 
so little left to lay them on. 

“See, there’s my wife and child,’’ he went on in 
his matter-of-fact voice: “I tell you what it is, sir; 
I’m fair frightened. If I could give up thinking of 
what’s coming to them, I believe that I’d feel better. 
But what am I to do? All my savin’s have gone 
now; I’m selling off my things, an’ when I’m through 
with that—there we shall be.’’ 

His unlovely little face, with its hard-bitten lips 
and lashless eyes, quivered all over suddenly, as though 
within him all his fear had risen up, seized on his fea- 
tures, and set them to a dance of agony; but they were 
soon still again. Stillness was the only possible con- 
dition for a face covering such thoughts as he had had. 

“T don’t sleep for thinkin’ of it—that’s against 

1 32 


Yes—that was against him, considering the nature 
of his health. Any doctor would have told him to sleep 
well; that sleep, in fact, was quite essential. And I 
seemed to see him lying on his back, staring at the dark- 
ness, with those lashless, red-rimmed eyes, trying to find 
in its black depths something that was not there—the 
wan glow of a livelihood of some kind for his wife and 

“T gets in such a muck o’ sweat, worrying about 
what’s going to come to them with me like this; it 
quite exhausts me, it does really. You wouldn’t believe 
how weak I was!”’ 

And one could not help reminding him that he 
ought not to worry—it was very bad for him. 

“Yes, I know that; I don’t think I can last long 
at this rate.’’ 

“Tf you could give up worrying you would get 
well much quicker! ’’ 

He answered by a look of such humble and uncon- 
scious irony, as one may see on the faces of the dead 
before their last wonder at the end has faded from them. 

“They tells me up at the ’ospital to eat well.”’ 

And, looking at this meagre little man, it seemed 
that the advice was good. Good food, and plenty of it! 

“T’ve been doing the best I can, of course.’? He 
made this statement without sarcasm, in a voice that 
seemed to say: This world, I live in, is, of course, a 
funny world; the sort of fun it likes may be first-rate, 
but if I were once to begin to laugh at it, where could 
I stop—I ask you—where? 

“Plenty of milk they tell me’s the best thing I can 
take, but the child she’s bound to have as much as we 
can manage to buy. At her age, you see, she needs it. 
Of course, if I could get a job!—I’d take anything— 
I’d drive a baker’s cart! ”’ 

He lifted his little pipes of arms, and let them fall 
again, and God knows what he meant by such a motion, 
unless it were to show his strength. 

“ Of course, some days,’’ he said, ‘“‘ I can hardly get 
my breath at all, and that’s against me.”’ 

It would be, as he said, against him; and, encour- 
aged by a look, he added: 

“T know I kep’ on too long with my profession ; 
but you know what it is, when you’ve been brought up 
to a job you get to depend on it—to give it up it’s like 
chuckin’ of yerself away. And that’s what I’ve found 
it—people don’t want such as I am now.”’ 

April 18, 1908.| 


And for a full half-minute we stood looking at each 
other ; his bitten, discoloured lips twitched twice, and a 
faint pink warmed the paper whiteness of his cheeks. 

“Up at the ’ospital they don’t seem to take no 
interest in my case any more; seems as if they thought 
it ’opeless.”’ 

Unconscious that he had gone beneath the depths 
of human nature, shown up the human passion for 
definite success, illustrated human worship of the idol, 
strength, human scorn for what is weak—he said these 
simple words in an almost injured tone. Recovery 
might be impossible, people did not want such as he was 
now ; but he was still interesting to himself, still loth to 
find himself a useless bee ejected from the hive. His lash- 
less eyes seemed saying: ‘‘I believe I could get well—I 
do believe I could!’’ 

Yet he was not unreasonable, for he went on: 

“ When I first went there, they took a lot of inter- 
est in me—but that’s a year ago. Perhaps I’ve disap- 
pointed them.”’ 

Perhaps he had! 

“They keep on tellin’ me to take plenty of fresh 
air. Where I live, of course, there’s not so very much 
about, but I take all I can. Not bein’ able to get a job, 
I’ve been sitting in the Park. I take the child—they 

- tell me not to have her too near me in the house.’’ 

And I had a vision of this man of leisure sitting in 
the Park, rubbing his hands stealthily to keep them 
dry, and watching with red eyes the other men of 
leisure ; too preoccupied to wonder, even, why his leisure 
was not like theirs. 

“ Days like this,’’ he said, “it’s warm enough; but 
I can’t enjoy them for thinking of what’s coming.’ 

His glance wandered to the pear trees in the garden 
—they were all in blossom, and lighted by the sun; he 
looked down again a little hastily. A blackbird sang 
beyond the further wall. The little baker passed his 
tongue over his lips. 

“T’m a country-man by birth,’ he said; “it’s 
like the country here. If I could get a job down in the 
country I should pick up, perhaps. Last time I was 
in the country I put on ’alf a stone. But who'd take 

Again he raised his little pipes of arms; this time 
it was clearly not to show his strength. No—he seemed 
to say: No one would take me! I have found that out— 
I have found out all there is to know. I am done for! 

“That’s about where it is,’’ he said; “and I 
wouldn’t care so much, but for the baby and my wife. 
I don’t see what I could ha’ done, other than what I 
have done. God knows I kep’ on at it till I couldn’t 
keep on no longer.”’ 

And as though he knew that he was again near that 
point when a hundred times he had broken into private 
agony seen by no creature but himself, he stared hard 
at me, and his red moustache bristled over his sunken, 
indrawn lips. 

A pigeon flew across; settling on a tree in the next 
garden, it began to call its mate; and suddenly there 
came into my mind the memory of a thrush that, some 
months before, had come to the garden bed where we 
were standing, and all day long would hide and hop 
there, avoiding other birds, with its feathers all staring 
and puffed out; and how it would let us take it up; I 
remembered, too, the film that kept falling on its eyes, 
and its sick heart beating so faintly beneath our hands; 
no bird of all the other birds came near it—knowing 
that it could no longer peck its living, and was going 
to die. One day we could not find it; the next day we 
found it under a bush, dead. 

“T suppose it’s human nature not to take me on, 
seein’ the state I’m in,’’ the little baker said. “I don’t 
want to be a trouble to no one, I’m sure; I’ve always 
kept myself ever since I was that high,’’ he put his land 
out level with his waist ; “and now I can’t keep myself, 
let alone the wife and child. It’s the coming to the end 
of everything—it’s the seeing of it coming. Fear—that’s 
what it is. But I suppose I’m not the only one.’’ 

And for the moment he seemed comforted by this 
thought that there were thousands of other working 
creatures, on whose shoulders sat the grinning cat of 



mortal illness, all staring with him at utter emptiness— 
thousands of other working creatures who were 
dying because fear had made them work too long. 
His face brightened ever so little, as though the sun 
had found a way to him. But suddenly that wooden 
look, the only safe and perfect look, came back to his 
features. One could have sworn that fear had never 
touched him, so expressionless, so still was he! 

But, hearing that a way would be found, that 
something would be done, his whole face worked ; over 
his eyes—as over the young thrush’s eyes—there seemed 
to come a film. 

“T’m sure,’’ he said, ‘I’m sure, I *? That which 
had been his chest heaved violently; he turned away ; 
and his little, flat, thin figure passed down the path, 
out at the gate, with shoulders twitching as though his 
heart were choking him. 



WoNDERFULLY easy social intercourse Mr. March 
Phillipps found to be characteristic of the French in 
Algeria. He discovered on the borders of the desert, 
encompassed by hostile peoples the same ideal of daily 
life which occupies the permanent place in the home 
land in “the green nooks and pleasant valleys, the 
cottages, smothered in vines, the pastoral farms that 
nestle on the slopes.’’? It is an ideal of a daily life 
which has repeatedly essayed the achievement of the 
impossible, and found that achievement hedged in, on 
the one side or the other, by the limitations of human 
existence. Recognising these boundaries, although with 
occasional frettings against their sharp prohibitions, it 
has determined to make the best of it, to get the best 
out of it. Candide had laid down the secret, after his 
effort to overturn the world, and his more heroic effort 
to explain it, it is necessary to cultivate the garden; in 
such cultivation bringing forth not only the stout roots 
and vegetables necessary for the sustenance of the body, 
but also fruit that is pleasant to the taste, and all 
manner of sweet smelling herbs, and gaily coloured 
flowers. And France, under the third Republic, seems 
settling down in tranquillity to this ideal of human 
well-being, with a dominant ideal of social equality, and 
strong human instinct for all which makes for the ideal 
of social life; the café as much as the school and the 
church as an engine of civilisation, family affection, good 
talk, industry and thrift, a society family based upon a 
prosperous peasant race which have converted the 
“ pleasant land of France ”’ into one great garden. 
It is as a people of the soil, drawing from ownership 
of its variegated surface forces of determination, tenacity, 
and affection for their native land, that the French 
people appear in the summary of the time. After the 
overwhelming calamity of 1870, “Nature and the 
wonderful soil of France” began and_ successfully 
carried through the work of reparation. M. Hanotaux, 
in his brilliant history of ‘Contemporary France,”’ 
shows the striking contrast: on the one side, the 
intellectuals overwhelmed, finding their fine theories 
collapsing before the iron logic of merciless war, 
declaring that all is lost, the twilight of the 
gods has come; on the other, the millions of 
peasants turning with undismayed devotion to gather 
in the abundant harvest and effect the work of restora- 
tion. Renan and Taine were overwhelmed by the pressure 
of the times. “Henceforth,” says his biographer, “the con- 
sciousness of his impotence in the sphere of action op- 
pressed Renan, and even threatened the fundamental 
serenity of his nature.’’ ‘“ My heart is dead within my 
breast,’’ was the cry of Taine. “I feel as if I were 
living in a madhouse. I have even lost the feeling of 
indignation.’’ ‘I am in a continuous state of dumb 
anger and dry despair.’’ Meantime, out in the corn- 
fields and vineyards and orchards the common people 
were turning to man’s common labour, the life and 
work of the day. The two astonishing harvests, the 



[April 18, 1908. 

two summers after the war, sufficed to cover the amount 
of the war indemnity; everywhere intensive cultivation 
gathered in ‘“‘ wealth born of sunshine.’’ The nation, in 
its hour of anguish, fell back upon the strength of the 
working people, and was saved. “ This obscure mass, 
unknown to itself,’’ says M. Hanotaux, “ hardly known 
to those who direct its movements, is the producer of 
those riches drawn from the soil which brought about 
national deliverance. This mass alone lives in familiar 
intercourse with Nature, the supreme resource in 
disaster; through its constant labour and continued 
thrift, by its anonymous and sustained work, it is con- 
scious of being the very essence of France.’’ 

The “very essence of France’’ Mr. Prothero pre- 
sents in his essays which bear so attractive a title. “ The 
Pleasant Land of France ’’ (John Murray) covers a wide 
field of interest: from examination of the condition of 
the French peasant and the various styles of farming 
and land tenure to analysis of the spirit of Rabelais, 
and some charming translations of modern French poetry. 
But it is all sustained by a setting of high praise wel- 
come to all the lovers of the most loveable of all the 
nations of the world. ‘In France,’’ says the author in 
his preface, “I have spent many of the happiest days 
of my life. To her pleasant land I owe a lasting debt 
of gratitude. If anything contained in these pages 
helps to disperse a single national prejudice, or 
to place any features in the genius and character 
of our neighbours in a fairer light, their object 
will have been gained.’’ He forsakes Paris for the 
little provincial city, dependent fo~ its prosperity on the 
patronage of the rural cultivators around it, with its 
air of gaiety, comfort, and acquiescence, sharply chal- 
lenged by the old ruined castle above the hillsides, or 
the great Church whose strong and defiant roof and 
arches and tower proclaim another kingdom—perhaps 
dead, perhaps only sleeping in the sunlight, while the 
sunlight endures. Here, especially in the little place 
which is the centre of the social life, is a scene busy and 
active, yet ‘“‘ steeped in that indefinable atmosphere of 
gay leisure which is the heritage of a people who, in 
spite of their indefatigable industry, have yet succeeded 
in keeping on good terms with idleness.” Mr. Prothero, 
like Mr. March Phillipps, finds the inevitable café the 
centre and symbol of the organised social life. “A 
history of cafés,’’ he declares, ‘would be the most 
important chapter in the history of modern French 
society: clean, bright, and gay, they are the salons of 
the democracy. We have, to our historical loss, nothing 
like them.’’ “ There is a babel of voices; but the chief 
stimulants are coffee or sorbets, and drunkenness is 
practically unknown within their doors.” There is 
fierce gambling in cards or dominoes, with two lumps 
of sugar for stakes, perpetual talk, perpetual laughter, 
that easy friendliness and familiarity which Matthew 
Arnold laboured to exalt to his fellow countrymen as 
the excellent side of the “ café-haunting, dominoes-play- 
ing Frenchman,” and laboured in vain. Out and beyond 
the little lights of these little centres, where men huddle 
together for companionship and the arrest of fear, 
stretch the realities of difficult, elemental things. It 
is a land studded with the ruins of all the past, with 
every rock and stone testifying to the once puissant emo- 
tion of extravagant human endeavour. Here is a manor 
house dismantled, as it has stood for a hundred years, 
or a round tower testifying to the fury of the Huguenot 
wars, or the cloister of a deserted monastery, with the 
ivy and nettle flung over its crumbling arches, and 
“Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité ” defiantly daubed on its 
walls, or a wayside shrine, before which the flowers are 
withered, to whom none is so poor as to do reverence. 
And behind (again) this human background to the 
present is the record of man’s achievement in a magnifi- 
cent past, is that Nature which judges, with compassion, 
if with a kind of abiding irony, alike the present’s 
tranquillity and comfort and the past’s hungry ardours; 
in the afternoon sunshine with its clear white radiance 
illuminating the long white streets of the little white 
villages deserted by all but the very young and the very 
old ; in the tall poplars and quick clear rivers, and opulent 
earth, which responds to the efforts of man to compel 

it fruitful increase; in those diverse seas and oceans 
which beat around its long, wave-beaten shores; in the 
silence and vast spaces of its starlit night. Out of 

such a play of forces, to-day still challenged by the hope 

and fire of yesterday; existence occupied with labour, 
sorrow, and joy, a determination to ‘make the best 
of it” between dawn and sunset, and the dignity that 
comes from possession, and a readiness to defend that 
possession to the death, has the France of to-day been 

“The Frenchman of to-day,’ declares Mr. 
Prothero, “has overleaped the stage of imaginative 
romance which separates the child from the man.’’ He 

finds illustration in one of the quieter streams which 
water that delightful country of Touraine, wandering so 
peacefully between tall trees through the rich, warm 
soil, beneath the shadow of low, vine-covered hills. “It 
flows through centres of human life, caring for no other 
world than that of man. Easy of access, keenly alive 
to external impression, suffering no passing object to 
escape the alertness of its notice, quick to reflect on its 
surface the most passing lights and ephemeral shadows, 
it will never achieve a romantic end by precipitating 
itself from a precipice.’’ Just as the average English- 
man remains, “if not a schoolboy, an undergraduate,” 
so the “average Frenchman remains, in many respects, 
a child.’? He never feels the personal sense of the 
ludicrous. He has no perception of incongruities. “ He 
cannot understand the meaning of the word ‘ prig,’ be- 
cause at no time, though often self-important, does 

he take the serious view of life, or of his 
part in it, the precocious conception of which 
distinguishes that variety of the human race.” 

“Tt is as a child that he can take delight in simple, 
almost infant-like, pleasures, that he enjoys himself 
freely, and often selfishly, expresses his emotions openly, 
whether of joy, pleasure, affection, or rage, and walks 
in processions as if he were part of a pageant, not as 
if he were a shame-faced criminal.’’ This frankness 
and indifference go far to explain a divergent point of 
view, which will probably never be reconciled or even, 
by the general on both sides, understood. “If he 
is immoral,’’ says Mr. Prothero, “he is so frankly, and 
without disguise; he bangs the front door noisily as he 
goes or returns, while the Englishman, shoes in hand, 
lets himself out and in with a latch key, and, probably, 
officiates next morning at family prayers.’’ And this 
child element, Mr. Prothero might have added, is 
responsible for that ultimate survival of something in- 
calculable, manifesting itself in astonishing heroisms, 
energies, and brutalities which exist beneath a life 
apparently fashioned for an unending succession of com- 
fort, security, and repose. In the midst of these tiny, 
pleasant cities, with their green-shuttered white houses, 
or set in large villages where the weeds and wild grasses 
encamp in the untrodden street, the traveller will come 
upon sudden visions of strong compelling things, the 
twin towers of the Cathedral of Séez rising from the 
apple orchards of Normandy, the flying buttresses and 
brown cascade of chapels in the central square at Le 
Mans, the huge height and splendour of the great church 
at Bourges, dominating the level, peaceful plain below. 
Seeing these, and the descendants of those who once 
fashioned them, the traveller will recognise also a force 
dormant, but still unsubdued, in a people who to-day 
seem content with quietness, but to-morrow may once 
again find the necessity laid upon them to voyage forth 
into uncharted seas, once more to assail the boundaries 
of man’s effort, once more, in the collapse of such high 
enterprise, to stamp with an epic the pages of human 


LITERATURE demands an audience, and art a spectator, 
for, enviable as his subject would be, the last man left 
on earth will neither compose the epic of humanity nor 
adorn the vacant palace he has chosen with frescoes of 
our crumbling wrecks. No artist or poet could work 
without hope of rousing emotion like his own in some 
kindred soul, and the kindred soul of an ideal listener 


April 18, 1908.] 

or spectator must have a peculiar quality of its own. 
Some have thought that if only all the world painted or 
wrote poetry, then art or letters would triumph in accom- 
plishment. But, indeed, it is very doubtful. Artists 
are too much engrossed in their own work to judge of 
art, writers never read, and as for learning, it would be a 
precarious enlightenment for professors to take in each 
other’s lectures. No one went to Thackeray for an 
appreciation of Dickens, Tolstoy and Tourgénieff could 
hardly sit in the same room without biting, and Carlyle 
compared a great poet’s splendour to the sewage of 

For the complete reader and the ideal contemplator 
of the arts a certain negligence and detachment appear 
needful, an unprofessional freshness, something that per- 
haps Kant meant when he said that art must be “ ohne 
Interesse ”—without personal interest or desire. Quick 
to sympathise, ready for anything, clever, and un- 
trammeled by “ parti pris ”’—such is the man best fitted 
to enjoy the artist in form or word. To take an instance ; 
we all know Mr. Lewis Hind’s books, their happy ap- 
preciation, their open-hearted ease, their equal freedom 
from pedantry and from spite. Whether he is adventur- 
ing among pictures, or statues, or books, there we have 
the spirit of the real spectator, the genuine listener to 
words. Quite serious in the pursuit of beauty, but 
mercifully preserved from boredom, and never doctrinaire 
in consistency, he comes fresh and radiant to any style, 
provided it is good. A gallery full of him, a theatre 
full of him, a future abounding in his like—what a 
pleasing reward for any artist or other master of 
imaginative things! 

It is a delightful gift, this appreciative power, and 
almost as necessary for art as the artist himself, being, 
as i+ were, the air he breathes. In his new book, “ The 
Diary of a Looker-On’’ (Eveleigh Nash), Mr. 
Lewis Hind is as lavish of its charm as ever, and dis- 
penses his Treasure of the Humble with fine generosity. 
He is full of understanding and of sympathy, he expands 
to any ray of power, and for the great masters—why, 
he takes them all to his heart. In catholicity and per- 
sonal delight in genius, he reminds one of Cleon’s lines: 

‘‘T have not chanted verse like Homer, no— 
Nor swept string like Terpander, no—nor carved 
And painted men like Pheidias and his friend: 
I am not great as they are, point by point, 
But I have entered into sympathy 
With these four, running these into one soul, 

Who, separate, ignored each other’s arts. 
Say, is it nothing that I know them all?” 

There is the charm of the ideal spectator again, and we 
feel the pleasure of the open mind, just guided by a 
trained instinct for the best. The ideal spectator, as 
we have seen, is essential for art. Why is it, then, 
that the mention of Cleon, that faultless looker-on, sug- 
gests a danger as well as a charm? 

Let us take another side of Mr. Lewis Hind’s work, 
of which there are many excellent specimens in the pre- 
sent book. As he has often shown before, it pleases him 
to appear as a looker-on in life as well as in art. He 
likes to take some common scene, some incident that 
crosses his leisurely path—one of “ life’s little things,”’ 
as he called it in the title of an earlier book—and to 
indicate its strangeness, to point out its queer contrasts, 
or to reveal the secret emotion hidden there. At a 
Maeterlinck play he shows us the average man pleased to 
win half-a-crown off his mate by a bet whether the 
dramatist is alive or dead. In a scene called “ Faith ”’ 
he shows us the overwhelming belief of a poor Cornish 
preacher contrasted with the eternity of the stars. In 
an admirable sketch called “ Tramps,’’ he shows us the 
simplicity of simple people contrasted with himself. In 
a motor rushing to London, he is haunted persistently 
by Bishop Creighton’s words, “To me the one supreme 
object of life is, and always has been, to draw near to 

It is all excellently done. The writer is the psy- 
chologist of the commonplace, seeking to reveal the soul 
that lies so close below the surface of every day, and his 
revelation nearly always “ comes off.’’ We are grateful 
to him, all the more when we remember Maeterlinck’s 
saying about the many people whose one aim is to dis- 



courage the divine element in their soul. Our only pro- 
test is that life is not a picture-gallery, nor a book of 
verses under a hedge.. It would be very comforting if 
it were. But as things stand, we cannot do with very 
many lookers-on in the battle. That the looker-on sees 
most of the game is a familiar fallacy, but the Irish add 
the needed sting when they say, ‘The best hurler is 
always in the ditch,’’ or the English, when they say, 
“Old maids’ children are the best’’; and the Greek 
had a line, “‘ Preachers go light whose foot is free from 
eare.’’ This charming air of detachment, this luxury 
of sympathetic emotion that stands aloof and looks at a 
thing, and feels how interesting it is, and says so, is 
very enviable, and we enjoy it now and then from the 
hand of a master of the passing mood. But it is in- 
sufficient when we are “ dry with rage and extreme toil.’’ 
It might become too much like that neat and trimly 
dressed lord who came, fresh as a bridegroom, upon Hot- 
spur in the field and counselled parmaceti as the 
sovereignest thing in life for an inward bruise. 

Take two passages that reveal the risk run by 
amateurs in life. After going down the Thames in a 
County Council steamer, the author writes :— 

I had been in 
I had 

“Yes; the voyage was worth twopence. 
touch with those who go down to the sea in ships. 
caught at the emotion that the poet felt,’ 

and the quotation follows. 

Or again, having heard a girl sing something of 
Christina Rossetti’s, and in the same room conversed 
with a sportsman and golfer, Mr. Hind concludes :— 

““T> whom am I most in debt? She aroused my emotions, 

he my interest. She tool: her heart in her hand, he his gun. 
I, who do neither, encounter them, look on, and enjoy both.” 

That is the natural attitude of the looker-on, and 
we cannot complain when he assumes it. We admit 
its charm and its temptation. It is the attitude of 
thousands who lose themselves in aesthetic delight over 
religions they do not believe in. We can only say again 
that these second-hand and reflected emotions appear 
insufficient compared to the possessing passion of those 
whose heart and soul and bodily senses are involved upon 
some great issue in the conflict of existence. It was a 
harsh law in Athens that fined the man who belonged 
to neither party in the State, but one can discern its 
meaning. When the battle is joined, the dilettante 
should run away, and among the thunder of the cap- 
tains and the shouting the best place for the “ mug- 
wump’”’ is underground. We know the fate of those 
who had no hope of death—whom neither hell nor 
heaven would receive, because they stood neither for 
God nor for his enemies. And we suppose the fate of 
those who wish to stand about equally for both would 
be much the same. 

When a thing has been well said, it is not done, 
and all is never over with the shouting. In the thick 
of battle we want soldiers so engrossed in victory that 
they feel no wounds, and lose the outworks of their 
being without a pang. A similar absorption, an asceti- 
cism that sheds many possibilities, seems essential for 
all greatness. We turn to the deaf musician, to the 
men who, like linnets, sang the better for their blind- 
ness, to the prophet whose book kept him thin for many 
years, to the impassioned jester who made his bed a 
sentry-post of freedom, or to the exiles and excommuni- 
cated of Russia. Such are the men whose words are 
half battles, because, if doomed to go, like the Happy 
Warrior, in company with pain, and fear, and blood- 
shed, they turn their necessity to glorious gain—like the 
Happy Warrior 

‘“Who, if he be called upon to face, 
Some awful moment to which Heaven has joined 
Great issues, good or bad, for human kind, 

Is happy as a Lover; and attired 
With sudden brightness, like a Man inspired.” 

But we seem to have come a long way from the 
looker-on, and we do not wish to part distantly from a 
writer so perceptive, so urbane, and capable of giving 
and receiving so much pleasure. Let us conclude with a 
characteristic scene and saying from his own book. He 
describes how, riding in Wales, he came upon a preacher's 
cottage, lonely among hills and rain and miry roads. 


“How does he stand the monotony?’’ he asked his 
companion. ‘The Bible is to him the Word of God,”’ 
was the answer. “He lives to preach it. There is no 
monotony when all life is one great desire.’? There it 
is.’ Most onlookers in life are possessed by no one great 
desire to save them from monotony—a monotony of 
borrowed and detached sensations. 


A LARGE share of the damage done by such an uncertain 
Spring as this falls on and through the wild bee. Our 
big banded humble bee came from her hibernaculum soon 
after the middle of March. On fine days we saw mem- 
bers of her species fanning the dead leaves in the wood 
as they searched likely crannies for nesting sites. The 
sallows were putting out silver “ palm,’’ and here and 
there an early tree was soon decked with the fully opened 
golden tassels. But from that day to this, hours pro- 
pitious for humble bee and sallow at the same time have 
been extraordinarily few. Cold winds have forbidden 
flight to the bees, and milder winds have been so 
boisterous as to make settlement on the blooms a matter 
of difficulty and annoyance. <A portion of Nature’s 
machinery has been out of gear. The insect cog has 
failed to catch at the right place, and though the blossom 
wheel cannot be said to have whirred on, it has, never- 
theless, moved ahead of the opportunities of the humble 

A cold snap in the midst of bright hours is a matter 
of comparative indifference to the hive bee who knows 
precisely where to go for a sure shelter. The humble 
bee in all probability burns her boats when she comes 
forth from her winter retreat. She will only regain that 
retreat by chance when searching for an extempore 
shelter. When the shower or the cold chill comes, she 
must find quickly what bivouac she can. The under side 
of a bough will do for a short shower, but if it turns to 
drizzle and is followed by a night of frost, the vigil may 
prove fatal. In her winter sleep she can withstand a 
wonderful amount of cold, but she cannot re-enter such 
a sleep on an empty stomach without making it the 
sleep of death. Yet somehow she manages. When the 
sun comes out again and the sallows are odorous in still 
air, there is the humble bee large and fit, loudly droning 
as she goes about her work. And on sunny banks, there 
she is looking for the hole already selected for a nest, 
but not yet so well known that she can go to, it “in a 
bee line.”’ 

The bees probably come forth in successive squads as 
the early flowers do. The pioneer of mid-March is as 
likely to have been slain by the cold winds as the pioneer 
wallflower blossom to be cut off by an extra sharp frost. 
England is perhaps a few million humble bees worse 
off than might have been the case if they had been called 
when the first honey-harvest was ready, and had found 
the Spring faithful to her promise. A few million now 
mean a few score millions to the worse when the more 
important blossoms of early summer are to be fertilised, 
and autumn may lack an incalculable tonnage of seed and 
fruit because those two wheels of Nature missed a tooth 
or two in the latter half of March. 

How many people have told us that the humble bee 
does not sting? Perhaps ten for every sting we received 
from them when in boyhood we used to harry their nests 
for the mere fun of it. Undoubtedly the worker humble 
bee of summer stings, the yellow-headed carder, the big 
ground bumble and the red-tailed one worst of all. But 
what of the queen bee of spring? There is a priori 
argument to show why she may be unarmed. The 
drone bee of the hive does not sting, and the bee books 
allow us to suppose that the queen is of the same disposi- 
tion if not the same incapacity. We are told by some 
bee authorities, though not by all, that when two queens 
are fighting, and come to a pass when to sting would be 
doubly fatal, they lose hold and take a fresh grip. 
Another writer will cheerfully speak of the battle ending 
with a sting, and Maeterlinck makes her stab again and 
again at her rival, through the wax of the queen cell; 
but somehow there is a suspicion that imagination has 


[April 18, 1908. 

helped out observation. 
seen it stated in cold and responsible print that the sting 
of the worker bee is a transformer ovipositor, a claim 
that amounts to saying that the bee that lays eggs cannot 

“There is only one way of making certain, or, at any 
rate, of proving, the affirmative, namely, by getting 
stung. So we pluck up courage each year and catch 
these early queens in the hand, as they sip the sallow 
blooms or the flowering currant. But we have not the 
full hardiness of the investigator. We can catch them 
but we cannot hold them. A second or two seem like 
eternity, and there is scarcely time for the most active 
of queens to see for herself whether she can sting or 
not before the hand opens itself and allows her to fly 
out. It seems to us that it would be far easier to stare 
at the sun till we became blind, as Newton is said to 
have done, than to hold a bee in the hand till we got 
stung. Only one out of dozens of these tentative ex- 
periments has resulted in a sting. But that was not 
certainly a queen bee. On the one hand, the month was 
June and the bee was caught from an acre of rhododen- 
dron blossom; on the other hand, it was two thousand 
feet above sea level in North Derbyshire. On the 
whole, we believe that even up there the queens were 
beginning to stay at home, and that their half-daughters 
were working the rhododendrons. 

The bees on the sallow are all of the banded or the 
red-tailed kind. Not far away is a patch of red dead- 
nettle on a piece of land that was used as a garden last 
year. Always the red dead-nettle seems to find out these 
spots of dug land. If we turned up a piece miles from 
a human habitation we should expect to find an abun- 
dant crop of dead-nettle following ours of peas or pota- 
toes. And on the pink blossoms we should expect to find 
the same bees that are so busy on our patch by the 
sallow bush. At first sight they are the yellow-headed 
social bees. But their yellow is greyer and more silky, 
though rather more sparse, and these bees are not work- 
ing. They are darting about from one blossom to an- 
other in an evident spirit of hedonism. They seem to 
be filling in the time while they are waiting for some- 
thing to turn up. They are not honest bees at all, but 
cuckoos. They are waiting for honest black Anthophora 
with the yellow legs, whom they intend to make respon- 
sible for the upbringing of their offspring. 

Black Anthophora is unlucky enough to have a 
yellow husband, and it seems to be a matter of difficulty 
for her to know when she is wooed by him and when 
pursued by one of these wretched cuckoos. We see her 
sometimes pursued in the neighbourhood of the dead- 
nettles by five or six yellowish insects, one of which may 
be a legitimate wooer, but the bulk of which are cer- 
tainly adventurers, or worse. Again, we see her com- 
ing to the hole she has prepared as a nest in a brick wall, 
and close behind her comes a grey attendant. The first 
time you see this happen in bright sunshine, you think 
that there is a grey bee flying near the wall and 
its black shadow cast before it. We do not believe that 
Anthophora’s husband would follow her to a place where 
he would be so keenly reminded of that hated subject— 
work. That grey shadow is no doubt the cuckoo, intent 
on getting her egg within the nest of the black host. 
Provably the cuckoo does not enter the hole in the 
other’s absence as most other cuckoos do. She piles 
indignity on injury by dashing in and laying an instan- 
taneous egg on the other’s back, so that she herself 
carries that to the nest that shall make all her labour 
vain. For though sometimes there is food enough for 
both cuckoo and lawful grub, we suspect that more 
usually the latter is starved for the interloper’s benefit. 
Certainly the cuckoos are this year as ten to one of the 

These are but one or two of the bees of Spring. 
Several species of Andrena are beginning to come forth 
from their eleven months’ rest under the lawn, and are 
digging galleries in it as their mothers did before them. 
Their cuckoos will be there also by the time they are 
carrying in the pollen on which Andrena grubs or 
cuckoo Nomada, as the fates determine, will feed. We 
are looking, too, for the re-appearance of the more notable 

On the other hand, we have 


April 18, 1908.| 

Osmia, whose mud nest, plastered on the house-wall last 
summer, has defied all the weather of winter as well as 
the best cement mortar might do. Within, sleep the 
nymphs that are to form this year’s generation of Osmia, 
or (if the cuckoo we saw hovering there last summer has 
been successful) this summer’s generation of wasplike 
Epeolus. For the hive bee, industrious and clever as she 
is, has sprung from queer stock. Some cannot carry 
their industry beyond the point of providing for a grub 
or two that will not be born till the mother is dead; 
others can just carry on through the summer and leave 
scattered daughters somehow to survive the winter and 
the more terrible untimely spring; while, in a third set, 
industry has disappeared and cleverness has run to 
parasitism. ‘‘ Go to the bee, thou sluggard ’’ is no more 
sound advice than “ Go to the ant,’’ unless the species to 
be imitated is very particularly named. 

Wetters from Abroad. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

THE successful enforcement of the two Bills that put the 
vitality of Prince Biilow’s bloc policy on, trial, viz., the 
law on associations and public assemblies, and the Stock 
Exchange law, suggests to a certain extent the result 
of the elections to the Prussian Diet now fixed for the 
month of June. It looks as if in the composition of this 
influential body no change of any importance was to be 

As a rule there is not much of a fight at the Prus- 
sian elections. The three-class system, combined with 
the public voting, takes the spirit of straightforward 
fighting away from the whole thing. It is a battle of 
intrigues, rather than of discussion. Even at the time 
of the greatest excitement, and when no Reichstag 
existed to divert the interest of the people, 7.¢., in the 
years of the struggle about the constitutional rights of 
the Diet, much less than half of the electorate went to 
the poll at all. The highest percentage of voting was 
recorded in 1862, when 34°3 per cent. of the voters took 
part in the election. From then the percentage fell to 
less than 20 during several decades, until in 1903, in a 
considerable number of divisions, the Socialists entered 
the field. But even their intervention could not raise 
the average of the country above a poll of 23°62 per 
cent. of those entitled to vote. 

This low average, which makes the Prussian Diet 
the mere travesty of a House representing the nation, is 
in the first instance due to the abstention of those belong- 
ing to the third class of the electorate. It is they who 
in their great majority don’t care to vote. And their dis- 
inclination is easily understood. They form five-sixths 
of the electorate, and their total voting power is only 
a third, against the two privileged classes. These two 
can, at the election of the members, always annihilate 
their vote. Why then risk prosecution or vexation by 
voting in public before a registrar who enters the vote 
in a list open to those in power? The whole system is 
calculated to disgust people with their vote. 

There were at the last election (1903) in Prussia :— 

Electors of the First Class 
Second Class ... 

238,845, or 3°36 per cent. of the whole. 
Third Class i: 

856,914, or 12°07, 
:, “ ... 6,006,204, or 8457 a 

Total of the Electorate Sc 7,101,963 100 per cent. 

Even of the first-class voters not quite one half— 
viz., 49°24 per cent.—went to the poll. Of the second 
class the actual voters were 34°27 per cent., little more 
than a third, and of the third class only 21°18 per cent., 
little more than a fifth, cared to take part in the election. 
Much more could be said to prove the vileness of the 
system, but these facts alone will, I suppose, suffice. 

The first-class electors and the second class electors 
are in most divisions in their great majority either 
Liberals or Conservatives. As long as these two political 
groups fight each other, the vote of the third class elec- 
tor is of some importance, since it may change the 
balance in favour of the one of the two that otherwise 
would be beaten. But if they agree to share up the seats 

” ” 


between them beforehand, the vote of the third class. 
electors would, as far as the composition of the Diet is 
concerned, be practically worthless. They might as well 
have no votes at all. 

Now this is precisely what is very likely to happen 
in a good many of the divisions this time. In some of 
them matters will be arranged from the outset between 
Liberals and Conservatives, in others there will be some 
competition, but no fighting worth the name. All of 
which is greatly facilitated by the fact that, with the 
exception of the provinces annexed in 1866, and a few 
newly-created divisions, the divisions elect either two 
or three members. Parties are almost compelled to 
compromise. In former years the Freisinnige at least 
entered the fight with a free hand, and took their choice 
between the other parties after the election of the 
Wahlmanner—or members of the electoral college. Thus 
a compromise between the Freisinnige and the Socialists 
was still theoretically possible. But this time the 
Freisinnige are almost in the same way allied to the Con- 
servatives or the national Liberals. Here and there they 
will fight them in a very tame fashion, but they will 
always be ready to support them against the Socialists 
wherever a ballot between the two may become necessary. 

This is the situation as already visibly outlined. 
The democratic stalwarts of the Freisinnige, courageous 
Dr. Barth and his friends, have done their very best to 
stir up a movement inside the party against the bloc 
policy, and at one moment it looked as if they would 
succeed. The way the Conservatives obstructed the 
Stock Exchange Bill made the blood of the tamest of the 
Stock Exchange gentry boil, and the latter are of great 
influence in the councils of the Freisinnige. But then a 
compromise was brought about by the aid of some 
National Liberals who had conferred with Biilow. The 
Conservatives agreed to give the Stock Exchange freedom 
if the Freisinnige would sacrifice the Corn Exchange, 
and this settled the fate of Herr Barth’s agitation. He 
still holds large meetings, but with this electoral system 
meetings don’t settle things. It is the party machinery 
that decides, and this latter is in the hands of his 
strongest opponents. 

Nor can it be denied that the passing of the two 
above-named Bills has justified their policy in the eyes 
of many people formerly in doubt about it. Both Bills 
contain very objectionable things. The language pre- 
scriptions in the Association Bill are as infamous as they 
are stupid, and the sacrifice of the Corn Exchange in 
order to save the Stock Exchange can—if we accept the 
view of the Bible—almost be compared to the sacrifice 
of Jesus in order to set Barabbas free. A free Corn 
Exchange is under present circumstances surely of much 
greater interest for the people at large than a free Stock 
Exchange. But the restrictions under which the Stock 
Exchange smarted were in their way also harmful to 
the nation, for they contributed much to keep the rate 
of interest high, and if the Reichstag had rejected the 
Association Law because of the languages clause, Prussia 
—the Freisinnige say in defence of their conduct—would 
have been free to enact much more severe restrictions 
in that respect, and would have done it, as everybody 
must know who knows the mind of the Prussian Govern- 
ment in regard to the Poles. As it is, the Association 
Law has at least the advantage of taking the decisions 
about associations and public meetings away from the 
States, the greatest of which are tied with a restricted 
suffrage, and of putting them under the control of the 
Empire, whose Parliament—the Reichstag—is elected on 
a democratic franchise. 

To give the devil his due, and to paint things not 
blacker than they are, I have to admit that there is 
something to be said for these excuses. Re-action in our 
days likes to proceed on the sly, adorned with some nice- 
looking patches of progressive reform which make people 
afraid of assaulting it lest the attack might damage the 
seductive attire. There are, indeed, a few good points 
in the new association law. It gives women full free- 
dom in regard to political movements, it facilitates 
meetings in the open air, which is of importance for the 
workers in the smaller places where they very rarely can 
find decent halls for their demonstrating assemblies, and 


it does away with several tiresome and sometimes ham- 
pering prescriptions of the old Prussian law. On the 
other hand, the Poles retain their full rights in regard 
to political associations and to public meetings at elec- 
tion times. Even in ordinary times overflow meetings 
in fenced yards or gardens will, according to the new 
law, be freed from the general restrictions concerning 
meetings in the open air. To be short, progressive and 
reactionary provisions are so interwoven in the measure 
that the average non-political man finds himself non- 
plussed as to its real character. Apart from the Poles, 
very few people feel strongly about it. 

This is the great difficulty of our democratic Radicals 
who try to educate the broader-minded middle-classes 
to resolute resistance against the combined rule of 
bureaucrats, agrarians, and protectionist manufacturers. 
There is no deep and passionate feeling amongst these 
classes. Even if a speaker with such gifts of eloquence 
as Herr Barth succeeds in making them understand the 
dangers of the present policy of small alms and no 
thorough reform, the political small traders come after- 
wards and tell them so much of profits and losses that 
they lose heart again and prefer the safe policy of 
compromise before the battle. 

This is the moral of the opening of the election 
movement. The democratic Radicals have adherents 
all over the country, but they are mostly but small 
groups of idealogues who are shunted aside by those who 
hold the strings of the Freisinnige, and who have suc- 
ceeded in winning over some otherwise gifted and honest 
men for their policy of barter. In fact, the Freisinnige 
are to-day only a section of the National Liberals, and 
some papers already talk jubilantly about a revival of 
the fruitful days when National Liberalism as a big 
party carried the most important legislative measures 
in Parliament. They forget that at the time in question 
—the ’seventies of the nineteenth century—the National 
Liberals and the Progressists together had a clear 
majority in both Parliaments, whilst now they number 
in the Reichstag less, and in the Prussian Diet very little 
more, than a fourth of the members. In the Prussian 
Diet the two sections of the Conservative Party hold 
almost half the seats, and with their present policy the 
Liberals will at best wrest a dozen or two from them, 
who are their good neighbours in the Biilow bloc. To 
destroy the power of the Conservatives would, as shown 
above, require an alliance of the Liberals and Socialists, 
and of such an abomination both sections of official 
Liberalism will not hear. Nor is the idea popular with 
the Socialistic masses. 

The Socialists have, however, entered the field and 
mean to fight with more vigour than ever. Except a 
few divisions, where in consequence of the social struc- 
ture of the population, wage-earners and their adherents 
belong in large numbers to the second-class electorate, 
the three-class system precludes them from winning 
seats. But this will in no way diminish their fighting 
spirit. They conceive the battle, in the first instance, as 
a fight for the removal of the three-class system and the 
other iniquities of the present franchise law. They will 
make the electoral fight an impressive demonstration 
for universal suffrage, and it looks as if in this they will 
have a good many of those workers at their side who, 
until now, have been the patient armour-bearers of the 
different middle-class parties.—Yours, &c., 


Berlin, April 13th. 



Ten years have passed since Mahdism came to its end. 
Its death was greater than its life. Who has forgotten even 
now the story of its euthanasia? Defeated, abandoned, and 
pursued, the Khalifa, with his Emirs round him, turned to 
confront their hunters, knelt on their praying-mats in the 
desert, and waited, praising the greatness of God, their faces 
to Mecca and the enemy, while the bullets mowed them 

I saw the scene rehearsed the other day by one who had ! 

0 OE olny eh a hae ar te ae Se 

An old man now, with white 

survived the act of faith. 
beard sharply outlined against an almost ebony skin, his 
fine features and lithe, tall form told of his Arab descent. 
The fragment of an arm hung at his side, to remind him 
of that tremendous moment. He told his tale with the 
smile of a child, and the brevity of a soldier. “ There were 
the English, and here were we, with the Khalifa in our 
midst. We got down from our camels. He gave the word 
and led our prayers’’—and here the old man fell on his 
knees and prostrated himself before Allah, and the shower 

of lead which his old ears still heard around him. “They 
were all killed, and I was wounded.”’ 

“And why,” I asked, “did you do it?” 

“Tt was the hour of prayer.” 

The answer, I think, was finer than the deed. It 
robbed it of the colour of the theatre in which history has 

painted it. 
heaven and the enemy. They had no thought of making a 

superb end. The hour of prayer had come, and they knelt — 

as habit and ritual prescribed. They had knelt before in 
rain-storms and dust-storms. They knelt as simply amid 
the infidel bullets. 

It was in a prison that I heard the tale. A sentry stood 
at the door with fixed bayonet, and the gaoler listened at 
my side with a tolerant smile. The British public con- 
signed the Khalifa and his Emirs to the temple of fame. 
The Egyptian War Office buried the survivors in the prison 
of Damietta. Gaunt and forbidding, it stands beside a 
hospital and a court-house in a bleak enclosure beside the 
Nile. There is in all Egypt no damper or colder place 
than this decaying sea-port among the swamps. One pris- 
oner had died—“ of the damp,’’ his brother said. Another, 
who used to sit all day beside a brazier, has been trans- 
ferred to a prison in the South. Seven remain, counting the 
years of their exile, and hoping faintly for release. 

One by one I visited their rooms. Each room housed 
a family which boasts its princely rank. The stone floor 
was neatly sanded, the bare walls irreproachably white- 
washed. Each room had its little truckle beds, and its 
platform on which the prisoner’s wife sat cross-legged with 
her babies round her. Every morning the children of cap- 
tivity sally out to the freedom of school, and their parents 
watch behind the bayonet of the sentinel for their return. 
A paternal Government is teaching scientific agriculture to 
the boys, and some have already received posts in the 
Soudan. The parents count the uneventful years. The 
routine of the prison is rarely broken. Sometimes,’ they 
told me, they are allowed to sun themselves in the doorway. 
From three in the afternoon till sundown they may walk 
in the courtyard. Occasionally, at Bairam, a relative is 
allowed by special permission of the War Office to visit their 
prison. They do not smoke; they play no games, rigid 
Puritans that they are. Reading is not for them in the 
category of pleasures. 
They answered gravely and without affectation, “ We say 
our prayers.” 

Who are they, these untried prisoners, who are expiat- 
ing an indefinite sentence, soldiers to whom no parole has 
been offered? Six belong to the Baggara tribe; two are 
cousins of the Khalifa; one is the son of his designated suc- 
cessor. Two are now old men, beyond the age when men 
dream of raids and revolts. Four were mere lads when the 
prison doors closed upon them. They have ripened and 
married and bred children in captivity. One of the four 
was a boy of twelve when first he was captured; the other 
three ranged from fifteen to twenty.. They are prisoners, 
not for any part which they can have played in the bloody 
past, but simply because they reckon their descent from the 
Mahdi’s Emirs. The memory of the angry past is already 
faint in their minds, and no spiritual exaltation sustains 
them. They stood together in the corridor as I took leave 
of them, a file of broken and submissive men. In a sort of 
chorus they solemnly renounced all faith in the Mahdi. 
Latterly, indeed, they told me, even in the days of the 
Khalifa, they had ceased to believe that he was a Prophet. 
They had followed the Khalifa simply as kinsmen and loyal 
clansmen. or the rest, as they put it, “Has not the 
Soudan become even as Egypt, and is not the English Gov- 
ernment our father?’’ Recollecting a certain answer to a 
question in the House of Commons, I inquired if they did 
not dread the vengeance of their private enemies, for that, 

[April 18, 1908. i 

Those Arab chieftains were not posing before ~ 

I asked if they had any pastimes. | 


April 18, 1908.] 

I believe, is now the pretext for their imprisonment. No, 
they answered; their relatives in the Soudan are safe; why 
should they fear? 

There was yet a seventh prisoner, the most famous of them 
all—Osman Digna. We paused at his door, and the gaoler, 
peering cautiously through the peep-hole, bade us wait, for 
the old man was at prayer. He rose at length—a tall, 
gaunt figure, stately in his white robe and simple turban. 
Courteous, yet taciturn, he answered my questions curtly 
and with indifferent negatives. He was well and vigorous. 
He complained of nothing. He asked for nothing, not 
even liberty. I began to despair of gaining his confidence. 
Neither wife nor child shared his captivity. A single book, 
carefully folded in a threadbare linen cover, gave the only 
clue to his occupations. ‘“ He eats,’’ whispered the gaoler, 
“only once a day, and does not mix with the other pri- 
soners.”” He was talking now more rapidly to my inter- 
preter, and his hoarse, guttural voice betrayed a note of 
excitement. A series of unintelligible questions reached 
me, one after the other. ‘ What Government was it which 
held him prisoner?” “What is the place you call a 
prison?” “He has something to say,” whispered the in- 
terpreter ; “let him talk.” 

“In the years before the Mahdi arose,” 
eager voice was saying, “the world walked in ignorance and 
darkness. It had forgotten God, and nowhere was the Law 
obeyed. The Book was forgotten, and even the Sultan 
ruled by man-made laws. Are not the Laws by which men 
should walk set forth in the Koran? Yet the Sultan had 
made laws of his own invention for the government of the 
earth. Then God spoke to the Mahdi, and he arose, the 
Prophet whose coming is foretold in the Book. The Mahdi 
summoned the Sultan to obedience, saying, ‘Arise, and 
repent, and rule by the Law of the Book.’ Tf the Sultan 
had obeyed, the Mahdi would have retired, and spent the 
rest of his life in prayer. But the Sultan would not hear, 
neither would the Egyptians transmit the message. 

“Now, when God saw the disobedience of the Sultan, 
and that he ruled by man-made laws, and would not hearken 
to the voice of the Mahdi, His Prophet, he sent a scourge 
to punish the Turks and the Egyptians. That scourge was 
the English. They have taken Egypt. It is the Lord’s 
judgment on Sultan Abdul Hamid.” 

Here the old man paused. Rising to his full height, 
he spoke again, his voice clear and authoritative at last. 
“ Know, too,’ he went on, “that I also am a Prophet, the 
interpreter of God, even as you are the interpreter of this 
Englishman.’’ He clutched his throat. “The voice is 
mine, but the words I speak are the words which God has 
given me. To me, Osman Digna, is given a message. rT 
am a Prophet, even as Mohamet was a Prophet. My com- 
mission from God came to me from the hands of the 
Mahdi. I went to him at Kordofan, where he was with the 
Khalifa, when I heard that the English were coming from 
India, and the Mahdi made me his equal. He gave mea 
letter, and sealed it with his seal, and in the letter was 
written, ‘Let him who obeys us, obey you, and let him 
who honours us, honour you also.’ Thus he did that the 
prophecy might be fulfilled, and the Book obeyed. For it 
is written, ‘We sent unto them two apostles, but they 
charged them with imposture. Wherefore we strengthened 
them with a third.’ (Koran, Sura 36.) I am that third. 

“Then it was that the Mahdi gave me this Book” (he 
snatched the old linen-covered Koran from his bed), “ and 
bade me keep it, and rule by it, and restore its Law to 
the earth. 

“Tam a prisoner. But I hold the Book. To whom 
shall I transmit the Book which is the very Law of God?”’ 
(He held it in his sinuous brown fingers, as Moses might 
have held the tablets when he came down from Sinai—a 
man of the same race, living in the same communion with 
God, untroubled by the march of the centuries and the 
decay of faith.) “To whom shall I transmit it? To the 
Sultan? To the Khedive? To the King of the English ? 
Nay, but God has taken care of His Book. Am I not the 
prisoner of the English? Is not the Book in their care 
and charge? 

“Hear, then, my message. God has chosen out the 
English, for he saw that they are the strongest. He has 
ordered the world to walk after the ordinances of His Book. 
He has placed His Book and His Prophet in the keeping 

the hoarse, 



of the English. The Lord has ordered the English to 
spread Islam, and to destroy its foes. The English are 
now the prophets of Islam. Hear the voice of God. It 
is written in the Book, ‘The Lord chose out Adam and 
Abraham.’ I say unto you, ‘The Lord has chosen the 
English.’ Are they not the first in war? Have they not 
captured the Book and imprisoned its Prophet? Let the 
Egyptians be humble before them’’—he glowered at his 
gaoler—‘ they are Moslems only by the permission of the 
English. So is my mission ended. I have waited for this 
day. I have transmitted my message by your hand to the 
English people. I am happy, for my message is spoken.” 

The old man was silent at last. The centuries had 
rolled backwards in his white-washed cell. I had seen 
Sinai and Mecca, and talked with a patriarch who was 
young with Moses, and contemporary with Mahomet. He 
had wrestled with facts and destiny, and woven from it a 
philosophy of history, as naive and as cogent as Daniel’s. 
“Tn the beginning was the word.”” ‘In the beginning was 
the fact.’ Osman Digna is of Faust’s opinion. The 
English are his fact. He has found a place for us in his 
scheme of things. 

We came rapidly down from Sinai. The gaoler was 
looking impatiently at his watch. The six dervishes were 
waiting anxiously at the door. They assured me that they 
regarded the pretensions of the Prophet with abhorrence. 
They believed, indeed, that he was mad. For two years he 
had been imprisoned in solitude. Then they were allowed 
to see him; but for twenty months he lay on his bed and 
spoke to no one. Then he began to talk of his message ; 
the Government must not blame them. 

Nine years of prison have done their work. The little 
men have grown servile. The great man is mad. 

“TJ fought against him in the Soudan,” said the gaoler, 
as we left the prison. ‘He was a wonderful soldier—just 
like De Wet. Is De Wet also in prison?” 

“No, Captain, De Wet is not in prison. De Wet is a 
Minister of the Crown.”’ 




I sHALL go on the gypsies’ road, 
The road that has no ending ; 

For the sedge is brown on the lone lake side, 
The wild geese eastward tending. 

I shall go as the unfettered wave, 
From shore to shore, forgetting 

The grief that lies neath a roof-tree’s shade, 
The years that bring regretting. 

No law shall dare my wandering stay, 
No man my acres measure ; 

The world was made for the gypsies’ feet, 
The winding road for pleasure. 

And I shall drift as the pale leaf strayed, 
Whither the wild wind listed. 

I shall sleep in the dark of the hedge, 
’Neath rose and thorn entwisted. 

This was a call in the heart of the night, 
A whispering dream’s dear treasure. 

“The world was made for the Nomads’ feet, 
The winding road for pleasure.’’ 

I stole at dawn from my roof-tree’s shade, 
And the cares that it did cover ; 

T flew to the heart of the fierce north wind, 
As a maid will greet her lover. 

But a thousand hands did draw me back 
And bid me to their tending ; 
I may not go on the gypsies’ road— 
The road that has no ending. 
Dora Sigurson SHORTER. 

84 THE 


[April 18, 1908. 

The GHorld of Books. 

TuHurspay NIGHT. 

Reapers of Tur Nation will be pleased to hear that a 
collection of the prose sketches contributed by Mr. John 
Galsworthy to our columns, together with some additional 
pieces, is to be published next month by Mr. Grant Richards. 
The title will be “A Commentary.’”’ Mr. Galsworthy 
describes his book as an effort to point out social evils, and 
the forces that make against their betterment. 

Mr. Jonn Murray’s new list is particularly strong in 
biography. Besides the memoirs of Colonel Saunderson and of 
the fifth Duke of Newcastle, already announced in these 
columns, we are to have “ The Life of Sir William Russell,”’ 
by Mr. J. B. Atkins, “The Military Memoirs of Lieutenant- 
General Sir Joseph Thackwell,’’ by Colonel H. C. Wylly, 
and a life of Baldassare Castiglione, by Mrs. Ady (Julia 
Cartwright). Sir William Russell was, of course, the 
pioneer and most distinguished of war correspondents. He 
followed every campaign of importance from, the Danish 
War in 1850 to the Egyptian campaign of 1882. His diaries 
and private correspondence, which have been placed at Mr. 
Atkins’ disposal, should be full of interest, for Russell was 
a writer of great power of description and lively humour. 
His services to truth and humanity in the Crimean War need 
no panegyric; they represent one of the great feats of inde- 
pendent journalism. 

* * x 

Sm JosepH THACKWELL was a cavalry officer, who saw 
a great deal of active service both on the Continent and in 
India, and as he kept a diary from the time when he en- 
tered the service until his death, the account of his life by 
Colonel Wylly should be of considerable historical value. 
Thackwell was in the 15th Hussars during the Corunna 
campaign, at Vittoria, and at Waterloo. He was selected 
for the command of the cavalry division during the Afghan 
War, the Gwalior campaign, and both the wars against the 
Sikhs, and was also second in command to Lord Gough in 
the army of the Punjab. 

* * * 

In Count Baldassare Castiglione, Mrs. Ady has an ex- 
cellent subject. Apart from his famous work, ‘The 
Courtier,’’ which is an Italian classic, and one of the most 
characteristic prose works of the Italian Renaissance, Cas- 
tiglione’s career was one of peculiar interest. Attaching 
himself early in life to the brilliant Court of Urbino, he 
was sent by the Duke as ambassador to Henry VIII., who 
made him a Knight of the Garter. He was afterwards 
ambassador at the Vatican in the days of Leo X., and was 
sent as nuncio to Charles V., showing great talent and dex- 
terity. After the sack of Rome by the Constable Bourbon in 
1527, he took refuge in Spain, where he lived until his 
death. His letters—many of which in the Vatican library 
are to be published for the first time in the coming biogra- 
phy—throw a flood of light on the tangled diplomatic rela- 
tions of the age. It is, however, to “The Courtier’’ that 
he owes his fame. An English version, by Sir Thomas 
Hoby, appeared in 1561. It was received with universal 
applause, and exercised a marked influence on the English 
writers of the later sixteenth century, including Sir Philip 

* * * 

Ir would be hard to say whether more books upon Napo- 
leon or upon the Stuarts have made their appearance during 
the last few seasons. Both subjects are engaging enough, 
and as fresh material upon both is continually coming to 
light, it is not surprising that they have been so much 
written about. The latest announcement of interest con- 
nected with the Stuarts is that Miss Alice Shield is engaged 
upon a book dealing with the life and times of Henry Stuart, 
Cardinal of York, the Jacobite Henry IX., and one of the 
best representatives of his unlucky house. It will be remem- 
bered that Miss Shield is joint author with Mr. Andrew 
Lang of ‘‘ The King Over the Water,’’ a fresh and scholarly 
contribution to Jacobite history. The volume will be issued 
by Messrs. Longmans. 

* * * 

A more than ordinarily interesting colour-book, ‘‘ The 

Royal Botanic Gardens. Kew,’’ is promised by Messrs. 

Cassell for the early autumn. Mr. W. J. Bean, the assistant 
curator of the Gardens, who is responsible for the letter- 
press, has divided his work into five parts, dealing respec- 
tively with the historical, the landscape, and the scientific 
aspects of the subject, and with the indoor and outdoor col- 
lections of plants. He has had the assistance of several 
well-known contributors, including Sir William Thiselton- 
Dyer, who has written an introduction. Forty of the illus- 
trations are half-tone plates from photographs by Mr, J. E. 
Wallis, and the remaining twenty are reproductions in 
colour from paintings by Mr. H. A. Olivier. The originals 
by Mr. Olivier are now on view at the Grafton Galleries, 
where they form part of the artist’s large exhibition of Por- 
traits of Indian Princes, and other subjects; and the proof 
plates which we have seen reproduce with wonderful fidelity 
these vivacious and sympathetic renderings of Kew’s floral 
* * * 

A soox of travel which promises to be of great fresh- 
ness and interest, which Messrs. Kegan Paul have in pre- 
paration, is “The People of the Polar North,” by Knud 
Rasmussen. The book is practically the only contribution 
which European literature has so far received on the charac- 
ter, customs, legends, and religious beliefs of the Polar 
Eskimos. The author, Knud Rasmussen, had an Eskimo 
mother, and grew up in Greenland, so that when he went 
to Cape York, the most northerly inhabited point in the 
world, to study the mode of life and beliefs of the people, 
he had the great advantage of a thorough knowledge of the 
language. For folk-lorists and students of comparative 
religion the book should prove of immense value, as it con- 
tains a store of tales and legends related to him by the Hast 
Greenlanders, a race now almost extinct, as well as the 
jealously guarded formulae of their magic. 

* “ * 

Mr. Laurence Bryyon’s lectures on the art of China 
and Japan are to be published by Mr. Edward Arnold, under 
the title “Pictorial Art in the Far East.’’ Much fresh 
knowledge of Far Eastern art has been made accessible of 
late years, and Mr. Binyon claims that Chinese painting— 
hitherto practically unknown in Europe—is a subject worthy 
of close study. He also treats of the older schools of Japan, 
and of the interesting though subsidiary schools of art in 
India, Persia, and Tibet. His aim has been to treat Eastern 
art not merely from the technical historical side, but as a 
theme of living interest with its background of Oriental 
thought and civilisation. 

x x * 

Mr. Cuartes Ricketts, whose work both as painter 
and sculptor is a feature of the International Exhibition 
now being held, is writing a book in which he will express 
his views upon the principles of contemporary art. Many 
readers will remember that the beautiful stage scenery used 
in the recent productions of Mr. Laurence Binyon’s 
“Attila”? and Mr. Bernard Shaw’s “Don Juan in Hell” 
was due to Mr. Ricketts. 


* John Thadeus Delane : 
Arthur Irwin Dasent. (Murray. 

His Life and Correspondence.” By 
2-vols. 32s. net.) 

“The New Order.’’ Edited by Lord Malmesbury. (Griffiths. 
12s. 6d. net.) 

“The Pleasant Land of France.”” By Rowland E. Prothero. 
(Murray. 10s. 6d. net.) 

“Marie de Médicis and the Court of France in the Seventeenth 
Century.” By Louis Batiffol. Translated by M. King and H. W. C. 
Davis. (Chatto & Windus. 7s. 6d. net.) 

“From Pekin to Sikkim, through the Ordos, the Gobi Desert, 
and Tibet.” By Count De Lesdain. (Murray. 12s. net.) 

“TH. M. I.: Some Passages in the Life of an Inspector of 
Schools.”? By E. M. Sneyd-Kynnersley. (Macmillan. 8s. 6d. net.) 

“Indian Problems.’”’ By S. M. Mitra. (Murray. 7s. 6d. net.) 

“French Novelists of To-Day.”’ By Winifred Stephens. (Lane. 
53. net.) 

““The Autobiography of a Super-Tramp.”’ 
With a Preface by Bernard Shaw. (Fifield. 6s.) 

“*Crossriggs.’”? By Mary and Jane Findlater. 

“Jean Racine.” Par Jules Lemaitre. 
Lévy. 3fr. 50.) 

““Voyage en Portugal.” Par G. de Beauregard et L. de 
Fouchier. (Paris: Hachette. 3fr. 50.) 

‘‘Les Deux Aspects de l’Immanence et le Probléme religieux.” 
Par l’Abbé Thamiry. (Paris: Blond. 4fr.) 

‘*Les Scruples de Sganarelle.”’” Roman. Par Henri de Régnier, 
(Paris: Société du Mercure de France. 3fr. 50.) 

By W. H. Davies. 

(Smith, Elder. 6s.) 
(Paris: Calmann- 

‘Clubs,’”’ working on these lines. 

April 18, 1908.] THE 

Hetters to the Editor. 


To the Editor of THE NATION 

Smr,—I venture to ask permission to call attention to 
the importance of making an immediate stand in reinstat- 
ing the people on the land through the operation of the 
Small Holdings Act, and thus giving our country people 
clearer hope for the future, and preventing a relapse to 
Protection, with its concurrent strengthening of the rule 
of the landlords. 

In this connection it is important to realise that the 
difficulties of administration and the other defects in the 
Act have given rise to a strong undercurrent of disappoint- 
ment. I do not criticise these defects, they may be un- 
avoidable; but in practice they are irritating. A working- 
man who wants a small plot close to his cottage, where there 
may be land suitable and easily obtainable, is not favour- 
ably impressed when it is explained to him that the Act 
does not operate directly. He must, he is told, wait until 
the County Council or Commissioners have prepared a draft 
scheme for submission to the Board of Agriculture, under 
which at some later date he may obtain a distant plot with- 
out a cottage, in conjunction with others. And a young 
villager who wants a cottage and acre of land to settle down 
in married life is dissatisfied when he is told that the Parish 
or County Council have the power to build him a cottage 
if he can persuade them to do it. He, probably, decides 
to accept the alternative solution of emigration. Both men 
believe in their hearts that they have a clear right to the 
land, and feel that something is wrong. Such cases must 
be numerous. Nevertheless, a number of villagers (small 
in proportion to our population and the greatness of the 
issue) will persist, and in time obtain the land. But long 
before this time comes the feeling of dissatisfaction with 
the Government and the authorities will have obtained a 
permanent hold on the minds of the people. 

Now if we are to combat this wave of thought, we must 
take much more active steps in some direction that will 
strike the popular imagination and fill it with new 

I offer two suggestions. Our progressive leaders might 
do far more to encourage village associations on a democratic 
basis. Such organisations are needed not only to bring 
our present laws into action, but to act as a driving force 
to bring about the general revival of country life. They 
would help to deal with the land question in all its aspects, 
the cottage difficulty, the organisation of co-operation and 
credit banking, to advance popular representation on the 
Parish and other Councils, to promote more social life, and 
even to bring back some workers from the towns, and to 
aid the re-introduction of workshops into the villages. The 
people must find their own solutions, and some such organ- 
isations are needed everywhere. In this district a start 
has been made by the formation of about a dozen ‘“‘ Land 
They have between three 
and four hundred members, and are federated into a union 
engaged in promoting the acquisition of land, and the 
general revival of country life in its various aspects. The 
organisation is democratic, seems suited to its require- 
ments, and has every appearance of permanency. Doubtless 
similar associations are growing up elsewhere. 

We had hoped that this movement might have received 
immediate direct support from the Board of Agriculture, 
exercising its powers under sec. 39, s.s. 4, of the Act. Such 
recognition would have done something to create the con- 
fidence between the people and the power of the State—so 
urgently needed if there is to be effective joint action. But 
this support is not, as yet, forthcoming. 

Meanwhile, I suggest that this organisation might 
serve as a model for a larger movement, spreading through 
the country. The amalgamated land clubs would act as a 
voice for our country people, and bring their difficulties 
clearly before the nation and Parliament. 

The second suggestion I submit is this: The Board of 
Agriculture should take immediate advantage of sec. 16 of 
the Act to establish at once, in conjunction with the Land 
Clubs, small holdings with houses attached, They should 



be organised, as far as possible, on a co-operative basis and 
supported by credit banks; their working should be aided 
by experiment plots, and practical advice given by agricul- 
tural specialists. Experimental work on this line is, I 
feel sure, an absolute necessity. Could it not be started 
forthwith? It would strike the popular imagination, and 
convince our country people that a new era is really begin- 
ning. These people would see that the Government recog- 
nises their right to the land, and was prepared to give an 
immediate definite start to the new reconstruction that we 
all know to be needed. This policy should have been 
started on fifty years ago; let there be no further delay.— 
Yours, &c., 
Montacusé Forpuam, M.A. (Cantab). 
Limpsfield, Surrey, 
April 13th, 1908. 

Jo the Editor of THE NATION. 

Srr,—By the “old level’’ I meant the general level of 
prices in the trade before foreign cars are taxed. “J. A. H.”’ 
asks “ Why are we entitled to expect that fresh capital will 
enable British cars to reach this level?” 

If motor-cars can be better and more cheaply made in 
France than in England, we should have few, if any, Eng- 
lish cars. But, as a matter of fact, the home market is 
fairly evenly shared between the British and foreign makers. 
It is difficult to suppose that there are now and always 
must be, say, fifty good French and fifty good English cars, 
and that the rest of the English cars are and always must 
be inferior. But it is very likely that, as the French maker 
originally got a start in the English market and produced 
a good article, the English investor was shy of risking capi- 
tal in competition with established foreign firms. I believe 
that in the main English capital has hitherto been devoted 
to supplying a demand for low-priced touring cars, which 
the French makers did not cater for. I do not take it that 
French cars are necessarily “better or cheaper than the 
English cars which failed to get made and sold,” because 
I see no matured monopoly which would cause “ this advan- 
tage of the French over the English economy of production,” 
and because the reasons given above seem to me a sufficient 
explanation of the French cars being sold in England. 

If this is so, one would expect that the withdrawal of 
the French cars from the English market would create a 
demand, which would continue to bring fresh capital into 
the motor trade until the remuneration of that capital fell 
to the average rate of remuneration in similar industries. 
That there was a time when there was “no lack of capital 

: but unemployed plant was standing in the Eng- 
lish motor trade,’’ does not seem to me to invalidate this, 
because that plant may have been, and probably was, unsuit- 
able for turning out such cars as the French were supply- 
ing, and because it is not necessary to my argument to 
assume that the total of French and English capital is insuffi- 
cient.—Yours, &e., 

R. C. PHILitmors. 
Battler’s Green, Watford, Herts, 
April 13th, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATIO¥. 

Srr,—As you interest your readers in nature subjects, 
you may care to hear of the measures taken in South Aus- 
tralia to stay the rapid extinction of wild creatures by what 
is called “the march of civilisation.’’ All the intelligent 
inhabitants of this huge but sparsely populated State (not 
the ornithologists and botanists only) are demanding the 
formation of a national reserve, under the control of trus- 
tees, for the fauna and flora peculiar to the Australian con- 
tinent; and the general verdict seems to favour Kangaroo 
Island, for reasons which appear in the scheme that has 
already been put forward in the Adelaide Press. A writer 
in the “ Adelaide Observer’ describes the flora of the island 
as unusually interesting, many species of plants being quite 
distinct from those on the mainland. “The vast geological 
interval that must have elapsed since separation from the 
continent makes it probable that Kangaroo Island may still 
prove the habitat of many primitive types of vegetation 


which should be carefully safeguarded.’’ In illustration of 
this the writer ventures to predict that the narrow-leafed 
gum, which is indigenous to Kangaroo Island, ‘‘ may prove 
to be a primitive form from which other species of eucalyptus 
have been gradually evolved.”’ 

It is proposed that the reserve should occupy an area 
comprising about 313 square miles situated at the western 
end of Kangaroo Island. This island, at its eastern ex- 
tremity, is only a few miles from the mainland, but in spite 
of a beautiful climate, the aridity of the soil makes it un- 
suitable for profitable husbandry. 

Kangaroo Island is, of course, as its name implies, the 
home of the marsupial, and possesses indeed a species of 
kangaroo whose skin is very valuable; a rare specimen of 
the wallaby is also found there. Australasia is curiously 
free from the larger carnivorous animals which prey upon 
man, his flocks and his herds. The dingo, or wild dog, is 
almost the only destructive animal indigenous to the Aus- 
tralian continent, but luckily he never seems to have been 
deposited in Kangaroo Island, and we may be sure that he 
and his kind will be rigorously excluded from the reserve. 
But Kangaroo Island deserves even more celebrity as the 
home of birds than of marsupials. It will be an ideal 
centre of bird life; nothing is wanting. It is not only 
covered with bushes and trees, but contains fresh-water 
lagoons, admirably adapted for the breeding and preserva- 
tion of all the varieties of Australian waterfowl. Gullies 
thickly planted with tall sugar gum trees run northward to 
the coast, and in their moist and shady depths a congenial 
home is to be found for the gorgeous lyre-bird and his dowdy 
wife, to whom, however, her gallant mate habitually pays 
assiduous attention, furling and unfurling his beautifully 
marked tail (which is above three feet long) for her amuse- 
ment and gratification, with a musical accompaniment. As 
a mocker and an imitator the lyre-birds are ahead of all 
competitors. They can imitate every sound they chance to 
hear, and amusing stories are told of the perplexity of “ new 
chums,’’ who perhaps hear (as they work in the forest) an 
invisible companion chopping wood and whistling, until at 
length the mystery is solved by a glimpse of the mischievous 
lyre-bird in a neighbouring thicket. These curious fowls 
build their nest upon the ground, and the female only lays 
one egg in the year. 

The island is lucky, too, in still possessing some birds 
that are now extinct upon the mainland—such as “ Leach’s 
cockatoo,’”’ a black beauty with scarlet tail feathers. This 
bird feeds upon the cones of the shea oak, a tree that is 
plentiful in the island. Unfortunately, the casoar, or 
Kangaroo Island emu, has total disappeared. It was dis- 
covered by Francois Peron, naturalist to Commander 
Baudin’s expedition, in 1800; but other ornithological 
rarities exist in the proposed reserve, which are not found 
in the Adelaide hills or on Yorke’s Peninsula. To those 
who urge that an area of over 300 square miles is too large, 
it must be pointed out that a scheme of this kind, with all 
its future potentialities, can only be carried out on an ex- 
tensive scale. Moreover, it is only a quarter of the whole 
island, which has at present very few inhabitants. The 
Government of Australia will, it is thought, have little diffi- 
culty in coming to a satisfactory arrangement with the three 
or four leaseholders, whose tenure will be disturbed if the 
reserve is formed. America has half a dozen or more of 
these wildernesses for her bird and plant life, and even New 
Zealand, as we have seen, has set apart various islands and 
a few large parks for the same purpose. Fiord Park in 
New Zealand has now become a favourite resort for tourists 
and travellers from all over the world—a fact that may re- 

assure any commercially-minded Colonial who regards the. 

idea of the suggested reserve with feelings of misgiving, if 
not of hostility. 

Kangaroo Island has had an uneventful, not to say 
inglorious, existence, since it was explored in 1800 by 
Baudin, commander of a small French expedition, which 
went on a journey of geographical discovery in the Southern 
Seas more than a century ago. If the island should be the 
fortunate area chosen for the ornithology, zoology, and 
botany of Australia, it will at length emerge from obscurity, 
and may even attract the attention of Thomas Cook & Son. 
—Yours, &c., 

A MAN oF THE Woops. 
April 11th, 1908, 

[April 18, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Sir,—A note in a recent issue has 

It refers to what you call the “neat exposure’’ of the 
brewers’ arguments against the Licensing Bill by Mr. J. K. 
Jerome, which is to the effect that if this Bill will, as 
stated by the brewers, not diminish drinking, why should 
they object to it? The explanation is so obvious that I 
can only conclude that neither Mr. Jerome nor you can have 
read a word upon the other side. The Bill will certainly 
not diminish drinking, but it will change the channels of 
distribution. The brewer would probably brew the same 
quantity as before, but he would have to pay heavily towards 
the compensation fund, and eventually for the licenses which 
he is permitted to continue. The effect of the Bill would 
be that he would lose the profit on his retail trade, and the 
enormous capital which has been sunk in licensed houses 
would be, to all intents and purposes, confiscated. 

Let the State be honest, and pay value for what it 

I trust that in justice to the facts you will publish this 
letter.—Yours, &c., 

J. W. F. Giiures, M.R.C.S., L.R.C.P. 

25, Vineyard Hill Road, Wimbledon Park, 8.W., 

March 30th, 1908. 

attracted my 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Srr,—A very important proposal has been considered 
and approved of by the London County Council. There 
can be no doubt as to the advisability of making the poor- 
law part of the borough administration, just as education 
is, in subordination to the Council as the central and co- 
ordinating authority. In matters concerning the public 
health there is at present divided management. The medi- 
cal officer of health and his department see to many matters, 
including infectious diseases, although vaccination is at- 
tended to by the Guardians. The school children are medi- 
cally inspected by the Council, and the sick poor are taken 
care of by the Guardians—in the infirmary, at the dispen- 
sary, or at their homes, by the parish doctor. I should 
have said, some of the sick poor. Note that, as to all these, 
payment is made for services rendered. 

When this unification of authorities is completed, place 
must be found for the large numbers of hospital out- 
patients. Of these about half may be regarded as pro- 
perly subjects for the parish doctor. One-tenth probably 
can pay an ordinary fee to their doctor. What shall be 
done with the other two-fifths, numbering in the Metropolis 
many thousands? 

Now at present there is no discrimination as to means, 
save in a few of the best-managed hospitals, such as Great 
Ormond Street. Inasmuch as the working man or woman is 
used to small systematic payments (such as weekly rent, 
&c.), a scheme of small weekly or monthly payments will 
probably have to be enforced, 7.¢., the system of provident 
dispensaries. One most essential point should not be 
omitted, namely, the payment for professional services. 
While the pauper pays, through the rates, for the medical 
or surgical skill by which he benefits, the comparatively 
well-to-do artisan pays nothing whatever, nor do the chari- 
table subscribers to hospitals. It is surely evident that 
this is a great abuse of charity. 

At the present time there are hospitals being built or 
enlarged in the metropolitan area. In every one of these, 
King’s College, Hampstead, London, Bartholomew’s, with 
the possible exception of the proposed general hospital at 
Putney, if I mistake not, the hospital management continue 
and insist upon re-establishing the same old bad method of 
indiscriminate medical relief—a degrading almsgiving. 
Why not give each man a glass of beer in the out-patients’ 
waiting-room, and so encourage a distressful industry ? 

It may be asked, if the poor-law and the provident dis- 
pensary deal with all those suitable cases, what will be done 
with the hospital out-patients? My answer is: obviously 
there will be none, excepting a possible or probable 5 to 8 
per cent., sent up by the local practitioner for further 
advice or for special operation. 

The ultimate solution will rest with the charitable con- 

April 18, 1908.] THE 

tributor, who cannot pay at the same time for the parish 
doctor and for the hospital’s out-patients. In view of the 
approaching Conference on hospitals, I trust this subject 
may find a place in your columns.—Yours, &c., 
March 28th, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Str,—The free port of Hamburg must not be confounded 
with the town of Hamburg. The town of Hamburg is within 
the Zollverein, the free port is not. The free port has an 
area of 2,537 acres, and, although it is a portion of a larger 
port area, with very few exceptions, all vessels arriving at 
Hamburg from sea are unloaded within it. D. M. Stevenson 
and yourself seem to agree in thinking that the free port 
of Hamburg is merely a free bonding area. It is much more 
than that: it is a real free trade port. Not only may goods 
be landed in it under bond and re-exported without paying 
duty, but industries are carried on in it, and goods may 
there “be completely altered by any process, or may be pro- 
duced.’’ (See White Paper 344 of 1904, entitled “ Contin- 
ental Free Ports.’’?}—Yours, &c., 

G. E. Harrison. 

Darlington Villa, Stroud. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Srr,—The action of the Suffragettes at Peckham is a 

signal example of essential tragedy as a war of good against 

, The indignant correspondents in your issue of the 4th 
inst. doubtless represent the resentment of many sincere 
minds against the Women’s Social and Political Union, 
which fights a Government committed to the passing of the 
Licensing Bill and other important measures of social 
reform. The situation is, to say the least, unfortunate for 
the militant Suffragettes, if only for the reason that it pro- 
yides their critics with a capital weapon of attack, and 
offers a unique opportunity for misrepresenting these women, 
and arraying them, in the eyes of shallow observers, on the 
side of the brewers and an unscrupulous campaign of 

I am a minister of religion, a total abstainer, a radical 
temperance reformer eager to see the passing of the Bill, 
and ready to welcome even complete prohibition at the 
earliest possible moment. I cannot think lightly of oppo- 
sition to the present Government. But, even so, I would 
invite your correspondents to reflect a little more deeply 
on the action of these women before condemning them, and 
to look at their attitude, as we must look at all great issues, 
from a non-party point of view. 

The women’s movement is in its essential spirit a revo- 
lutionary movement, and it must be judged as such. Until 
we can imaginatively visualise this revolt of a sex in the 
perspective and proportions in which it appears to the 
women themselves, all our arguments, however straight and 
direct, are not on the same plane, and being produced ever 
so far (and ever so often) will not meet. 

Let us assume that even their overt tactics are as law- 
less and revolutionary as their opponents represent them 
to be. What then? Are lawless and revolutionary tactics 
never justifiable? It would be interesting to have the answer 
of those of your readers who, even while possessing the vote, 
were, or are, Passive Resisters. The most conservatively 
disposed students of such treatises as Sidgwick’s ‘‘ Elements 
of Politics,’ T. H. Green’s “ Lectures on Political Obliga- 
tion,’ Dr. Bernard Bosanquet’s “ Philosophical Theory of 
the State,’’ must feel the enormous difficulty of deciding 
when it is the duty of a good citizen to rebel, and this 
difficulty is here increased when we bear in mind that women 
are not yet citizens in the full sense. As a rule we are 
wise in such matters after the event. For the philosopher 
(however little of a pragmatist), as for the plain blunt man, 
this political problem often resolves itself into a case where 
nothing succeeds like success. We still honour the breakers 
of the Fugitive Slave Laws, and in our hearts, if not with 


our lips, condone the action of the male rioters in our 
country on behalf of the franchise we now enjoy. On the 
whole, most of us probably endorse T. H. Green’s guarded 
and qualified conclusion that “there may be cases in which 
public interest—not merely according to some remote philo- 
sopher’s view of it, but according to conceptions which the 
people are able to assimilate—is best served by a violation 
of some actual law.”’ 

An argument, not altogether specious, might surely be 
made out that a State that exacts taxes and rates from 
women, and subjects them to the obligations of citizens, and 
yet condemns them, on the mere ground of their sex, to 
political outlawry, cannot have the same claim upon their 
obedience that it has upon its represented male subjects. 
With perfect sobriety it might be urged that the women’s 
position is closely akin to that of slaves demanding human 
and civic rights. The analogy, so far as it obtains, tells 
politically even more forcibly in favour of the women; for 
the slaves were exempt from taxation and the common 
obligations of citizenship. 

The point, then, that must be insisted upon is that these 
women are in the thick of a momentous national, if not 
revolutionary, movement on behalf of a completer demo- 
cracy. To fail to seize this fact firmly is to fail altogether 
to understand the political consciousness of the militant 
woman. For her the claim to a vote is paramount, and 
dominates the whole field of political activity. Earl 
Russell, in his powerful letter in the “ Daily News’”’ of the 
3rd inst., put this aspect of the case quite conclusively when 
he wrote: “The policy of the Suffragettes is a perfectly 
clear and an easily intelligible policy. They are women 
who say that to them the grant of the franchise is a matter 
of more immediate importance than any other political issue. 
Personally, of course, I do not think so, but then, I am not 
a woman. But in what way does their position differ 
é from that of an Independent Labour man, who 
thinks that the various Labour questions are of more im- 
portance than any party issue?” 

I will add one further remark. Russia is at the pre- 
sent moment engaged in an extraordinarily drastic piece of 
licensing legislation. Will it be seriously argued that the 
whole democratic movement of the Russian reformers should 
now be suspended sine die in order that the Government 
may, without embarrassment, concentrate on this measure 
of social reform? What the Russian reformers demand is 
not any particular detail of good government on the part of 
an unrepresentative power, but their just share in self- 
government as the necessary pre-requisite of good govern- 
ment. Similarly, what the women demand in England is 
not primarily a Licensing Bill brought in by a male section 
of the community, but their political enfranchisement as a 
means of securing free speech through the ballot on all 
matters affecting their own and the nation’s well-being. 

If the Government refuses a reasonable pledge to redress 
the women’s wrongs, if no facilities are immediately 
granted to pass Mr. Stanger’s Bill into law, the responsi- 
bility for the Suffragettes’ bye-election policy must be laid 
upon the Government, and the women must be held 
absolved of blame. As a supporter of the Government and 
as a temperance worker, I venture to appeal for such facili- 
ties not only to effect a grant of political justice, but in order 
that the moral energy of these women may be diverted, ere 
it is too late, from a determined opposition into an ardent 
and enthusiastic support.—Yours, &c., 

J. M. Lioyp THomas. 

Nottingham, April 7th, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Srmz,—I agree not only with every argument, but with 
every word of your correspondent, ‘Another Woman 
Liberal,’’ in a recent number, and I venture to add a fur- 
ther argument, which requires, I think, to be clearly stated 
by those who dissent from the Suffragettes’ general view of 
the Woman Suffrage question, as well as from their methods. 

It is this: Liberalism means to us now something more 
developed, something more democratic, than it did twenty- 
two years ago, when a Woman Suffrage Bill passed its 
second reading. If it is true, as we are so often told, that 
the extension of the suffrage to women is a recognised Liberal 
principle, so also is it quite as true that the time for widen- 



ing the franchise on a property qualification is past, so far 
as a Liberal Government is concerned. Twenty-two years 
ago the principle was possible, but it is so no longer. The 
Liberal movement has passed beyond it, and its effects are 
now more clearly seen. These effects would probably be not 
merely injurious in the ways your correspondent suggests, 
but it is evident from arguments used at elections that a 
large number of propertied women, when enfranchised them- 
selves, would use every means in their power to prevent the 
suffrage being further democratised. The “small end of 
the wedge’ can be used as a means to keep the door closed, 
instead of open. 

Women are necessarily affected by a property qualifica- 
tion Bill in a different way from men, owing to their legal 
status by marriage. It means that married women must be 
debarred from the franchise. But rich husbands and fathers 
could easily obtain votes for their wives and daughters by 
purchase of land or houses. And the only way in which 
the family vote could be fairly balanced is by the enfran- 
chisement of married women and their daughters. And 
the only practical methods for their enfranchisement is 
through Adult Suffrage—universal, men and women. It is 
impartial; it gives votes to poverty in its numbers as well 
as to riches, which is able to double and treble its votes. 
It is the only system which can create righteous equality. 
Women members of the Labour Party and of the Co-opera- 
tive Guild have seen this. 

All countries and colonies that have extended the 
suffrage to women have adopted, I believe, the system of 
Adult Suffrage. It has its dangers no doubt, and it means 
an enormous change in our constitution. It demands a 
mandate from the country, for such a change cannot be 
forced. It must be accepted as a special question at a 
general election. 

That this would defer the giving the suffrage to women 
is of minor importance compared to the far greater import- 
ance of getting real political equality for all. We do not 
want to see a principle established but the right one—the 
only one that a democratic government can propose and that 
Liberal men and women can accept. 

The cry for any form of Woman Suffrage, without dis- 
crimination, is not a Liberal cry; it may be anti-Liberal in 
principle and injurious in its effect. 

This argument, naturally, does not appeal to Suffra- 
gettes, who are doing their utmost at elections to oppose all 
Liberal reforms; it is addressed to those who believe in 
political morality and in a consistent loyalty to Liberal 
principles; to those, in short, with whom Liberalism is, as 
your correspondent nobly says: ‘A cause, a flag, a faith.’”’— 
Yours, &c., 


April 13th, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Srz,—May I be allowed to point out that your corre- 
spondent, “A Woman Conservative,” is in error in stating 
that the leaders of the great “ Suffragette’’ movement are 
not unanimous in their demands? There are at present 
three bodies of women working for this reform, viz., the 
National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies, which com- 
prises over a hundred societies and local committees in Eng- 
land and Scotland, the Women’s Social and Political Union, 
and the Women’s Freedom League. These organisations of 
women all ask for precisely the same thing—the removal 
of sex disability by the extension of the franchise to women 
on the same terms as it now is, or may be, granted to men. 
It is estimated that by this extension of the franchise be- 
tween one and two million more voters would be added to 
those now in existence, and this, in the opinion of “A 
Woman Conservative,’’ would be a mere drop in the ocean. 
Does she argue that, because women ask for little, therefore 
they should have nothing? By the vote being given even 
to this limited number some members of a class now totally 
unrepresented will have the right to express their opinions 
at the polling booth, and candidates for election must take 
into account the wants of women, who will then be recog- 
nised as citizens. The status of women as a whole will 
thus be raised, since it will be possible for any woman to 
become an elector; and the degrading doctrine of sex dis- 
ability will be for ever swept away. 

[April 18, 1908. 

“A Woman Conservative” thinks that the ‘“ Suffra- 
gettes’’ should give up their undignified demonstrations, 
and join the leaders of the anti-sweating movement, to en- 
courage women to join trades unions and so combine to stand 
out for a minimum wage. But men do not find trades 
unions sufficient without their votes to back them up. The 
women’s trades unions realise that to make their resolutions 
effective they, too, must have Parliamentary representation, 
and it is precisely the women who are most active in organ- 
ising trades unions amongst women who are most urgent in 
demanding the franchise. Can ‘“ A Woman Conservative ”’ 
be ignorant that many of the Suffragist leaders are in that 
prominent position mainly because they have been forced 
to realise the hopelessness of attempting to ameliorate the 
condition of poor working women until they have Parlia- 
mentary representation? If “A Woman Conservative ”’ 
sincerely desires to mitigate “the terrible evil of woman’s 
sweated labour,”’ let her go and work amongst the poor vic- 
tims, and she, too, will soon be amongst those who, disre- 
garding sneers and censure on their conduct, urge by every 
means in their power the right of women to a share in the 

“fH, P.”’ is troubled by the bye-election policy pursued 
by some of the Suffragists, and states that they “are using 
all their influence against their principles to spite their 
oppressors,” these oppressors being broadly described as 
“men.” The bye-election policy of the Women’s Social and 
Political Union is directed against the Liberal candidate at 
every bye-election because he is the nominee of the party 
now in power which refuses to give women votes. They 
used their influence at Peckham, not in “a wild passion,” 
but as a well-considered mode of action—the mostly likely, 
in their opinion, to achieve their end. When British women 
have votes they will use them, as it is acknowledged the 
women in our colonies do, in furthering what they regard, 
without any affectation, as “most sacred and lofty in 
polities.’’-—Yours, &c., 


April 13th, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Srr,—Every humane man will be grateful to you for 
your timely and courageous words on this subject. It may 
be hoped that Mr. Gladstone will have read them. It made 
one indeed ashamed to hear a Liberal Home Secretary at- 
tempting to justify, as he did last week, this barbarous and 
degrading punishment. The practice of flogging adult 
offenders has been abolished in the Army and Navy, and in 
most civilised countries. Even in England it is only pos- 
sible under an old statute of forty years ago, passed in a 
panic, against the advice of the best judgment of that day. 
Very few judges now resort to it, so that the penalty, as 
you point out, is irregular and spasmodic. It is high time 
it was abolished altogether. In the meanwhile it is surely 
not too much to ask that the Home Secretary, in all such 
cases, should exercise the prerogative of mercy which belongs 
to him.—Yours, &c., 

A LissraLt MEMBER. 

April 14th, 1908. 

To the Editor of THE NATION. 

Srr,—Your article on the use of the lash deserves the 
thanks of all penological reformers. That “it can never be 
just to sentence any man to flog another’’ sums up the 
whole question. But what applies to flogging applies to 
all violent physical punishment. The evil contagion of 
violence spread by “humane’’ judges is great. And the 
Press, unfortunately, helps. Witness the Cardiff newspaper 
placard: ‘More bare backs to be flogged!’’ Lord John 
Russell pointed out some seventy years ago in regard to 
hanging that the greatest evil of all was the barbarous reac- 
tion on the public mind. One may hope, at any rate, that 
the Criminal Appeal Act will in the future make it unneces- 
sary for the Home Secretary to provide certificates in 
“humanity ”’ for flogging and hanging judges.—Yours, &c., 

Cart Heatu, Hon. Sec., 
Society for the Abolition of Capital Punishment, 
145, New Kent Road, S.E., 
April 12th, 1908, 


April 18, 1908.] 



Mr. Sipney Low tells a story of Lord Cromer which admir- 
ably illustrates those parts of his book that strike one as 
the least convincing, if they are not the least characteristic. 
A friend, seeking to relax the rather strained relationships 
between him and Nubar Pasha, interviewed each statesman 
in turn. “ What a pity that two such excellent men do not 
get on!” was the burden of his song. “ You are greatly 
mistaken,’’ was Nubar’s reply. ‘I have the greatest respect 
for Lord Cromer. He has only one fault: he never knows 
his own mind.’’ Lord Cromer was not less illuminating. 
“Nubar is an excellent fellow,’’ he said. ‘“ What makes 
him so difficult is that he has no tact.’’ It is impossible 
to resist the conclusion that Lord Cromer’s belief in his own 
tactfulness has borne him triumphantly through these 
volumes: otherwise not a few pages of it would have been 
left unwritten. We might have learned less of the mental 
and moral shortcomings of Pasha, and Sheik, and “ Alim,”’ 
of Gordon, Tewfik, Nubar, Tigrane, of Turks and 
Moslems, and Copts, and Armenians, and the congeries of 
personalities and races through which this powerful, selt- 
centred, highly-conscientious Englishman worked. We 
should not have mourned with Lord Cromer that he should 
be constrained by sad experience to think that the Oriental 
“in the loomp is bad.’’ He may be right. But so far as 
he develops his thesis, he must forgive us for saying that 
he explains his own confession that native Egypt has yielded 
no meed of gratitude or affection for his and his country’s 
great work of material renovation. To him Kast is East and 
West is West, and the two can never meet. In a moment 
of inadvertence the former gave the latter its religion. Lord 
Cromer would almost make us_ believe that the gift was 
more than repaid when the West retorted on the East by 
forcibly presenting it with its Progress and its Politics. 
Until the full results of this munificence are revealed, 
Lord Cromer seems to be of opinion that the charac- 
ter of the Egyptian will continue to disclose such dark and 
un-English blemishes as being courteous when “he thinks 
it his interest to be so’’; in “not wanting to be 
reformed,’’ and imagining that the reformer “ bodes him no 
good’’; in cherishing political opinions “not infrequently 
connected with some personal grievance’’; in lack of accu- 
racy as to numbers and details of past events, like battles ; 
in either putting too much salt into his soup or (on this 
fault being corrected) putting none at all; and in possessing 
ladies whose interference in politics is “ mischievous.’’ We 
confess that we have had some difficulty in discovering the 
root of Lord Cromer’s scepticism as to the soundness of the 
Egyptian-Oriental type. Half the faults of which he takes 
such keen note might be alleged against the Englishman of 
the eighteenth century. If the Egyptian mixes his medi- 
cine with witchcraft or devil-worship, so did our 
ancestors. And is not the question of moral and 
political capacity affected by the mixture of races, the un- 
favourable interior history of the country and its rulers, the 
presence of bad European elements, the character of the 
international control, at once interested and capricious? 
Lord Cromer admits all these considerations; indeed, he 
states them with singular fairness. It is true that he adopts 
the conclusion of the immobility of the Moslem faith, and 
quotes approvingly Sir William Muir’s saying, “Islam 
stands still.” But he is not unaware of the rapid growth of 
the spirit of nationalism in Moslem lands, and of the 
extent to which Western science and culture are undermin- 
ing the rigid forms of Mohammedan orthodoxy. ‘It is, 
indeed, not improbable,’’ he writes, “that in its passage 
through the European crucible many of the distinctive fea- 
tures of Islam, the good alike with the bad, will be volati- 
lised, and that it will eventually issue forth in a form 
scarcely capable of recognition.’’” At least that form has 
been plastic enough to receive a tolerably deep imprint of 
Lord Cromer’s system. And he is broad-minded enough 
both to desire a form of Egyptian “autonomy ”’ rather than 
a British dominion, and to believe that through the develop- 

*** Modern Egypt.’ 
2 vols, 24 net, 

By the Earl of Cromer, Macmillan. 



ment of local institutions a fairly efficient Oriental State 
may be created. The European stamp will be on it, and 
any guise which it may eventually assume must thus make 
possible the fusion in “one self-governing body’’ of the 
diverse elements, Moslem or Christian, Asiatic or African, 
that compose it. Lord Cromer says truly that this would 
mean the loss of the ideal of Moslem patriotism. But it 
would represent no mean addition to the circle of civilised 
and self-sustaining nations, and the people that could be 
deemed capable of conquering such a place in the modern 
world must be more richly endowed than Lord Cromer is 
willing, in terms, to admit. 

Setting all these defects aside, no man who values the 
substantial gifts of order and good government will be dis- 
posed to depreciate this record, written at times with a cer- 
tain massive strength, an imposing glitter of style and scho- 
larship, that just recall the touch of Gibbon. If Lord Cromer 
has not freed Egypt from herself and for herself, from 
Europe and for civilisation, he has all but cut the bonds that 
were strangling all her activities at once. The work is his 
and England’s. France unfortunately has no share in it. 
And so far as the material aspect of it is concerned—the 
wresting of the Soudan from Mahdism and (better still) 
from the Khalifa, the restoration of Egyptian finance and 
the reduction of direct and indirect taxation, the practical 
abolition of slavery, forced labour, and the lash, the stem- 
ming of the Oriental plague of extravagance and corruption 
in government, the introduction of European science and 
medicine, the thrusting of the thin steel ribbon of railways 
into the heart of the desert, the revival of agriculture, the 
loosening of the bondholder’s clutch—it exhibits the best 
fruit that the best kind of English soldiering and organising, 
and, above all, the special English tradition of energy and up- 
rightness in public work, can put forth. What the diffi- 
culties of the task must have been is powerfully suggested 
by Lord Cromer’s vivid picture of the mixed human material 
out of which the structure had to be built. Think of govern- 
ing, through perpetually changing squads of young or middle- 
aged Britons from India, Oxford, Sandhurst, and Whitehall, 
a country whose capital shows such sights as these :— 

“The first passer-by is manifestly an Egyptian fellah who 
has come into the city to sell his garden produce. The head- 
gear, dress, and aquiline nose of the second render it easy to 
recognise a Bedouin who is perhaps come to Cairo to buy 
ammunition for his flint-lock gun, but who is ill at ease amidst 
urban surroundings, and will hasten to return to the more con- 
genial air of the desert. | Thesmall, thick-lipped man with dreamy 
eyes, who has a far-away look of one of the bas-reliefs onan ancient 
Egyptian tomb, but who Champollion and other savants tell 
us is not the lineal descendant of the ancient Egyptians, is 
presumably a Coptic clerk in some Government office. The 
face, which peers somewhat lowerinely over a heavy moustache 
from the window of a passing brougham, is probably that of 
some Turco-Egyptian Pasha. The man with a bold, hand- 
some, cruel face, who swaggers by in long boots and baggy 
trousers, must surely be a Circassian. The Syrian money- 
lender, who comes next, will get out of his way, albeit he may 
be about to sell up the Circassian’s property the next day, to 
recover a loan of which the capital and interest, at any 
ordinary rate, have been already paid twenty times over. 
The green turban, dignified mien, and slow gait of the seventh 
passer-by denote some pious Sheik, perhaps on his way to the 
famous University of El-Azhar. The eighth must be a Jew, 
who has just returned from a tour in Asia Minor with a stock 
of embroideries, which he is about to sell to the winter 
tourists. The ninth would seem to be some Levantine non- 
descript, whose ethnological status defies diagnosis; and the 
tenth, though not easily distinguishable from the latter class, 
is in reality one of the petty traders of whom Greece is so 
prolific, and who are to be found dotted all over the Ottoman 

So far as Lord Cromer’s dealings with the simpler races, 
the exterior problems, are concerned, Lord Cromer has suc- 
ceeded, and, with the aged Faust, he may hail as fair the 
moment in which all this work of amelioration reached its 
crown. If we are asked to assess as precisely the moral con- 
quests of his rule, the extent to which it has created rela- 
tions of sympathy between the British agents and the 
subtler, more cultivated types of Egyptians, sharpened by 
contact with French life and civilisation, we must confess 
with regret that we see the witness of failure in 
his own ironical and often acidulated criticism. . Lord 
Cromer tells us himself that though he was at pains to 
acquire the Turkish language, he never learned Arabic. And 
that fact helps us to understand why he, who won so many 
things for Egypt, should never have tried to win its heart, 



[April 18, 1908. 

en ene ee eS Se A er a re ee 


Let it be granted that literature is intended to be heard 
or read. Unheard, unread, it has failed of its purpose—an 
untimely birth, entombed in oblivion to all but the author’s 
memory of vain hopes and pangs. Yet we keep an admira- 
tion for the writer who has no care who hears or who reads, 
or whether any will. It used to be said of an easy style 
that he who runs may read, but now the author in a hurry 
must write for one who rides upon the wings of the County 
Council’s lightning. Yes, and an author must make haste 
in winning fame, for diuturnity is a folly of expectation, 
and a good book lives barely six months. So it is that in 
an age of haste and scraps we approach with grateful won- 
der the writer who regards time and space as equally indif- 
ferent, and with studious deliberation lays himself out for 
an eternity of forgetfulness. In him we realise again the 
slow quietude of ancient things; in him beyond these noises 
there is peace. 

Such a writer Mr. Charles Doughty has always been. 
Tt is thirty years now since he wandered in Arabia Deserta, 
and the spacious books in which he wrote his unequalled 
account of those wanderings remained unknown, except to 
a few scholars and travellers, till Mr. Garnett the other 
day, as we have noticed before, reduced them to two large 
volumes as crammed with reading as two ordinary book- 
shelves. Even so, they elude the modern laws of industrial 
economy, nor are they assisted to popularity by a style 
unlike the habit of suburban tubes. Take any of these 600 
closely-printed leaves; take these few sentences on an Arab 
encampment, where the first volume falls open of itself: 

‘Sitting thus, if there any one rises, the mare snorts softly, 
looking that it is he who should now bring her delicious bever 
of warm camel milk, and, gazing after him, she whinnies with 
pleasance. There is a foster camel to every nomad mare, since 
they taste no corn, and the harsh desert stalks could not else sus- 
tain her. Twice she will drink, and at the hottest of 
the summer season, even thrice in a daylight. Who has 
wife or horse, after the ancient proverb, may rue; he shall never 
be in rest, for such brittle possessions are likely to be always 
ailing. Yet in that serene climate, where the element is the 
tent of the world, the Beduw have little other care of their 
mares; it is unknown in the desert so much as to rub them.” 

The style has an affectation of simplicity. It is not so 
affected as William Morris’s prose. It does not talk of 
‘“ wanhope”’ or “noseling to the ground.” But there is the 
fatal touch of arts-and-crafts about it, though for tales of 
the desert, where the element is the tent of the world, it 
has its peculiar fitness, and if we dug up some Elizabethan 
book of travels written in style like that, with what tender 
satisfaction book-lovers would expatiate on their treasure! 

Nearly a quarter of a century’s silence followed the 
“ Arabia,” for here was a man who did not make haste. 
Then a work of similar immensity appeared, and of interest 
still more remote. Imagine the hardihood of one who could 
spend years of persistent labour upon a blank-verse history 
of ancient Britain and the introduction of Christianity into 
these islands! Imagine his proud disregard of advice! It 
is like the Chinaman’s who sits down for a lifetime to carve 
an ivory ball. It is prouder, for the Chinaman may sell his 
ivory ball to pay for his funeral expenses, but we suppose 
the profits on “The Dawn in Britain’’ would not bury a 
cat. A more hopeless subject or form for modern success 
could hardly be found. Yet we can just imagine some 
Lewis Morris with sugared commonplace attracting a score 
of readers from religious circles, even with early British 
Christianity as his theme. About Mr. Doughty there is no 
soft attraction, no sentiment or tender appeal. Through 
all these six volumes of solid verse there is no touch of pret- 
tiness, no yielding to comfortable humanity; but all is 
stern, hard, and succinct; more like Cesar’s narrative than 
ordinary poetic stuff. 

Opening the sixth volume at random, we light upon the 
place where Romans who have flogged the queen and out- 
raged her daughters are dragged before Boadicea, our Celtic 
Joan of Arc :— 

‘* Whence they nigh dead, what for their heinous guilt, 
Durst not their craven eyes lift on her looks. 

Boudicca them, that, at her royal knees, 
Grovel, on their breasts! adjudged to hasty death. 

* © Adam Cast Forth,” 
& Co. 4s. 6d, net, 

By Charles M. Doughty. Duckworth 

She spurned them; trode, with fury, on their base necks. 
Sith, when men have long worried them, with hounds ; 
They lopped each brutish poll, from his lewd corse. 
Their bloody carcases, drawn without the walls, 

Of Prasutagos’ dune; all, in that fosse, 

To beaks of hoodie crows and teeth of beasts, 

Those perfumed swarthy Romans forth were cast.” 

In which lines, the only concession to what people expect 
in poetry is the word “ perfumed.” 

Or, for such tenderness as is, take a few lines where a 
child discovers her mother dead of childbirth in the fen, 
among tumbled rushes :— 

‘“‘Rosmerta, child, loud wept; nor wist she, aught, 

What thing is this! Loud weeps she, kissing oft 

Her clay-cold lips. All, in her little smock, 

The babe then lapped; and, shrieking, to the lake, 
Starts; though prick sedge, though cumber rush her feet, 
Blindfoot, for grief, nor wots her passing grief.” 

In which there is no touch of common tenderness, except 
the word “little.’’ As for the two last lines, beautiful in 
conception though they are, we can picture some wretched 
schoolboy, when our language is dead as Latin, put on to 
construe them, and, weeping, flogged; him not detecting 
case accusative, nor subject case, nor verb, nor sense at all, 

But then comes the disheartening question whether the 
book will be given to torment a schoolboy ever, and we 
think it will not. The poet’s pride has something noble, 
something of the ancient time. 
or mortality comes like a tonic air. His use of language 
is personal and strong, for he goes to the very heart of words. 
We believe his long epic to be excellent history also, per- 
haps the best history ever written of the time, and we know 
at least one man who has read it right through, almost 
without intermission, which is more than we can say of the 
‘Waerie Queene.’’? But we doubt if recording time will ever 
produce a second. The thing is too difficult, the language 
too harsh and constrained. It cannot be preserved as a 
monument of the English of any period, for the English is 
only its own. It may be objected that Milton’s English 
also is only his own, and so it is. But none of his con- 
temporaries would perceive anything quaint, difficult, or 
antiquated in Milton’s English; nor do we even now, out- 
side the use of half-a-dozen words, like “grain” or 
“tedded.” The “Ring and the Book’’ was preserved for a 
time by its human and dramatic interest, in spite of its 
headstrong style. But even that interest could not keep it 
in the centre for long, and in “The Dawn in Britain” the 
human interest is carefully constrained, and there is no 
drama. We should like it to be preserved, for we admire 
its strength and flinty self-restraint. We can imagine a 
cult of it arising among scholarly and sensitive readers in 
a leisured countryside. But other life than this we can 
hardly hope for it here below. 

In his new work of ‘‘ Adam Cast Forth,’ the title alone 
shows the poet’s pride and courage more than maintained. 
It is the story of those poor dear First Parents of ours, 
taken up where “ Paradise Lost’ left them, and carried on 
till they have issue of three children—all at one birth, a 
needless ferity, unsanctioned of Holy Writ, though perhaps 
Arabian tradition so records. Unhappily, the isolation of 
pride here exacts its penalty, and indifference to criticism 
exaggerates the poet’s habit into tricks. Of Adama, who is 
Eve, we expect a simple tongue, but nothing will persuade 
us that German was the speech of Paradise, even after the 
Fall. Yet Adama enters the poem with the hideous German 
line :— 

“Spouse-father, it am Adama I that speak.” 

And too frequently we meet such language as these rocky 
and barren words :— 

“But ah now spouteth thick warm salt living blood, 
From the man’s nostrils! Faltering stayeth him Adam: 
He him agonising leaneth up to cliff craig! 

He an hand réacheth férth, which lo a stone uptaketh; 
To stanch, to purge that stain ah, of drizzling gore.” 

In a long experience of bloody wounds, the present reviewer 
had never thought of washing them with a stone. That 
hint he will remember, but hopes to forget the language. 
For, though saved from alliteration, it is like Wagner’s so- 
called poems; it is almost worse. There lies the pity of it, 
for Mr. Doughty was born to be a master in language, as 
in adventurous life. 

His indifference to fame. 

an ape eee 

April 18, 1908.] 


Tue appearance of a second and enlarged edition of Lord 
Dunraven’s work is a proof of the high esteem in which this 
aid to self-instruction in the complex and mysterious science 
of navigation is held by those who aspire to become certifi- 
cated masters of their own or other people’s ships. Although 
the works of Lecky, Martin, and Rosser still hold high 
position as text-books in all nautical academies, there can 
be little doubt that, for all purposes of instruction, so far as 
the man of average educational attainments is concerned, 
no published work can compare with this book of Lord 
Dunraven’s in the essentials of lucidity of explanation and 
accurate conception of the difficulties likely to be experienced 
by the learner. A most human and living treatment of the 
dry scientific bases of a somewhat uninspiring subject is 
maintained throughout the work, and an undercurrent of 
humorous commiseration for examinees adds a welcome 
touch to the otherwise dull pages of Logarithms and tables of 
“ Day’s work.” 

But whether Lord Dunraven’s labours will help to swell 
appreciably the ranks of the 242 yacht owners and other 
gentlemen who, according to ‘“Lloyd’s Yacht Register” 
“have obtained certificates as Masters of their own yachts,” 
is another question. In the first place, there is, at present, 
no law which prevents the owner of a yacht from signing 
himself on as Master, or from acting as Master if he thinks 
fit. Indeed, the yacht owner is wise in any case to register 
as “Owner and Master,” even when he ships a sailing 
master to take charge of his vessel, because on the high seas 
the Master is the head and fount of all law, and it is not 
remotely inconceivable that under some circumstances a 
Master may put his owner in irons. 

In the second place, the fact that the yachtsman who 
loves the sea for its own sake and delights in sailing and 
exploring, rarely owns anything larger than a twenty-tonner, 
on board of which he cruises from port to port, as his whims 
or the winds may direct. He is really only a coaster, and 
coasting is the boundary line where navigation ends and 
seamanship comes in. For him no traverse tables spread 
their arid deserts of sines, cosecants, and tangents. His 
one book of reference is the nautical almanack for the year— 
his guides, the large scale chart and the sailing directions 
which accompany it. With these, and a bosom friend of 
similar tastes to his own, and his two paid hands in the 
forecastle, the command of the narrow seas is his: and on 
him the pageant of the summer skies, and the songs of the 
wind and sea are freely lavished. 

No phase of modern existence is quite comparable to 
the blessed state of freedom granted to the fortunate being 
who can thus spend his days and nights in this healthiest 
form of all sport, wherein adventure is freely commingled 
with perpetual and sustained interest. It is the nearest 
possible return to that golden age when to put to sea was to 
open up an unfathomable vista of imagination—to voyage 
into the unknown, with the glimmering vision of the 
Fortunate Isles as ultimate port. 

His floating home of hollow oak, wherein is garnered all 
the accumulated knowledge and experience of a thousand 
years of seafaring, is, when built and rigged as a cruiser, 
staunch enough to cope with any gale likely to blow on our 
coasts. Give her sea room and she will ride out a summer 
storm, hove to and head to sea, as buoyantly as a gull. 
Let the breeze catch her on a lee shore, and she will work 
her way off long before there is weight enough in the sea to 
cripple her. Before a freshening gale she will wing her way 
to port, outfooting the following sea, lifting her bow high 
and clear above the wrinkled face of the overtaken wave, as 
she rushes onward to her haven; and her crew, washed with 
salt spray and whipped by the wind, will, when the anchor 
bites the ground and the wet sails are furled, sleep the 
sweet sleep of the labouring man. 

The knowledge that will enable a man to handle a sailing 
yacht at sea, to carry her from port to port in safety, and to 
berth her securely in port or roadstead, cannot, however, 
be got from books, for it is the final development of the 
spirit of opportunism applied to the affairs of the sea. No 
two emergencies are ever alike—there is no “best way”’ 
of doing anything. There is rarely more than one way, all 

*“The Practice and Theory of Navigation.” 
of Dunraven. Macmillan & Co. 25s. 6d. net. 

By the Earl 



other ways may lead to disaster; and the one way must be 
taken almost instinctively. The man must not only be a 
part of his ship, he must be also a part of the wind and the 
tides, he must have merged his being into some portion of 
the universe and act in harmony with its elements. 

The chapter dealing with the tides is, perhaps, the most 
interesting part of the book to the coasting yachtsman. It is 
full of accurate information, and elaborate examples of 
methods of finding the times of high water by the moon’s 
transit, of places as wide apart as Brest and Natal. But 
these are only for the wretched candidate for examination 
by the Board of Trade. The consummate coaster will smile at 
them, and pass on to the end of the chapter, where he will 
find agreement with his attitude when he reads the author’s 
closing words, “I should add that in these cases the times 
obtained are only approximate, and that it is quite useless, 
except for the examination, to dive into these minutie.” 

The cruiser’s tide-table is in his head. The tides are 
so much a part of his daily life that their rise and fall, 
height, direction and velocity are felt by instinct. He plays 
on them as upon an instrument. Sea-lawyer that he is, he 
cheats them legally when he can, and patiently abides their 
strength when no breath from the heavens helps him to 
master it. 

Lord Dunraven’s services to yachting have been many 
and various, and all yachtsmen will remember his able con- 
tributions to the “Field” on the proposed alterations in 
the rule of rating for racing yachts in 1892, when the whole 
system of measurement was changed in the most revolu- 
tionary manner. His latest service to seamen and yachts- 
men is, perhaps, his greatest ; and all who go down to the 
sea in ships will be grateful to him for it, whether they 
desire to possess the coveted “blue ticket’’ or are merely 
content to sail the seas by the simple methods of their fore- 
fathers, the fisherman and the coaster. 

II.—Mr. Brovenam VILLIERS.* 

Tar successful literary exposition of any important con- 
temporary moyement demands a rare combination of sym- 
pathy and critical restraint. No subject has suffered more 
for lack of this treatment than Socialism. Most writers 
upon this theme are unprofitable partisans, while the few 
cooler and more scientific critics are so much concerned 
with doctrines or experiments that they fail to convey the 
vital unity, the élan, of the movement. The great merit 
of this book of Mr. Villiers is that it is a lucid exposition 
of the actual movement of Socialism in this country by a 
fully-informed and sympathetic student, who understands 
the limits of the use of sympathy in the art of interpreta- 
tion. It is in our judgment by far the best general histori- 
cal treatment of the origin and play of forces in the Labour- 
Socialist movement of this country that has yet appeared. 

Wisely eschewing any close examination of the economic 
and political formule which middle-class theorists in Ger- 
many and elsewhere have imported into the revolt of the 
workers against the economic and political domination of 
the possessing and directing classes, Mr. Villiers traces the 
gathering of interests and passions which in each advanced 
industrial nation have gradually fashioned the sort of 
Socialism adapted to their history and their national 
character. The main current of the whole movement, as he 
shows it, is the organisation of the masses of workmen first 
brought into close contact and into solidarity of interests 
and grievances by the new industrial conditions of the 
industrial revolution. In the trade unions, co-operative 
societies, and other working-class institutions for indus- 
trial, educational, and recreative purposes, which sprang 
up in the early decades of the nineteenth century, he finds 
the expressions of that instinct of association which later 
on was to be drawn more and more into the use of political 
institutions, and so to take on the form of State Socialism. 
Full justice is done to the educative and inspiring efforts of 
the early Owenites, Chartists, and Christian Socialists of 
the middle century, as later to the teaching of such writers 
as Carlyle and Ruskin, but Mr. Villiers rightly assigns the 

* “The Socialists Movement in England.” By Brougham 
Villiers. Unwin. 10s. 6d. net. 

chief importance to the gradual moulding of a working-class 
policy through the changing relations between capital and 
labour. Not until formal political democracy was achieved 
by the widening of the franchise, and the general spread of 
the elements of education gave increased mobility to ideas, 
did the movement begin to take on any conscious tinge of 
Socialism. The early English doctrinal Socialism, as given 
in various writers contemporary with Ricardo, was a prema- 
ture intellectual product almost entirely barren of results, 
and not until the re-formulation of doctrine by Lassalle, 
Marx, and others in the early ’sixties did any intellectual 
stiffening pass into the working-class movement. Even 
then, as Mr. Villiers clearly recognises, the British move- 
ment was very slow to take on the useful thought and tactics 
of the Continental movement. ‘“ British Socialists received 
from Germany two invaluable things, each necessary to the 
warfare with modern capitalism—the idea of the careful and 
scientific study of modern conditions, and that of indepen- 
dent political organisation. Unfortunately, they were slow 
to recognise either the necessity of making a fresh and inde- 
pendent study of contemporary British industrial society 
as thorough as that of Marx, or that the Socialist Party in 
Britain must be constructed on British lines.” 

It may well be doubted whether English workers ever 
have taken either of these necessities from Germany: the 
first they have never taken at all, for with the exception 
of a few middle-class Socialists there has been no serious 
endeavour to accumulate a stock of ordered knowledge; the 
second, as indeed Mr. Villiers recognises, is in the course 
of being evolved from the logic of events rather than from 
the example of Germany. Though the powerful impetus 
given to economic thinking among the intelligent artisans 
by Henry George (to whose influence Mr. Villiers hardly 
does justice), by the fiery preaching of the Social Demo- 
crats and the more sober instruction of other definitely 
Socialistic bodies and journals, has now begun to make the 
Socialistic implications of our democratic movement mani- 
fest to thoughtful onlookers, Socialism is still in the main 
an unconscious force. It may remain so. English people 
do things, and they do not always come even afterwards to 
recognise the nature or intellectual significance of what they 
have done. But no doubt Mr. Villiers is correct in regard- 
ing the Labour Representation Committee and the Labour 
Party as genuine instruments of British Socialism, engaged 
in the work of forwarding the policy of nationalisation and 
municipalisation, the public support of social weaklings, 
the fuller control over private industry, and the taxation of 
unearned incomes, which constitute the actual Socialism of 

It is not quite clear how Mr. Villiers diagnoses the 
changes in political parties which must follow the growth 
of this potential or actual Socialist Party in Parliament. 
He tells us that ‘the first practical effect of Labour’s arrival 
in the House is that Parliament will, for the future, be 
compelled to give continuous attention to the ‘condition 
of England’ question, whatever party is in power.’’ And 
again: “Liberalism, in particular, will be compelled to 
support its assertion that there is no need for a Labour 
Party by becoming more and more like the Labour Party 
itself. The advent of a Labour Party must ere long be 
followed by the retirement of the typical Liberal capitalist 
from every industrial constituency where the Labour Party 
gains a foothold.”’ 

The “urge of the world” towards co-operation as the 
great human economy Mr. Villiers holds to be the driving 
force in Socialism; for as the people realises more its poli- 
tical power, and so trusts the State and the municipality 
not as outside powers but as instruments for the expression 
of the popular will, it will tend more and more to substi- 
tute these forms of public co-operation for the private co- 
operative forms, the companies and societies, into which the 
co-operative spirit flows at present. Though English 
‘Socialism will imbibe little either of the formularist or the 
revolutionary spirit of Continental Socialism, it will move 
along in a constant instinctive pressure, by a series of more 
or less opportunist steps, towards a State which shall 
replace much of the competition and the private monopolies 
of to-day by public industries. 

Mr. Villiers does not see, even in the remote future, a 
complete Socialist State directly ordering the entire field 
of production. Provided the great instruments of capital- 


[April 18, 1908. 

ism engaged in the production and the distribution of the 

chief national and intellectual necessaries by routine pro- | 

cesses are public operated, there may still remain a host 
of arts and crafts, chiefly occupied in making special and 
superior sorts of goods which may be left to private 

Several interesting chapters treat of the right attitude 
of the State towards the claim of women through maternity, 
the liquor trade and the question how far public services 
should be communised, and a particularly powerful refuta- 
tion is given of the charge that Socialism destroys individual 
liberty. But though Mr. Villiers’ discussion of these 
highly-controversial themes is often brilliant and always 
profitable, the great value of his book consists in its lucid 
account of the rough, unintellectual, adaptive type of Social- 
ism which in England has emerged from a medley of popu- 
lar movements, causes, and demands, and has found a rude 
instrument in the new Labour Party, through which it is 
striving to obtain some more or less coherent and effective 

All Liberals who are not too scornful of Socialism to 
wish to understand it as set forth by this brilliant exponent 
will read Mr. Villiers’ book. 


Tue author of this exceedingly clever and thoughtful book 
anticipates the most obvious criticisms that can be passed 
upon it. Because, he says, he has arranged his buildings 
in historic rather than architectural order, the reader with 
architectural sympathies may find it desultory ; and because 
he has written of the Badia a Settimo and not of that of 
Florence, of Santa Maria Novella and not of Santa Croce, 
the student with his own ideas of the importance of various 
buildings will consider him capricious. Now there is 
nothing more likely than that these preferences and omis- 
sions will be found fault with, if only for the simple reason 
that it is impossible to please everyone; and we ourselves 
could increase the list of whys and wherefores. We might 
ask, for instance, why in the many pages devoted to the 
Baptistery there is not even a bare reference to Ghiberti’s 
gates; why in a book that deals so intimately with the civil 
and military life of Florence there is no mention of the 
military engineering that Michelangelo undertook at the 
bidding of the Signory in 1527, and why half a dozen other 
artist notabilities closely connected with the city have been 
ignored? For one may note that the “ Builders of Florence ”’ 
in Mr. Wood Brown’s scheme are not restricted to the 
makers of structures in brick or stone, but include anybody 
who contributed prominently to its moral and material 
prosperity, or, indeed, to its decadence. Yet we should be 
extremely reluctant to press these or any omissions, since 
after reading the book we are quite ready to admit that they 
are easily accounted for. 

Florentine architecture is to a peculiar extent the out- 
ward and visible expression of the city’s growth and of the 
inward and spiritual forces that swayed that growth. It 
recalls not merely her instinct for beauty, but her laws, her 
social code, her system of defence, and especially her com- 
merce. The latter is important because Florence, the home 
of art, was first and foremost a commercial city. Her artes 
were those of wool-weaving and silk-making, not less than 
those of building, painting, and sculpture. She resembled 
Venice in this respect. Indeed, her history is like that of 
Venice in nearly everything except the form of government, 

which was as variable in Florence as it was stable in the - 

Adriatic city. Even in regard to the Oriental influence the 
analogy between the two cities holds true. Florence had her 
Greek colony, which brought her Christianity in the first 
instance, and in the second leavened her humanism. The 
close relationship, therefore, between the buildings of 
Florence and her life, her development and commerce, is 
one of the big facts to be grasped by any serious student 
of her art and architecture, and Mr. Wood Brown has not 
forgotten to keep it well to the front. His purpose is to 
connect history and architecture as surely as they are con- 
nected in life. In a task of such magnitude that which 

*“The Builders of Florence.’’ 

Co. 18s. net. 

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seems capricious in choice of details may be understood and 

Mr. Wood Brown divides his work into four parts, each 
of which contains four chapters. The first part, devoted to 
the substance, the spirit, and the form of the city, is mainly 
introductory and expository. The principal features are the 
tracing of the gradual supersession of the classic spirit by 
Christianity and that of the evolution of civic government 
from the trade guilds; the latter including a carefully 
wrought investigation of the forms of government in town 
and country, the principal difference between which lay in 
the former’s possession of Charlemagne’s “Libertas.” The 
concluding chapter of this part introduces us fairly to the 
architectural side of the volume. It is in the main a gen- 
eral discussion of first principles, in which readers should 
note especially the pages on the root idea of the Florentine 
palazzo and on the miltiary models that were adapted by civil 
architects. The twelve buildings dealt with are as follows: 
the Church of Ognissanti, the Certosa of the Val d’Ema, 
Or S. Michele, Santa Maria Novella, Santa Felicita, San 
Stephano and San Giovani, S. Maria del Fiore, the Badia a 
Settimo, the Bargello, the Palazzo della Signoria, and San 
Marco. To each building is appended a story, and each 
story has not merely a specific interest, but also one that 
bears directly upon the whole organic life of the city. 

As part of that life, the politics of Florence are abnor- 
mally interesting. They were opportunist in a sense. She 
had to steer her course through the turmoil of the eternal 
conflict between Church and Empire, that occupied medieval 
Italy for centuries. If anything, she was Guelph rather 
than Ghibelline, for the reason that self-interest drove her 
into the arms of the less material oppressor. But she made 
use of both, whilst keeping tenaciously to her main purpose 
of independence, and in time emerged, a triumphant city, 
from the struggle betwixt the two. 

The author has given us a valuable and readable book 
despite its discursiveness. Mr. Railton’s line drawings 
show feeling for architectural detail, and fulfil their 
illustrative purpose. 


Tur difficulties of writing a historical novel that shall 
convey to us a complete illusion of time and place do not 
lie on the surface. It may be doubted, indeed, whether the best 
historical novel ever written does recreate for us the actual 
men and manners of, say, two centuries ago. Even Tolstoy, 
in “War and Peace,’’ peopled the Russia of 1800 with the 
men of two generations later, and we have only to turn to 
the pages of Fielding, let alone of Defoe, to realise how 
impossible it is for the modern Englishman to draw out of 
his consciousness the mental tones and shades of feeling of 
eighteenth century society. Here lies the difficulty : given 
a social environment, with necessities, a mental outlook, 
that are different from ours and that have vanished, 
our shades of modern thought and feeling are utterly foreign 
to it. And yet the novelist is forced to work with his 
modern feelings and conceptions. The genius of Shake- 
speare conquered the problem by his universality: his 
Romans and his Elizabethans are not of their age but for 
all time. Scott’s success rested largely on his careful 
study of old-fashioned types, “ throwbacks,’’ or Conserva- 
tive survivals in the Scotch countryside which bred him. 
He succeeded best with an atmosphere familiar to him, as 
in “Rob Roy,” which is immensely superior to “ Ivanhoe,”’ 
for example. And this is natural, for science, indeed, 
teaches us that the further we go back along the line of our 
ancestors the more unlike to them are we, according to their 
remoteness. This is borne out by an examination of any 
series of historical portraits, say of Holbein*’s Windsor 
‘drawings of the Court nobles of Henry VIII. The types of 
face in. that collection bear little resemblance to the upper- 
class types of to-day: they are obviously at a greater remove 
from us than are the Georgian types of Hogarth. As with 
the face so with the mind. How is the historical novelist 
to recreate the mental atmosphere of the men, say, of Charles 

*“The Fifth Queen Crowned.” 

By Ford Madox Hueffer. 

ven OS: 
“The Burning Cresset.” By Howard Pease. Constable. 6s. 


[April 18, 1908. 

I. or of Henry VIII.? He relies a good deal on literary and 
documentary evidence of the period, but his people, under- 
neath their doublets and jerkins, practically think and feel 
as modern men. To do Mr. Hueffer justice, we must con- 
cede that his characters in “The Fifth Queen Crowned ”’ are 
not modern types. Whatever they may be, their thoughts, 
motives, and actions are quite unlike those of our contem- 
poraries. In this respect Mr. Hueffer creates a strange 
psychological atmosphere which, though we often question 
it sharply, retains a dream-like power over us. It is not 
always humanly satisfactory, but it is undeniably pic- 
turesquely effective. 

The artistic method, indeed, of our author’s historical 
triology, which, we are glad to see, has won the encomium 
of the “Revue des Deux Mondes,”’ and will shortly appear 
in translation in the “Journal des Débats,’’ an honour 
which has been rarely paid to an English novelist, is con- 
ditioned by the flow of an extraordinarily picturesque fancy. 
Apparently without effort, whole scenes are visualised by 
him, with groups of figures, sitting, standing, moving away, 
gesticulating in dumb show, and all the detail of the scene 
down to the dust on the wall, or the crumbs fallen on the 
floor, are as sharply in place as is the detail of a pre- 
Raphaelite picture. In a curious way the appearance, 
movements, and gesticulations of the characters seem to 
govern and determine their speech, and there is a sort of 
break between the two, as though the figures in a picture 
sudden began to move, and came to a halt before speaking. 
Something of the same effect may be noted in William 
Morris’s poems and in work of his school, that aimed first 
and foremost at the perfect visualisation of a scene. How 
cleverly these little picturesque etchings are wrought by 
our author a single quotation may convey :— 

bo a Mary Hall was afraid, and she sent her yard- 
worker and a shepherd a great way round to fetch the larger 
boat of two to ferry over the Queen’s men. Then she went 
indoors to redd up the houseplace, and to attire herself. 

ee —‘(— 

““To the old farmstead, that was made of wood, hung over © 

here and there with tilework, with a base of bricks, she had 
added a houseplace for the old folk to sit all day. It was 
built of wattles that had had clay cast over them, and was 
whitened on the outside, and thatched nearly down to the 
ground like any squatter’s hut; it had cupboards of wood 
nearly all round it, and beneath the cupboards were lockers, 
worn smooth with men sitting upon them, after the Dutch 
fashion—for there in Lincolnshire they had much traffic with 
the Dutch. There was a great table, made of one slab of a 
huge oak from near Boston. Here they all ate. And above 
the ingle was another slab of oak from the same tree. Her 
little old stepmother sat in a stuff chair covered with a sheep- 
skin; she sat there night and day, shivering with the shaking 
palsy. At times she let out of her an eldritch shriek, very 

like the call of a hedgehog, but she never spoke, and she | 

was fed with a spoon by a littla misbegotten son of Edward 
Hall’s. The old stepfather always sat opposite her; he had 
no use of his legs, and his head was always stiffly screwed 
round towards the door as if he were peering; but that was 
the rheumatism. To atone for his wife’s dumbness, he chat- 
tered incessantly whenever anyone was on that floor; but be- 
cause he spoke always in Lincolnshire, May Hall could scarce 
understand him, and, indeed, she had long ceased to listen. 
He spoke of forgotten floods and ploughings, ancient fairs, the 
boundaries of fields long since flooded over, of a visit to 
Boston that King Edward IV. had made, and of how he, for 
his fair speech and old lineage, had been chosen of all 
the Radigund’s men to present into the King’s hands three 
silver horseshoes. Behind his back was a great dresser with 
nailed shelves, having upon them a little pewter ware and 
many wooden bowls for the hinds’ feeding. A door on the 
right side, painted black, went down into the cellar beneath 
the old house. Another door, of bars of iron with huge 
locks, where slept the maids and the hinds. This was always 
open by day, but locked in the dark hours. For the hinds 
were accounted brutish lumps that went savage at night, like 
wild beasts, so that if they spared the master’s throat, which 
was unlikely, it was certain that they would little spare the 
salted meat, the dried fish, the moad, metheglin, and cyder 
that their poor cellar afforded. The floor was of stamped 
clay, wet and sweating, but covered with rushes, so that the 
place had a mouldering smell. Behind the heavy door there 
were huge bolts and crossbars against robbers; the raftered 
eeiling was so low that it touched her hair when she walked 
across the floor. The windows had no glass, but were filled 
with a thin, reddish sheepskin-like parchment. Before the 
stairway was a wicket gate to keep the dogs—of whom there 
were many, large and fierce, to protect them alike from rob- 
bers and the hinds—to keep the dogs from going into the 
upper room .. . 

‘““Her best gown was all damp and mouldy in the attic 
that was her bower. She made it meet as best she could, 
and, indeed, she had so little fat living sitting at the head of her’ 
table with a whip for unruly hinds and louts before her—so little 

April 18, 1908.] AH 





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fat living that she could well get into her wedding-gown of 
yellow cramosyn. She smoothed her hair back into her cord hood 
that for so long had not come out of its press. She washed 
her face in a bucket of water; that and the press and her 
bed, with grey woollen curtains, were all the furnishing her 
room had. The straw of the roof caught in her hood when 
she moved, and she heard her old father-in-law cackling to 
the servant-maids through the cracks of the floor.” 

How pictorial is every touch here, reminding us of one 
of the medieval interiors with which the members of the 
P.R.B. discomforted the pundits of the Royal Academy in 
the "fifties. 

Although there is strain and artificiality in the highly 
mannered conversation put into the mouths of most of the 
characters, the author undoubtedly succeeds in painting a 
very interesting portrait of Henry VIII. Historians have 
always been at loggerheads over Henry’s character, and Mr. 
Hueffer’s reading of him as a man whose full-blooded, gross- 
hearted nature was inspired by the craft of our insular, un- 
conscious hypocrisy, is probably near the mark. On our 
author’s Katharine Howard, the Fifth Queen, and her 
simple virtue, her clear-eyed pride, and her intense devo- 
tion to the Catholic faith, the historians will probably have 
something to say. His Katharine could probably be less 
easily defended than his Mary Tudor, whose relentless 

nature is better indicated than the narrow bigotry which 

makes her memory so detestable. The scenes between 
Katharine and Mary are among the best in the book, and the 
analysis of the forces at work which led to Katharine’s 
downfall is clever. In the closing scenes, which show us 
the web of Court intrigue closing around the young Queen, 
there is a sombreness which is certainly impressive. If the 
wires are too often jerked by the author’s hand the atmo- 
sphere is of highly original quality. Altogether the last 
volume of his triology strengthens a work which, in its 
wealth of richly-picturesque archeological detail, may be 
compared with a latter-day tapestry. 

Readers who demand less illusion and originality in a 
historical novel than Mr. Hueffer provides for them may 
find entertainment and profit in ‘The Burning Cresset,’”’ a 
study of the abortive rising in 1715 by Lord Derwentwater 
and the Northumbrian adherents of the Stuart cause. The 
figure of the unfortunate leader is sketched sympathetically, 
and the author outlines, creditably if vaguely, the most 
picturesque features of the short campaign which brought 
the Earl to the scaffold. The best character in the story 
is the fighting Irishman, Brian, whose unquenchable 
pugnacity and native craft are well set off by the infirm 
purpose and incompetence of the Jacobite generals. Mr. 
Pease, we think, is happiest when dealing with his humble 
country folk, and we may note here that we should find 
much more variety in historical romance if the narrative 
came more often from the lips of humble soldiers of fortune, 
and less from the principals in command. The chief 
defect of “The Burning Cresset’’ lies in the author’s ex- 
tremely modern style, and the unnaturally stilted phrase- 
ology of most of the characters. The novel is, however, 
vigorous and readable, and is much easier and not less 
profitable to read than the account given of Lord Derwent- 
water’s rising in most of our English histories. 


Most of the historians and diarists of her own age have 
given us anything but a favourable portrait of Charles II.’s 
Portuguese Queen, whose dowry added Tangier and Bombay 
to our possessions, and so laid the foundation of British 
supremacy in the East. Miss Lillias C. Davidson’s capable 
and picturesque biography, “ Catherine of Braganca, Infanta 
of Portugal and Queen-Consort of England’’ (Murray, 15s. 
net), is a spirited attempt to place Catherine before English 
readers in a more attractive light. It would be hard to 
imagine anyone less fitted by nature and by training than 
Catherine was to be the wife of such a man as Charles II., 
or to preside over the dissolute Court of the Restoration. 
In person she was far from beautiful. One writer describes 
her as “a woman of mean appearance and of no agreeable 
temper,’ and Lord Dartmouth says that “she was very 
short and broad, of a swarthy complexion, one of her fore- 
teeth stood out, which held her upper lip.’’ She had, how- 


[April 18, 1908. 

ever, fine eyes, a mass of glossy hair, and beautifully pro- 

In spite of her low stature she 
Pepys saw her driving in the Park 

portioned hands and feet. 
had a dignified carriage. 

Seka es > 

in 1663, looking “ mighty pretty in a white-laced waistcoat — 

and crimson short petticoat.’”” Brought up in the stiff for- 

mality and seclusion of the Portuguese Court, unable to © 
speak either English or French, and of a pious, almost — 

ascetic, temperament, she was, at the time of her marriage, 

better fitted to enter a convent than to become ‘the mate of — 
For the mixture of con- — 

a crowned rake like Charles II. 
tempt and negligence with which Charles treated her in the 

early years of their married life Miss Davidson (without — 

great weight of evidence) blames Clarendon. By compelling 
her to receive Lady Castlemaine he put upon her an indig- 
nity which any woman of spirit would be bound to resent, 
but though Catherine held out for a time, she capitulated 
tamely enough, and afterwards treated the long train of 
royal favourites with equanimity. So complaisant did she 
become that Pepys tells us she never entered her own dress- 
ing-room without warning, lest she should surprise her 
husband flirting with her maids. Charles in return 
treated her with greater consideration, and though he never 
loved her, when, owing to her childlessness, there was a 
strong movement to have her divorced, he resisted the 
attempt. He also championed her cause at the time of the 
Popish Plot, when she ran some danger of death on a false 
charge of treason. These facts do something to redeem 
Charles II.’s conduct towards her. Seven years after her 
husband’s death Catherine returned to Portugal, and on 
the failure of her brother’s health she became Queen-Regent 
of the country in 1705. Her brief but just and vigorous 
rule shows that she possessed powers which, under more 
favourable circumstances, might have won for her an inde- 
pendent reputation. If Miss Davidson hardly makes out 
her case that Catherine was “one of the best and purest 
women who ever shared the throne of England,”’ she has at 
least given us a readable and sympathetic biography and a 
carefully studied picture of the society in which Catherine 

* * * 

Proressor C. E. Vaucuan’s “ Types of Tragic Drama ’”’ 
(Macmillan, 5s. net) is a contribution to literary criticism 
of real value and freshness, which want of space compels 
us to dismiss more briefly than we should have wished. It 
is composed of lectures delivered to a general audience at 
the University of Leeds upon the great writers of tragedy 
from Atschylus and Sophocles to Browning and Ibsen. Pro- 
fessor Vaughan’s main thesis is that the development of 
tragedy has been, on the whole, “a change from the presen- 
tation of action to the presentation of character, a gradual 
shifting of the scene from that which is without to that 
which is within.’? This theme is worked out with great 
skill and judgment. Professor Vaughan shows how greatly 
the romantic drama gained in force and interest by the 
admission of those humorous and grotesque elements which 
classical tragedy excluded. What strikes us most in read- 
ing his book is the catholic sympathy which enables him 
to do full justice to writers as violently opposed to each 
other as Racine and Victor Hugo. The lecture on Seneca 
and Roman tragedy is also a fine piece of criticism, parti- 
cularly valuable from the fact that, despite his enormous 
influence upon Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, and the other 
Elizabethans, Seneca has seldom been studied in a work- 
manlike way. It is a pity that Professor Vaughan did not 
allow two lectures instead of one for his discussion of some 
recent types of drama. What he says upon the subject is 
excellent, though it leaves room for fuller treatment. 
Browning, Maeterlinck, and Ibsen can hardly be treated to 
much solid purpose in a single lecture. We heartily recom- 
mend his book. It is a sound and masterly examination of 
the development of dramatic literature, and no student can 
afford to overlook it. 

* * * 

Frew men have lived a life of such unremitting labour 
and hardships on the outskirts of civilisation as the late 
Bishop Bompas. Mr. H. A. Cody’s memoir, “An Apostle 
of the North’’ (Seeley, 7s. 6d. net), is a memorial to one 
of the most self-denying missionaries of our time. A sound 
scholar and a book-lover, Bishop Bompas threw himself 
heart and soul into the work of spreading Christianity 

April 18, 1908.] THE NATION. 97 
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among the Indians and Eskimos of the North-West. He 
was the first bishop of Athabasca, and when the diocese was 
. sub-divided in 1883 he selected the less accessible district 
of Mackenzie River. When, later on, another sub-division 
took place, he retreated still farther north, and became Bishop 
of Selkirk, presiding over the Yukon region. So remote 
was he from civilisation that there usually elapsed a period 
of from three to four years between the time he ordered a 
parcel of books and the time they reached him. Apart 
from its picture of the great missionary bishop, this book 
is of interest from the account it gives of the lives of trap- 
pers and Indians in the North-West at a time when the 
district was less known than it is at present. The opening 
up of the Klondyke region and the state of the gold-mining 
camps there are also dealt with. The book is illustrated by 
an unusually interesting series of photographs. 
* * * 

Tue story of the Herkomer Art School, which was 
founded at Bushey in 1883, and ended its career twenty-one 
years later with the severance of Sir Hubert Herkomer’s 
connection with its management, is set forth in Sir Hubert’s 
‘““My School and My Gospel’’ (Constable, 21s. net). The 
starting of a school in a small country village, at that time 
far less accessible than it is now, was a daring scheme in 
itself, and perhaps justified. the epithet of “ Utopian ’’ 
applied by those who doubted whether it would ever com- 
pete successfully with metropolitan institutions like the 
Slade or Heatherley’s ; yet few schools have enjoyed a better 
reputation for soundness of instruction, and few were more 
materially prosperous. In this book Professor Herkomer 
tells us of the school’s beginnings, its stringent curriculum, 
the life of its students; explains his own practice as a 
teacher; and incidentally epitomises his many-sided activ- 
ity. His theory of teaching is decidedly anti-Academic: 
search for the student’s personality, and direct him accord- 
ingly—this is virtually his motto. He is against the copy- 
ing of casts from the antique, holding that the beginner in 
art cannot understand the antique. In fact, he is against 
anything, including an unduly protracted course of pencil 
drawing, that tends to hinder the development of the paint- 
ing instinct in the student who means to paint. What 
differentiated the Herkomer school from most others was 
the fact that the teaching was extended beyond the school 
curriculum. Artists who had been through the school were 
encouraged to settle in Bushey, and to begin their profes- 
sional career under the surveillance of their former master. 
During this first period of independence, the most critical 
of all, perhaps, as Professor Herkomer suggests, an occa- 
sional piece of friendly advice was particularly helpful; 
and correspondingly it was valuable inasmuch as the master 
could best estimate the effect of his teaching when the 
student was just beginning work on his own account. In 
this connection one may note that, though the Herkomer 
School has ceased to exist, its fruits remain in a large and 
flourishing colony of artists, amongst whom the professor 
still lives and labours. His theatrical experiments, which 
took the form of pictorial music plays, are described here. 
It will be remembered that a revolt against too much con- 
vention in stage scenery—particularly against the stage 
moon—was inaugurated at Bushey, and that the ventures at 
the theatre built in connection with the art school aroused 
much comment at the time. The book bears full witness to 
its author’s wholesome ideals and enormous human energy. 

* * * 

Tue late Mr. Henry Grey Graham was a scholarly mini- 
ster of the Church of Scotland, whose knowledge of the life 
and letters of the eighteenth century was almost unrivalled. 
His “Social Life of Scotland in the Eighteenth Century ” 
will long hold the field as by far the best book on the 
subject, and “Scottish Men of Letters in the Eighteenth 
Century’ gives a capital picture of Edinburgh literary 
society during that period. A posthumous volume, 
“Literary and Historical Essays”’ (Black, 5s. net), opens 
with a brief account of Mr. Graham’s quiet and uneventful 
career. He began his ministerial work at Nenthorn in 
Berwickshire. When Russel of “The Scotsman’’ went to 
live there, Graham was very nervous about preaching before 
him. A friendship soon sprang up between the two men, 
and at Russel’s request, Graham contributed many reviews 

and some leading atticles to “The Scotsman.’’ The con- 

[April 18, 1908. 

cluding essay in the present volume is an appreciation of 
Russel, a journalist of marked and striking personality, | 
who made “The Scotsman ”’ one of the most powerful organs 
in the country. The three lectures on “Society in France 
Before the Revolution,’’ originally delivered at the Royal, 
Institution, are marked by sureness of touch and profound | 
knowledge of the period. Other subjects treated in the 
volume are Samuel Richardson (a writer for whom Mr, 
Graham shows a want of sympathy which prevents his essay 
from being first rate), Robert Heron, the origins of Glasgow, 
University, and life in a country manse in the early eigh- 
teenth century. All of them are written in a vivid style, 

and bear traces of wide reading. 
* * 

‘“Recorps or Strrrine Times, 1726-1822’? (Heinemann, 
10s. net), by the authoress of “Old Days in Diplomacy,” and 
edited by M. Montgomery-Campbell, is based upon unpub- 
lished documents in possession of the authoress. The most 
interesting of them are those addressed to Colonel Disbrowe, 
from whom the authoress is descended. Colonel Disbrowe 
was Vice-Chamberlain to Queen Charlotte, wife of George 
III., and though his letters add little to our knowledge of 
the political history of the times when they were written, 
they furnish an agreeable picture of Queen Charlotte and 
her daughters. The Queen was a great stickler for etiquette, 
The ceremony known as the Message of Form, which con- 
sisted in the formal presentation of the Queen’s congratula- 
tions to ladies of rank after the birth of a child, is amus- 
ingly described, and the ingredients of the caudle which 
played so important a part in the ceremony are given. The 
latter part of the book is taken up with an account of the 
turmoil caused in European diplomatic relations by Napo-. 
leon’s wars. The “ Manuscrit de St. Héléne,’”’ which ap- 
peared in 1817, and was supposed to be the work of Napo-' 
leon, is considered at some length, but the authoress does 
not seem to know the theory—or at any rate, does not 
accept it—that the “ Manuscrit’’ is the work of a Swiss 
forger. The book affords some agreeable glimpses into the 
social life of the Georgian era, but its historical value is: 
slight. | 

* * * 

‘ ~~ i * 

CENTENARIANS who have other claims to distinction than 
the energy they showed in keeping themselves alive are few 
in number, but the subject of Mr. M. Sterling Mackinlay’s 
pleasantly anecdotal memoir, ‘Garcia the Centenarian, and 
His Times” (Blackwood, 15s. net), achieved fame in two 
separate fields. He was the greatest of modern teachers of 
singing, and he invented the laryngoscope, an instrument 
which Huxley placed among the most important inventions 
of the medical world. The famous Spanish maestro, who, 
died less than two years ago, was born at Zafra in Catalonia. 
(not Madrid, as has been often stated) in 1805, seven months 
before the battle of Trafalgar. With a view to helping his 
readers to realise the space covered by Garcia’s career, Mr. 
Mackinlay brings together some interesting historical events, 
but more to the point is his survey of the musical world 
at the date when Garcia was born. ‘“ Beethoven had not yet 
completed his thirty-seventh year, Schubert was a boy of 
eight, Auber, Bishop, Charles Burney, Callcott, Cherubini, 
Dibden, Halévy, ‘Papa’ Haydn, Meyerbeer, Paganini, 
Rossini, Spohr, Weber, these were all living, and many of 
them had yet to become famous. As for Chopin, Mendels- 
sohn, Schumann, and Brahms, they were not even born ; 
while Gounod, Wagner, and Verdi were still mere schoolboys 
when Garcia was a full-blown operatic baritone.’’ The list 
of Garcia’s pupils includes nearly all the most famous 
singers of the nineteenth century, from Jenny Lind and 
his own sisters, Maria Malibron and Pauline Viardot, to 
Miss Marie Tempest. His influence upon music was exerted 
almost entirely through his pupils, many of whom became 
in turn teachers whose methods are still a force in the 
musical world. We are told that Garcia disliked the heavy 
orchestration of Wagner’s compositions, but the relations 
between the two men were cordial. Wagner was so delighted 
with the way in which his niece’s: voice improved under 
Garcia’s tuition that he wrote a letter full of the warmest 
recognition, and twenty-five years later he urged Garcia to 
undertake the training of the singers for the first Bayreuth 
Festival. Garcia, who was then over seventy, had to 
decline owing to his engagements in London. Mr. Mac- 
kinlay does not attempt to paint a picture of Garcia’s per- 

April 18, 1908.] 





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[April 18, 1908. 

sonality. His method is discursive and a trifle scrappy, 
but his book makes an entertaining record of the musical 
life of the last century, full of lively gossip and anecdote. 

* * * 

Tue title of Mr. Percival Hislam’s “The Admiralty of 
the Atlantic’? (Longmans, 6s. 6d. net), was suggested by a 
signal made at Revel six years ago by the German Emperor 
to the Tsar to the effect that “the Admiral of the Atlantic 
greets the Admiral of the Pacific.’’ The book claims to be 
an inquiry into the development of German sea-power— 
past, present, and prospective—but the past history of the 
German Navy is dismissed in thirty pages (which are hardly 
fresh), another thirty are given to its present position, while 
the remaining one hundred and fifty pages are devoted to 
future possibilities, and to comparisons between the differ- 
ent navies of the world. Mr. Hislam’s work is apparently 
intended for the general reader rather than for the student 
of naval affairs. His point of view may be judged from 
the ingenuous dictum that “the continuance of the present 
system of free imports into England is vital to German 
ambitions, a fact which she fully realises, but which has not 
received by any means its share of attention in this country. 

The substitution of a tariff would undoubtedly 
lead to international complications, and possibly to a con- 
flict; but the conflict must come sooner or later, and the 
sooner it comes the shorter, less costly, and less bloody 
it will be.’’ We are surprised to find this baseless and per- 
nicious doctrine set forth in a book which purports to be a 
serious study of naval policy. On the question of the pos- 
sibility of an invasion of England, Mr. Hislam supports 
General Maurice’s view that with proper precautions we 
have little to fear from such an attempt “so long as the 
British navy bears to the German something like its present 
ratio of superiority.’’ The book will give ordinary readers 
a rough view of the comparative naval strengths of the 
Powers, but the author’s attitude to Germany is bad. He 
suggests that she is only waiting for a chance to declare 
war against us. That is the usual anti-German pose. The 
anti-British party in Germany takes the same view about 
this country. 

* * % 

Ir the auction prices realised by the pictures of Richard 
Wilson during the last eighteen years are an index to this 
painter’s popularity, he is still waiting for the public appre- 
ciation that his delicate and original talent deserves. The 
average figure is extremely low. Yet quite recently there 
has been some slight improvement, and a decided increase 
of interest on the part of connoisseurs is likely to enhance 
the market value of his workin the near future. Apart 
from this matter, however, Mr. Beaumont Fletcher has done 
good service in writing the artist’s biography for “The 
Makers of British Art’’ series (Walter Scott, 3s. 6d. net). 
Certainly the book is less biographical than most- of the 
volumes in the same series, but we get the outstanding 
details of a career, half sordid and wholly pathetic, that 
was one long struggle against financial adversity. If the 
tale is not more complete, it is hardly the author’s fault, 
since the material provided by Wilson’s old-time apologists, 
Allan Cunningham and Thomas Wright, of Norwood, is but 
scanty, and no modern writer has essayed a “Life’’ on 
which to draw. Asa critical study, Mr. Fletcher’s book has 
considerable interest. In vindicating Wilson’s title to be 
called the father of English landscape painting, he connects 
the love of nature and the serene melancholy observable in 
his art with the Celtism derived from his Welsh origin, and 
shows how it was that the artist’s temperament found its 
final expression in those classical compositions of Italian 
landscape with which his name is most intimately asso- 
ciated. Contrasting Wilson with Gainsborough, he con- 
siders the former to be a distinctly “‘objective’’ painter. 
This is obviously true_in regard to Wilson’s portraiture, 
but, assuming that Mr. Fletcher means by an “ objective ”’ 
landscape a transcript of nature in which individual tem- 
perament is subordinated to the point of elimination, we 
cannot follow him in this estimate of Wilson’s landscape. 
Constable was a far more direct and literal interpreter of 
nature than Wilson; but one cannot call even Constable 
“ objective.’? As is usual with this series, the pictures are 
finely reproduced and the appendices are useful, while these 
decided advantages are balanced by the raucous blue cover, 
which is, as ever, a blot upon the book’s attractiveness. 

The GHeek in the Crtp. 

Tur stock markets have been rather quiet and stagnant, 
expecting the Easter vacation, and doubtful about the future 
of the money market. There is talk of a Russian loan, and 
the German loan has evidently not been a great success. 
That a four per cent. loan has only just been covered with 
the help of the banks shows the nakedness and poverty of 
the Fatherland in a startling light. But what is still more 
disconcerting is the fact that Berlin cannot rid itself of 
the 54 per cent. bank rate. And yet even with this rate 
they do not draw gold from London. If the situation were 
reversed we should all be in a panic. Trade shows no signs 
of mending anywhere, and few people expect any revival 
until after the harvest. A good harvest in America might 
set everything in motion again. As it is, we can only be 
thankful that things are so much better here than in Ger- 
many or the United States, where the natural decline is 
exaggerated by the artificial conditions produced by tariffs. 
It is quite heartrending to read the accounts of the misery 
of the labouring classes in the great towns of Germany and 
the United States. And in the former the proposed new 
taxes have created such a panic that the Radical Congress, 
which represents an important section of the Bloc, has been 
driven to propose military and naval retrenchment! Some 
light on the state of things in Hamburg is thrown by the 
fact that a large London grain company, which is about to 

go into liquidation, is reported to have lost £70,000 in bad | 

debts in Hamburg alone. One would like to be able to say 
something cheerful about the commercial outlook, but the 
truth is that the air is full of failure; and things, in Ger- 
many especially, are likely to be worse before they are 

GrerMaNny’s Corn Imports. 

Fifty years ago Germany was a large exporter of corn. 
Now she imports considerably, and suffers accordingly in 
consequence of the heavy tariff. It is estimated that the 
total requirement of breadstuffs for Germany, for the year 
1907-08, will be about 16,200,000 tons. A writer in the 
“Corn Trade News”’ has estimated that the crop yield for 
this year (assuming a normal season) will be 9,842,000 tons 
of rye, and 4,612,000 tons of wheat. Taking all kinds of 
grain, he puts the German crop at 14,855,000 tons. There 
would therefore be 1,345,000 tons to be provided by imports, 
mainly wheat. Germany on the average imports between 
70,000,000 and 85,000,000 bushels of wheat a year. In the 
last season the wheat crop was unusually poor, and there- 
fore a more than ordinary deficit had to be made up by 
imports. The record of crops and imports of wheat in 
metric tons for five years past shows that imports tend to 
increase rather than to diminish, in spite of the protective 

tariff. That the total needs of the Empire are nearly 

6,000,000 tons of wheat is shown by the following Table :— 
Wheat. Crop. Imports. Total Tons. 
1906-07 3,939,563 2,005,671 5,943,254 
1905-06 3,699,882 2,268,203 5,969,085 
1904-05 3,804,828 1,694,724 5,499,552 
1903-04 3,555,064 1,915,966 5,471,030 
1902-03 5,900,396 1,808,082 5,708,478 

How small a part rye plays in the imports of breadstuffs is 
shown by a second Table, comparing crops and imports for 
the five-year period. The normal rye needs are 10,000,000 
tons a year, while imports do not average more than 400,000 
tons :— 

Rye. Crop. Tmports. Total Tons. 
1905-07 9,625,738 269,711 9,895,449 
1905-06 9,606,727 460,630... 10,067,457 
1904-05 10,060,762 251,003 9,809,759 
1903-04 9,904,493 195,667 ... 10,100,160 
1902-03. 9,494,150 757,575 ... 10,251,523 

But, unfortunately for the German working-classes, who eat 
mainly dark-coloured bread made of rye, the rye imports 
are now usually sufficient to raise the price in the home 
market by the full amount of the duty. 


April 18, 1908.] 

dete, NVA TL BON: 



The Directors of the Underground Electric Railways Company of 
London, Limited, have carefully considered the best means for 
meeting the Company’s financial requirements, and for dealing with 
its 5 per Cent. Profit Sharing Secured Notes, which mature Ist June, 
1908. The Directors have, in consultation with Messrs. Speyer and 
with Advisory Committees in London and Amsterdam, formulated a 
Scheme of readjustment which they, Messrs. Speyer and the Com- 
mittees, recommend to your consideration and approval. 

The main features of the Scheme may be briefly summarised 
as follows:— 

The Company is to create the following securities:— 

£1,000,000 5 PER CENT. PRIOR LIEN BONDS to 

Bearer, due lst November, 1920. 

(Redeemable at par in whole or part, at the Company’s option, at 
any time on six months’ notice.) 

Principal and interest will be payable in London in Sterling, or 
at the holder’s option in New York at the exchange of $4.86°66 per £, 
or in Frankfort on Maine at the exchange of Mks. 20.40 per £, or in 
Amsterdam at the exchange of Fl. 12.12 per £. 

Interest will run from the 1st May, 1908, and will be payable half- 
yearly on the lst May and lst November. The rate of interest will 
be such as to yield a clear 5 per cent. per annum after payment of 
British income-tax. 

The Trust Deed will, under carefully drawn restrictions, empower 
the Company to issue an additional £250,000 Bonds, ranking pari 
passu with the other Prior Lien Bonds for the time being out- 

The Bonds are to be secured by a first charge upon the collaterals 
now deposited as security for the Profit Sharing Secured Notes, 
with an addition of £3,500,000 (nominal) of Shares of the Baker Street 
and Waterloo, Great Northern, Piccadilly and Brompton, and Charing 
Cross, Euston and Hampstead Railway Companies, and a charge 
(without power of sale or foreclosure) on the Company’s Power 
House undertaking, subject to the now authorised Power House 
First and Second Debenture Issues or any reissue thereof or re- 
borrowing to redeem such Debentures. 

£3,000,000 44 PER CENT. BONDS OF 1933 to Bearer, 
due Ist January, 1933. 

(Redeemable at par in whole or part, at the Company’s option, at 
any time on six months’ notice.) 

Principal and interest will be payable in London in Sterling, 
or at the holder’s option in New York at the exchange of $4.86°66 
per £, or in Frankfort on Maine at the Exchange of Mks. 20.40 per 
£, or in Amsterdam at the exchange of Fl. 12.12 per £. 

Interest will run from the Ist December, 1907. The first coupon 
will represent seven months’ interest, and will be payable one 
month after the Scheme becomes binding. Subsequent coupons 
will be payable half-yearly on the lst January and Ist July. The 
rate of interest will be such as to yield a clear 44 per cent. per 
annum after payment of British income-tax. 

The 44 per Cent. Bonds will be secured by a charge on the same 
collaterals as the Prior Lien Bonds, similar to but ranking imme- 
diately after the charge of those Bonds. 

The Trust Deed will provide, inter alia, that, in the event of four 
consecutive coupons being at any one time in arrear and unpaid, 
the charge for securing the 44 per Cent. Bonds shall become imme- 
diately enforceable, in which event the Trustee may and, upon 
request of bearers of a majority in value of the outstanding amount 
of such Bonds, shall (subject to the rights of the Prior Lien Bond- 
holders) realise the Stocks and Shares deposited as collateral. 

£5,200,000 6 PER CENT. INCOME BONDS to Bearer, 
due lst January, 1948. 

(Redeemable at par in whole or part, at the Company’s option, at 
any time on six months’ notice.) 

Principal and interest will be payable in London in Sterling, 
or at the holder’s option in New York at the exchange of $4.86°66 
per £, or in Frankfort on Maine at the exchange of Mks. 20.40 per 
£, or in Amsterdam at the exchange of Fl. 12.12 per £. 

The Trust Deed will provide for payment of the interest on the 
Income Bonds (which is to be non-cumulative) in semi-annual instal- 
ments out of the profits of each half-year available for the purpose 
and remaining after making or providing for all other payments on 
revenue account for such half-year and setting aside such sums for 
reserve as the Directors may think expedient. The full rate of 
interest will be such as to yield a clear 6 per cent. per annum, free 
of British income-tax. 

The holders of the Income Bonds are to be entitled, as far as 
the law will permit, to attend and vote at all Meetings of the Com- 
pany, but they are not to vote on any resolution for putting the 
Company into liquidation. They are to have eleven votes for each 
£100 of principal of the said Bonds. 


Noteholders will be asked to exchange their Notes as to 40 per 
cent. of their nominal value into 44 per Cent. Bonds of 1933 at par, 
and as to 70 per cent. of their nominal value into Income Bonds at 
par, the exchange taking place as on the lst December, 1907. 

The 44 per Cent. Bonds of 1933 and the Income Bonds given in 
exchange for those Notes which are payable in United States cur- 
rency, will be issued in even amounts of Sterling, the exchange 
being made at the rate of $4.86°66 to the £ sterling, and Scrip will 
be given for the resulting fractional parte, convertible into new 
Bonds when presented in amounts of £20 or multiples thereof. 

The following table shows the way in which it is proposed to 
deal with the new securities :— 


5 per cent, Prior 

44 per cent. 
Lien Bonds. 

6 per cent. 
Bonds of 1933. 

Income Bonds, 

£ 8. d, £ Sec. £ 8. d. 
To Holders of £3,599 268 
9s. 8d. 5 per cent. Profit 
Sharing Secured Notes .. = 
To Holders of 16,550,000 
dols. 5 per cent. Profit 
Sharing Secured Notes 

1,439,707 710] 2,519,487 18 9 

(taken at 4.86°66 dols,) .. _ 1,360,292 12 2] 2,380,512 1 3 
Reserved for Special 
Interest Fund , ~ _— 200,000 0 0 300,000 0 0 

Underwritten by Messrs. 

Speyer and their friends | 1,000,000 0 0 _ is 

£1,000,000 0 0 |£3,000,000 0 0;/£5,200,000 0 0 

The Coupon due the Ist December, 1907, on the Notes, and the 
seven months’ interest, due Ist July, 1908, on the 44 per cent. Bonds 

of 1933, will be paid in full in cash out of the proceeds of the issue of 
Prior Lien Bonds. 


The estimated net revenues of the Company would scarcely war- 
rant the Company in undertaking a definite obligation to pay the 
interest during the first few years on the 44 per cent. Bonds of 
1955, but in order that the Noteholders may not suffer so serious a 
reduction in their income as would otherwise be the case during 
the further development of the enterprise, Messrs. Speyer Brothers, 
of London, Messrs. Speyer & Co., of New York, and Mr. Lazard 
Speyer-Ellissen, of Frankfort on Maine, have by Agreement with the 
Company dated the 7th April, 1908, undertaken to purchase on or 
before each lst January and lst July, commencing with the lst 
January, 1909, such an amount of 44 per Cent. Bonds and Income 
Bonds at the price and rate of £300 and accrued interest on the 4% 
per Cent. Bonds for £200 (nominal) of 44 per Cent. Bonds, and £300 
(nominal) of Income Bonds (taken together) as will by the proceeds 
make good any deficiency in the full interest for the preceding half- 
year on the 44 per cent. Bonds which the Revenues of the Company 
to the close of such half-year remaining after making or providing 
for all payments on revenue account (except interest on the Income 
Bonds) for the same half-year, but before providing for reserve, 
are insufficient to meet. Messrs. Speyer, however, stipulate that 
they are not to be liable under such undertaking for more than 
£500,000 in all (being the purchase money of £200,000 of 44 per Cent. 
Bonds and £300,000 of Income Bonds). The Company are to set 
aside the purchase money of the said Bonds, and apply it solely 
for payment of the interest on the 44 per cent. Bonds. 

The Directors are of opinion that the Special Interest Fund of 
£300,000 will be sufficient to make up any deficiencies down to and 
including the lst July, 1912, and that thereafter, if not before, the 
surplus income of the Company will be sufficient to meet all the 
Company’s fixed charges. 

As Messrs. Speyer agree to purchase the above Bonds at the 
price named from a desire to assist the Company in arranging with 
the Noteholders, and their agreement to do so is conditional upon 
the Scheme becoming binding, all Noteholders are urged to accept 
th Scheme and deposit their Notes under the Deposit Agreement 
referred to below without delay. 


The proposed issue of £1,000,000 Prior Lien Bonds will be offered 
to the Noteholders and Shareholders for subscription at the price 
of £93 per £100 Bond as soon as may be after the Scheme becomes 
binding, the Bonds to carry interest from the date of payment of 
the final instalment in each case, and the whole of such proposed 
issue has been underwritten by Messrs. Speyer and their friends 
at the foregoing price, conditionally on the Scheme being accepted 
by the Noteholders and Shareholders and becoming binding. 

An Agreement dated 7th April, 1908, has been entered into be- 
tween Messrs, Speyer Brothers, Messrs. Speyer & Co., Mr. Lazard 
Speyer-Ellissen, and Messrs. Teixeira de Mattos Bros., all therein 
referred to as “the Readjustment Managers,’ of the first part, 
those holders of Profit Sharing Secured Notes who deposit their 
Notes under that Agreement, of the second part, and the Deposi- 
taries referred to below of the third part. This Agreement pro- 
vides for the deposit of Notes for the purpose of better ensuring 
the carrying of the Scheme. The Directors, however, reserve the 
right to decide whether, in view of the number of Notes deposited 

under this Agreement or otherwise, they are justified in proceeding 
with the Scheme. 


Noteholders are invited to deposit their Notes, under the terms 
of the foregoing Agreement, on or before the 1st May, 1908, with 
one or other of the following Depositaries, viz.:— 

que. wenden & Westminster Bank, Limited, Lothbury, London, 

The Guaranty Trust Company of New York, No. 28, Nassau Street, 
New York; 

The Associatie Cassa, Amsterdam; 

Or with Mr. Lazard Speyer-Ellissen, Frankfort on Maine, as Agent 
for the first-named Depositary. 

Under the above Deposit Agreement negotiable receipts for the 
deposited Notes will be issued by the respective Depositaries, which, 
if the Scheme becomes binding with or without modification, will 
be exchanged in due course for the new securities mentioned above, 
stamped with the British Stamp duty where necessary. If the 
Scheme does not become binding, receipt holders are, on being so 
requested by advertisement, to surrender their receipts and with- 
draw the Notes and coupons represented thereby (or a like amount 
of Notes and coupons). 

Owing to there being no other means of binding a dissentient 
minority of the Noteholders, it is intended to proceed with the 
scheme under the Joint Stock Companies Arrangement Act, 1870. 

Copies of the complete Circular (of which this notice is only a 
synopsis), to which the Deposit Agreement and the full Scheme are 
scheduled, may be obtained at the Offices of the Company in London, 
or at the Offices of the above-mentioned Readjustment Managers, 

where copies of the Agreement as to the Special Interest Fund can 
also be inspected. 

By order of the Board, 

Uth April, 1908. 

Referring to the foregoing Notice, the undersigned recommend to 
the Noteholders the prompt acceptance of the Company’s proposals, 
and urge them to deposit their Notes on or before list May, 1908, 

walt one or other of the Depositaries mentioned in the foregoing 

As the Company’s Circular contains further information of im- 
portance to the Noteholders, they are advised to obtain copies 
thereof at the Office of either of the undersigned. 


Ith April, 1908. 




Great Russell Street, London. 


Hart Street, Bloomsbury Square, London. 

Passenger Lifts, Electric Light throughout, 
Bathrooms on every Floor, 
Spacious Dining, Drawing, Writing, Reading, Billiard 
and SmokKing Rooms. Heated throughout. 

Fireproof Floors, Perfect Sanitation. Telephones. Night Porter's. 
BEDROOMS (including attendance) from 3/6 to 6/0. 

Inclusive Charge for Bedroom, Attendance, Table d’Hote, 
Breakfast and Dinner, from 8/6 to 10/6 per day. 


Thackeray Hotel—‘' Thackeray, London.” 
Kingsley Hotel—‘ Bookeraft, London.” 

Telegraphic Addresses 



HOTEL NASSAU. With fine Bathing Establishment. Situated 
atthe Curplace. ‘‘ The English Home.” 


THE BELVEDERE. High-class English Family Hotel, in the 
finest and sunniest position. Inclusive terms 11 to 20 francs. 


ONE & ALL SEEDS are reliable, pure, 
and guaranteed. 
Each packet is dated with the year of issue, 
plete Manures. 
All are supplied in small quantities at 
reasonable prices. 
One & All Shilling Collection of 
rou 12 Choice Varieties of Sweet 
ESTABLISHED 1867. Peas, with an Original Pamphlet on their 
Culture, by Richard Dean, V.M.H.—viz., 
Dorothy Eckford, white; Hon. Mrs. Kenyon, yellow; Prima 
Donna, soft pink; King Edward VII., crimson; Miss Wilmott, 
rich deep orange pink ; Mrs. Walter Wright, mauve; Prince of 
Wales, fine rose; Duchess of Westminster, violet purple ; 
Othello, deep maroon; Lady Grisel Hamilton, pale lavender ; 
Duke of Westminster, purple; Navy Blue. 

One @ All Shilling Collection of 12 Hardy Annuals, 

One & All Shilling Collection of 12 Hardy Peren- 
nials and Biennials. 

One & All Shilling Collection of 12 Vegetables for 

One G All Shilling Collection of 12 Vegetables. 

One & Ali Collection of Choicest Asters in 10 
Varieties—2s. 6d. Giant Comet, white; Giant Comet, 
The Bride, white; Giant Comet, rose; Giant Comet, azure blue; 
Giant Comet, dark violet ; Mixed Dwarf Chrysanthemum ; 
Finest Mixed Bouquet; Mixed Victoria; Mixed Paeony; Per- 

fection; and Betteridge’s Quilled in mixed colours. 

One & All Fertiliser No. 24 for general garden purposes. Half- 
rod packets 6d. bags, 7 Ibs., 2/3; 14 1bs., 3/6; 28 Ibs., 5/9; 
56 Ibs., 10/6; 112 Ibs., 20/- Carriage Paid. 

ONE & ALL is the registered Trade Mark of the AGRI- 
LIMITED. Name and address of nearest Local Agent, Illus- 
trated Catalogues, and other details, sent free by post on 
application to EDWARD OWEN GREENING, Managing 
Director, Wholesale Seed Warehouses, 92, Long Acre, W.C. 


Te ET Wes LEON: 

[April 18, 1908. 


WILD’S TEMPERANCE HOTELS. J. B. Wild, C.C., Man. Direc, j 
30-40, Ludgate Hill, E.C. ; 70 & 71, Euston Square, W.C, 

Sun Lounge. Every form of Bath. 

THE QUEEN, Bath Road. Miss Tye. | 
Central. Board and Residence, 35/6 to 3 guineas weekly. 

NEWLYN’S (Royal Exeter) HOTEL, Close Pier; rst Class ; Moderate, | 
SILVER HOW. Boarding Est. West CliffGdns. From jos. week. | 

BRIDPORT (Near West Bay), DORSET. 
BOARD RESIDENCE. Every Comfort. 10, West St., Bridport. 




E. Richard, Manager. 
H. J. Preston, | 


THE TORS HOTEL. Tel. : o199. 

BARON’S TEMPERANCE HOTEL. Magnificent Moor Views. . 

Mrs. F. Sara, 

BEACH HOUSE HOTEL. S. R. Jefferson. 

CLARENCE Private Hotel & Boarding House, Sussex Grdns. 5/- day. 

HADDON HALL, Devonshire Place, overlooking Sea. 5/- day. 

ROYAL HOTEL (MacGregor’s). Scotland’s leading Hotel. 

DELLERS CAFE. Cathedral Close, and at Paignton. 

THE WHITE HART HOTEL. Proprietor, W. Pearl. | 

RED LION HOTEL. Overlooking famous Regatta course. | 


COLLINGWOOD PRIVATE HOTEL. 120 Rooms. Facing Sea. | 

HOTEL METROPOLE, 2 minutes’ walk from either station. 

COMPTON HOTEL, Church Street. Wm. Russell. | 
Telegrams: ‘‘Compton.” Telephone: 3032 Royal, 3 wires. 


First Hotel. 

J. T. Weaver. 

HARDWICKE PRIVATE HOTEL. Prop. & M’g’r.—J. Wilson. | 

SMEDLEY’SHydropathic Establishment. Estab. 1853. H.Challand, Mnger. 

ROCKSIDE HYDRO. Tennis, Bowls, &c. Nr, Golf Links. (18 holes). 
OXFORD (near). 
SUNNINGWELL HALL, Boars Hill. Dry, Sunny, Golf, etc. Lecture 

PENTRE. me | 
PENTRE HOTEL, Rhondda. Tel. No. P.O. 30. W. H. Miles. 

SWISS CAFE, Union Street. 
SPEEDWELL HOTEL. A. Grigsby, Managing Director. 

KENWORTHY’S HYDRO. Near Pier, Lord St., Band and 

Illuminations. Turkish, Electric, Hydropathic, &c., Baths and Treatment. 

STRATHEARN MANSIONS, South Parade. Miss Collis, Manageress. 

BELVEDERE, high-class English Family Hotel. Situated in 
sunniest and finest position. Inclusive terms 11 to 20 francs. 

**‘CRAIGSIDE,” Board Residence. pbelen sO. 

And at Torquay. | 
Genoni Bros, 


Misses Fell. 

REGENT RESTAURANT & Criterion Hall for Catering. W.H. Bonner, 


WILFRED LAWSON. Temp. Hotel, J. J. Blundell Manager 

April 18, 1908.] 


(Under the Management of the Society of Friends.) 

Twenty-six boys passed University Entrance Examinations in 
1906 and 1907. 

A new feature for post-Matriculation students is a CITIZENSHIP 
COURSE, including Economics and Modern History with special 
‘reference to existing political institutions and social problems. 

The School continues to hold a strong position in Leisure-Hour 
work :—Natural History, Archaeology, Carpentry, etc. 

__ For copies of prospectus and full particulars with regard to 
scholarships, apply to the Head Master, Bootham School, York. 

_ Head Master: Arthur Rowntree, Certificate of Distinction in the 
Theory, History, and Practice of Education, Cantab. 

<i ol GO pe ahi — {ee JN GD ) Go Ja Ba 

} Will Begin MONDAY, JUNE 1st. 

Particulars may be obtained from the Secretary. 

| Principal: Miss J. F. GRUNER, Certificated Student of Girton Col- 
lege, late Second Mistress, Dulwich High School, G.P.D.8.Co. Educa- 
Mon thoroughly modern; physical training and outdoor games. Great 
attention is paid to healthful conditions of life. The boarding-house 
jtands at an elevation of 9800 ft.—For prospectus address to 




Preparatory School at Hitchin recognised by the Governors. 
Enquiries should be addressed to the Bursar. 


(a body of Oxford and Cambridge graduates), gives advice and aszsist- 
ance without charge to Parents and Guardians in the selection of 
schools (for GIRLS AND Boys) at home or abroad, and as to Tutors 
(ARMY, NAVY, UNIVERSITY, &c.). A statement of the requirements 
should be sent to the Manager, 

R. J. BEEVOR, M.A., 22, Craven Street, Trafalgar Square, W.C. 

Telegrams: ‘“‘TRIFORM. LONDOX.” Telephone No. 1854 GERRARD 


Good English Education. Eight Acres of Grounds. 


Accomplishments, Needlework, Cookery. 



farm, 1,000 acres. Carpentry, Smith’s work. Riding and 
Shooting taught. Prospectus. 


Affiliated to the University. Contains Study Bedrooms for Fifty 
itudents, with Dining Hall, Library, Class Room, Common Room, 
3illiard Room, Workshop, Fives and Tennis Courts, Football Field 
ind Garden. Stands on three and a-half acres ina residential Park. 
uarge staff of Tutors, and all social and athletic advantages of 
‘ollege life. Managed on undenominational lines by the Society 
of Friends. 


JOHN W. GRAHAM, M.A., Principal. 


Scholarship Examination, June 2nd, 3rd & 4th. 

Ine of $87, five or more of £50, five or more of $30 (£21 for Day Scholars) 
ver annum. Faber Exhibition of £12 awarded to boy who does best in 
Xamination. Council nominations, value £12 per annum, may be awarded to 
soys who do well, but fail to obtain a scholarship. For particulars, apply to 
|he Head Master or Secretary. 

been Opened for BOYS and GIRLS. 
(Author of * Boyhood,” “Through Boyhood to Manhood,” etc.) 

“A Natural Education ” and *‘For Our Daughters,” Lectures given by 
irs. Richmond on the Co-Education of Boys and Girls may be had from 
flessrs. G. Street & Co., Ltd., 42, Albemarle-street, London, W, Price 3d. 

|} ach; single copy 4d., post free. 


ieee VN. AT FONG 




The South Wales and Monmouthshire Training School of Cookery 
and Domestic Arts, 3, 4, 5 and 6, St. Andrew’s Place, Cardiff. 
Superintendent Miss HESTER DAVIES. 
Secretary J. AUSTIN JENKINS, B.A. 

The School is under the Management of a Committee appointed by 
the Council of the College. It is under Government Inspection, and the 
Committee 1s empowered to grant Diplomas in Cookery, Laundry work 
and Housewifery, under the cognizance and with the approval of the 
Board of Education. 

The Departments of the Training School of Cookery and Domestic 
Arts are as follows :— 





Further particulars can be obtained on application to ‘the 
Superintendent of the School, at 6, St. Andrew's Place, Cardiff. 


ENTRANCE SCHOLARSHIPS.—Ten Entrance Scholarships, from £50 
to £60, and several Bursaries of not more than £30, tenable for three years 
at the College, will be awarded on the results of an Examination to be 
held from June 29th to July 4th, 1908. Names must be entered before May 
3Qth. The College prepares Students for London Degrees and also for 
certain of the Oxford Honour Examinations. Inclusive fee, £100 a year. 

For forms of entry and further particulars, apply to the SECRETARY 
Royal Holloway College, Englefield Green, Surrey. 

Head Mistress: Miss ESTHER CASE, M.A., Dublin (Class : Tripos, Camb.) 
Second Mistress ; Miss ESTERBROOK HICKS, B.SC., London. 
A limited number of boarders received. 


Public School Life and Education, with Special Classes for all Naval and 
Military Examinations. Special Fees for Officers in the Navy and Army. 
Recognised by the Army Council. Large playing fields; gymnasium, 
swimming bath; chemical and physical laboratories; cadet corps, &c. 
Recent Honours: Open Scholarship, Balliol College; lst Open Scholar- 
ship, Hertford College. Admissions to Sandhurst, Osborne, &c. 
the Head Master, Rev. A. E. RUBIE, D.D. 



Headmaster—The REV. CECIL GRANT, M.A. 
The next Term begins on Thursday, May 7th. 

Apply to 

For prospectus and full particulars apply to The Co-EDUCATIONAL 
PUBLIC SCHOOLS TRUST, LTD., 41, Moorgate Street, E.C. 


Tue Nation is published weekly. Applications for 
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Sir Henry Campbell-Banner- 
man = . 108 
Idealism in Politics ... e169 
A Vision of New Toryism ... lll 
The Perilin the Balkans ... 112 
Some Abuses of Club Life ... 114 
The Economies of PARDIng }. 115 
The Child’s Fetish : ‘116 
Sharing. By K.. EAD By f 
The Tyranny of the Clock :.. 118 

The Death of the Rich mens a 

By Padraic Colum ... 9 
ART :— 
Pictures at the Paris Salon ... 120 

Mr. McKenna’s Ad alt Sel 
By One who Knows... alee 


“The Practical Reconstruc- 
tion of Country Life.” By 
J. Frome Wilkinson .. . 124 
“The Merchant of Venice,” 
at His Majesty’s Theatre. 
By 4. V. R. 124 
Protection and “Unemploy- 
ment. By Forrest Hewit.., 125 
Women and the Suffrage. 
By B.C.S.and A. Kelly .., 125 

Tbe Forsaken Room. Baad Jie 

Marjoram an ts. , 125 


Books to be Read = ei26 

The England of Domesday. 
By Sidney and Beatrice 
Wie Dum: a nee UPS 

A Master in Israel co oe ies 

Arab and Greek.. 

Two Novels of Domestic Life be 


Martial Law in Natal. By 
George Greenwood, M.P.... 123 

The “Crux” in “The Tem- The Kine General in ahs ara 
pest.” By E W. Lummis 123 os “as 

The Garrotting Fallaey. By The Cave Boy .. » 136 
Criminologist . we. 124 THE WEEK IN THE CITY ARS 

[The Editor will be pleased to consider manuscripts of accom- 
panied by stamped and addressed envelopes. He accepts 
no responsibility, however, for manuscripts submitted to him. uh 

Diarp of the Geek. 

Str Henry CampBeti-BanneRMAN died without pain 
at a quarter past nine on Wednesday, after a period of 
unconsciousness. He was in his seventy-second year and 
_ had been for forty years continuously a member of the 
House of Commons. Till within a few days of his 
death, he was at once its leader and its “ Father,’’ his 
association stretching back to the first Gladstone 
Government. He had borne his long illness with the 
courage which was his outstanding andennobling quality, 
and had fought for life with the full knowledge that the 
battle might go against him. We have endeavoured to 
describe his work and personality elsewhere, but we think 
we may say here that of late his most profound 
feeling and source of public anxiety were on the score 
of Ireland. His desire to aid the cause of nationality 
was so strong that at a time when his illness had 
assumed the gravest symptoms, and when it seemed 
impossible to postpone Mr. Redmond’s motion on Home 
Rule, he insisted that he must join in the debate, 
against the urgent counsel of his doctors, and with the 
knowledge that anattempt to rise from his sick bed and to 
speak in the House of Commons might instantly be fatal. 
Mr. Birrell’s illness averted this heroic decision. Wemay 
further add that the common notion of Sir Henry’s great 
wealth was erroneous. He was not a man of very large 
possessions, though he gave generously to many public 
objects. He was in private life an example of amiability, 
of a serenity of mind and temper, which no public 
tumult could ruffle.. He thus-bestowed and received 
affection, and both in rich measure. He was singularly 
free from the vanity or the selfishness of public life; so 

that, though he won the attachment of the outer world, 
those who knew him best will mourn him most. 
* * * 

Sir Henry CaMpBELL-BANNERMAN is to be buried at 
Meigle, which is close to his Scottish seat, on Tuesday, 
and a funeral service will be held in Westminster Abbey 
at noon on Monday. The King and Queen, now absent 
in Copenhagen, and other members of the Royal Family, 
have sent messages of condolence, which have been es- 
pecially warm in view of the singular affection which was 
entertained for him by most of the members of the Royal 
House. Since the days of Lord Beaconsfield, no Prime 
Minister has been so popular with Royalty, a relation- 
ship which was maintained without any practice or sug- 
gestion of the courtier’s art. The tone of the Opposition 
Press has been notably warm, “ The Times ’’ describing 
Sir Henry “as a power for peace and reconciliation,”’ 
and happily quoting Lockhart’s phrase that public life 
was to him “an extension of the hearth.’’ The feeling 
abroad and in the Colonies has been not less sympatheti- 
cally expressed. The Radical German papers claim him 
especially as an “idealist ’’ and a friend of international 
peace. Votes of condolence were carried unanimously in 
both Houses of the Cape Parliament, Mr. Merriman, the 
Premier, declaring that the unification of South Africa, 
if it were accomplished, would be his work. General 
Botha, in a message to the “ Daily Chronicle,’’ tele- 
graphed that “in making it possible for the two races 
to live and work together harmoniously he has laid the 
foundations of a united South Africa.’? The Ministry 
of the Orange Colony have sent special messages of 

* * * 

Tue result of the Manchester election will be known 
by the time that Tux Nation is in the hands of its 
readers. The contest has been fought with unexampled 
energy, and, though the method has been popular, it has 
been more intellectual and less sensational than the 
saturnalia of Peckham. Mr. Churchill has secured the 
votes of the Jews, of a body of Manchester merchants 
who adhere to Free Trade, and of those Irish Catholics 
who decline to be led by their priests, who, in their turn, 
follow the strong Conservative bias of the English Catho- 
lic Bishops. This choice has been determined by Mr. 
Churchill’s notable declaration on Home Rule. Speaking 
“with the full confidence of the Prime Minister,’’ he 
said that the “ Liberal Party should claim full authority 
and a free hand to deal with the problem of Irish self- 
government without being restricted to mere measures of 
devolution of the character of the Irish Council Bill.”’ 
On this declaration Mr. Redmond and Mr. T. P. 
O’Connor advised the Irish to vote in his favour, since 
they had “ elicited a declaration, on the authority of the 
Prime Minister, that Home Rule, in the sense of Mr. 
Redmond’s resolution, will be put before the Govern- 
ment by the electors at the general election.’? Mr. Lloyd 
George, in the course of an electric speech, remarkable for 
its sustained brilliancy of spirit and phrasing, also stated 
that Old Age Pensions would be conceded within a 

-twelvemonth. -The chief factors hostile to Mr. Churchill 

have been the unscrupulous use made of the rise in the 
price of coal and bread, the organisation of the liquor 

interest, the work of suffragettes and friends of the bar- 
maids, coupled with the inevitable loss of votes which 
active Governments sustain. The correspondent of “ The 
Times,’’ in a careful review of the situation on the eve of 
the poll, thinks that the most dangerous element is the 
candidature of Mr. Irving, the doctrinaire Socialist, and 
concludes that if he polls well Mr. Churchill must lose. 
Should this be the case, revolutionary Socialism will 
merely have played its accustomed part in British politics 
of taking a back seat in the reactionist procession. 

* * * 

Mr. Runciman has been re-elected for Dewsbury by 
a majority of 1,516. His majority at the General Elec- 
tion was 3,810. The contest, like that at North-West 
Manchester, was three-cornered. The Liberal poll has 
fallen by 1,170 votes, that of the Labor candidate, 
Mr. Turner, by 183 votes, that of the Conservative- 
Protectionist has risen by 1,124. The Free Trade 
majority is still overwhelming, for both Liberalism and 
Labor based their appeal upon it, and the abnormal 
conditions of 1906 cannot, of course, be maintained. But 
some breach has been made in the Liberal strength. 
The topics of the election were all domestic—trade, 
unemployment, liquor reform; and the Labor opposi- 
tion was pointed by some sharp criticisms by Mr. Runci- 
man of the Unemployed Bill. But it is significant that, 
as we have often urged, Liberalism and Labor tend 
to decline, if they do decline, together, and one does not 
gain at the expense of the other. 

% * * 

Iraty commenced a naval demonstration against 
Turkey to compel her to consent to the establishment 
of Italian post-offices in the five Turkish towns in which 
the other Powers have them. The demonstration was 
cancelled on Monday, when Turkey yielded, reserving, 
however, the right to take future action against the 
whole system of foreign post-offices on Turkish territory. 
There can be no doubt that Italy’s object was political 
rather than commercial, and the Turkish objections 
were also political. The foreign post-offices are exten- 
sions of the doctrine of extra-territoriality, which is 
obnoxious because a limitation of Turkish sovereignty. 
Italy is pressing other claims in connection with Tripoli, 
and her energy in pushing her private interests is no 
doubt calculated to stir the Concert to emulation, and 
to inspire the Turkish Government with a fuller con- 
sciousness of its moral inferiority to the Western 

* * * 

Tue Mohmands to the north of the Kabul River and 
the Khaiber are threatening trouble. They are reported 
to have gathered 10,000 tribesmen, and they have sniped 
some posts. The Mohmands have been restless since the 
Zakkha Khel expedition, which they, no doubt, regarded 
as the beginning of a movement to bring the frontier 
tribes under administrative control. The Indian Govern- 
ment has concentrated a large force, but is obviously 
not anxious for another expedition, especially as the 
weather is very hot. The Mohmands themselves should 
not prove a very serious nut to crack. The country is 
more accessible than that south of the Khaiber, and the 
tribes inferior fighting material. On the other hand, 
they are very near the Afghan frontier, and complica- 
tions with Afghanistan might well arise if the Amir’s 
subjects, as in 1897, were to assist the Mohmands. It is 
to be hoped that an expedition will not be necessary, 
otherwise it is only too likely that another nail may be 
put into the coffin of the Curzon frontier settlement. 

Habis NeA SGN 

[April 25, 1908. 

Tux National Union, which represents between six 
and seven thousand of elementary school teachers, has 
made an interesting contribution to the movement for 
educational peace. On Monday it passed a resolution at 
its Conference at Hastings, asking the Government to 
call a conference with the view to a compromise before 
proceeding with their Bill. The special position of the 
teachers was stated by their President, Mr. Nicholls, 
who objected to the McKenna Bill because it established 
contracting-out and thus vetoed a national system, and 
to the St. Asaph Bill because it set up the right of 
entry in public schools. His own scheme was a general 
form of simple religious teaching within school hours, 
given by the teachers, and supplemented by special 
doctrinal teaching in voluntary schools. This was to be 
given an hour before and after the school day, when 
the school-house would be at the disposal of the trustees, 
free of charge and properly warmed, cleaned, and lighted. 
The same facilities were to be offered in the evenings 
and on Saturdays and Sundays. Personally, we prefer 
such a settlement either to the McKenna or the St. 
Asaph Bill. In any case, we hope that the conference, 
if it comes, will not be confined to “ priests” and 
‘‘ presbyters,” and that representatives of the teachers 
will be admitted to it. It will not do to admit that 
English public education is merely a matter for clerical 

% * * 

THREE Treaties were signed on Thursday. The first 
is the Arbitration Treaty between England and the 
United States, which we have already described. It is 
limited both as to subjects and as to an express reser- 
vation of the power of the American Senate, which has 
now resisted the Irish hostility that proved fatal to 
the Treaty negotiated by Lord Salisbury. The other 
two Treaties guarantee the status quo in the North Sea 

and the Baltic in the interest of the smaller sea-side. 

States. All the documents, therefore, tend to peace. 
Under the North Sea Treaty, Denmark and Holland 
receive a guarantee against aggression from Great 
Britain, Germany, and France. Under the Baltic agree- 
ment Sweden, while losing the protective Treaty of 
1855, receives, with Denmark, a guarantee from Russia 
and Germany, both Baltic Powers. We imagine that 
the Aland Islands are made safe, and that there is no 
question of the Baltic becoming a “closed sea.” 
Otherwise Great Britain could never have assented to 
the Treaty. 
% * * 

Tue Duma has passed by an overwhelming majority 
the Bill for the building of the Amur railway. The 
new line will link Vladivostok with Transbaikalia by a 
northern route remote from the Japanese outposts, and 
running through Russian territory only. It will tra- 
verse a frozen region without a future ; it will cost some 
£50,000,000 ; and it will be of no strategical value until 
the Transiberian line is doubled; but the reactionary 

Duma prefers to waste money on perilous Imperialistic 

ventures to tackling the thorny land question. Another 
indication of its temper is given by the recommendation 
of the Defence Committee to introduce the Russian con- 
scription system into Finland. Negotiations are on foot 
to form a bloc of the Moderate Right, the Octobrists, 
and the Cadets against the extreme Right and extreme 
what the Cadets could do in such company. The Czar 
has signified his passion for reform by pardoning Gurko, 

the Assistant Minister of the Interior, who was found 
guilty last year of embezzling the money voted for the 

starving peasants, The appearance in the “Revue des 

They have failed so far, and it is not obvious. 

April 25, 1908.] 

deux Mondes” and the “ Preussische Jahrbiicher ” of 
inspired articles on Russia’s finances, points to a new 
appeal to the loan market at no distant date. 

* * * 

THE Congo debate began in the Belgian Chamber 
on Wednesday, when only a little preliminary skirmish- 
ing was indulged in. The Socialists proposed that the 
question of annexation should be referred to the nation, 
and the Premier replied that there was no constitu- 
tional provision for the referendum, though it is worth 
noting that the ‘Morning Post’’ some days ago 
announced that a special session would be given to the 
Congo after the elections. The opponents of annexa- 
tion are very active. The Socialists in conference last 
Sunday condemned it on any conditions, and they have 
been driving home to the Belgian people its responsibili- 

ties certain and probable. 
* * * 

Some significant movements have taken place dur- 
ing the week in the practical politics of British Socialist 
parties. On the one hand, the Social Democratic 
Federation, which met in conference at Manchester, 
has rejected by 130 votes to 30 a resolution of fusion 
with the Independent Labour Party, moved on the 
ground that both bodies were now equally committed to 
doctrinaire Socialism, The resolution of fusion 
received, however, a rather notable convert in the 
veteran Mr. Hyndman, hitherto a resolute opponent of 
union. On the other hand, Mr. Irving, the Socialist 
candidate in North-West Manchester, lacks the support 
of the advanced Labour members, and Mr. Wells writes 
an open letter to the ‘‘ Daily News,’ declaring that Mr. 
Irving merely represents “the extreme, old-fashioned, 
and implacable type of Socialist theory, limited, doc- 
trinaire, and cantankerous ’’; while, on the other hand, 
Mr. Churchill’s position was in harmony “ with the 
spirit of our movement.’’ He therefore recommended 
reasonable Socialists to vote for the Liberal candidate, 
so as to secure, among other ends, a Socialist answer 
to gross misrepresentations of Socialism by candidates 
like Mr. Joynson-Hicks. 

¥ * * 

Tue founding of Quebec by Champlain, its first 
Governor, three hundred years ago, and the beginning 
of modern Canadian history, are to be commemorated 
by a great celebration in which Great Britain, Canada, 
and France are happily and properly joined. The 
special feature of the festival is to be the purchase by 
the Canadian people of land on the Heights of Abraham, 
where Wolfe fought the battle which decided the 
destinies of Canada. The hero who won, the hero who 
lost, and both heroes who died, are united in the pro- 
posed memorial, and a French squadron will be present 
in the celebration, in token of one of the most brilliant 
_and stainless passages in French colonial development. 
An executive committee, headed by Lord Midleton, 
invites subscriptions, which are to be handed to the 
Canadian Committee by the Prince of Wales, when he 
attends the ceremony next July. They should be sent 
to the Wolfe and Montcalm Memorial Account, at the 
Bank of England. 

* x * 

One of the greatest feats of Western statesmanship 
and administration in Eastern lands was terminated on 
Wednesday, when Sir Robert Hart, for forty-five years 
Inspector-General of Maritime Customs in China, left 
Peking. Sir Robert’s organisation of the Imperial 
customs, which involved practically the maintenance of 
the foreign trade of China, had not only the qualities of 
ability and perfect probity, which nearly all such Euro- 

Ae ee APD ONG 


pean services to the East possess, but it was achieved in 
sympathy and in co-operation with the people and the 
Government that it benefited. Sir Robert has for nearly 
half-a-century been at once the most powerful and the 
most trusted European in China. He opposed the 
thoughtless and reckless policy of exploitation which 
ended in the Boxer rising and the joint war. 
It is interesting to read the tribute to his character of 
the Shun-tien Shih-pao, a leading Chinese newspaper 
in Peking. ‘‘ Never,’’ it says, “‘ has the employment of a 
foreign statesman been so fruitful of success in the 
world’s history. Such long-maintained trust, such 
faith growing deeper and deeper on one side, such 
generous affection and sustained diligence on the other— 
these marvellous results may well leave one speechless.’’ 
This is a rare tribute from the East to the West. 
* * * 

Mr. Mortey has made a careful and judicious selec- 
tion for the Bishopric of Bombay. The new Bishop, Mr. 
Palmer, is a scholar and tutor of Balliol, and as he was 
a Craven scholar, and obtained a first both in ‘‘ Mods ’’ 
and in “Greats,’’ Mr. Morley may claim to have revived 
an almost dying tradition of scholarship in the episco- 
pacy. Mr. Palmer has also Liberal tendencies in 
thought and in social interests. We note that the 
“Times,” in its balanced view of the late Prime 
Minister’s career, praises his ecclesiastical appointments, 
and suggests the well-known fact that they were largely 
influenced by the Primate’s advice. We cannot, how- 
ever, agree that this was a strong point in Sir Henry’s 
dispensation of patronage. Some two or three minor 
appointments have been good, but no one can say that 
the nominations to the Bishoprics of Newcastle and 
Chichester added strength of mind or character to the 
English Episcopate. 

x * % 

TuE “ Shakespeare Memorial Committee ’’ has issued 
a statement in which it rejects the plan of a national 
theatre, and adheres to its design of an “ architectural 
and symbolical monument,’’ but suggests that it has 
under consideration, as a “‘ subsidiary project,’’ the idea 
of a “Shakespeare theatre.’’ This may seem to be some 
concession to public opinion, but we would point out 
that the Committee itself has no right or power to speak 
for the nation, least of all to commit it to an artistic 
enterprise which is doomed to failure. The signatories 
of the letter to the ‘ Times,’’ this (Friday) morning do 
not include a single living British writer of the first 
eminence. They do not comprise one dramatic author, 
or critic, and only two Shakespearian writers of conse- 
quence. The presence of sculptors and architects on such 
a body is, at this stage, a grave disadvantage, rather than 
a merit ; and the primary design of the Committee, as to 
which they have strangely committed themselves in the 
selection of a site, is open to every kind of objection. The 
Committee carries no weight, and we hope that sub- 

scriptions will be rigorously withheld from it. 
* * * 

Tue large exhibition of paintings by Mr. H. A. 
Olivier at the Grafton Galleries has for its 
principal features a series of twenty-four portraits of the 
Princes of Central India. As regards. political impor- 
tance, the most conspicuous exhibit is, the portrait of 
H.H. Maharaja Madho Rao Sindhia, the Hindu chief 
of Gwalior, whose State is one of the largest in India; 
while another full-length picture of great interest is that 
of the veteran H.H. Maharaja Pratap Singh, of Orchha. 
Mr. Olivier works in the direct manner of Mr. Ouless 
and Mr. Cope, and may be congratulated both on the 
character he has imparted to most of his subjects’ faces 
and on the detailed workmanship of their accoutrements 



[April 25, 1908. 

Politics and Affairs. 

Tue death of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman is an 
event which, though it possesses no element of tragedy, 
A ffec- 
tion does not readily flow to public men, for most con- 

has greatly touched the people of these islands. 

spicuous service in the field of human action tends to 
harden character, and those whom we most deeply 
mourn have not as a rule held traffic on the greater ways 
of life. But now and then statesmen and national 
leaders, such as William of Orange, Fox, Garibaldi, 
Lincoln, suggest, in their leaving, a feeling more inti- 
mate than that which usually accompanies the passing of 
the great. One reason is that a part of their personality 
seems to consist of the home-spun stuff of which, happily, 
the social fabric is mainly composed. Of such a charac- 
ter was the late Prime Minister. He made no pretence 
to greatness, and, despising the watchful vanity that 
attends on and half ruins public life, disliked and dis- 
trusted those whe used language of undue praise con- 
cerning his gifts and achievements. Of his limita- 
and he probably did 

insight and 

tions he was fully aware, 
less than justice to the qualities of 
wise detachment of mind which eventually secured 
him his surprising success as a political chieftain. 
He preferred to be thought a plain man among plain 
men, and in this preference, and in the strain of genial 
warmth which was inseparable from his nature, lies, we 
imagine, one explanation of the great popularity which 
he finally secured. He was liked as, for example, Glad- 
stone was never liked, though he had to fight much the 
same kind of battle against an excited public opinion, 
basing itself on patriotic feeling and national interest, 
and though, during his two years of Premiership, he car- 
ried advanced legislation, and attacks on privileged 
bodies like the House of Lords, farther than any pre- 
But these things did not 
appear to count against him in the favour even of 
moderate men, any more than his deposition of the Duke 
of Cambridge affected his friendship with that much- 
aggrieved soldier. 

vious Liberal leader had done. 

The passing storms of aversion from 
which his Government suffered seemed to leave him 
almost untouched, 

Sir Henry’s death will not be felt less heavily by 
his countrymen because he did not actually die Prime 
Minister of Great Britain, and his removal no longer 
affects the material calculations of our politics. For 
his career has left a deep impression on our times, and 
has permanently affected both the fortunes of his own 
party and the general aspect of British government. 
In resigning power when he felt himself unable to wield 
it, he acted in harmony with his character, and with the 
conception of leadership to which he firmly adhered. 
He came to the rescue of Liberalism when it was a mere 
hulk, floating captainless and rudderless on the waste of 
waters. When he had given it its proper force and 
direction, he was willing to surrender the chief post into 
the hands of another. He told the present writer that 
he had no desire to be Prime Minister, and was willing 

a serve under Lord Spencer. But when his captaincy 

involved the existence of his party, and an unstable but 
attractive personality was beckoning it along the way to 
destruction, he showed the utmost tenacity, both of polli- 
tical purpose and of his own position. For a consider- 
able time he had not more than fifty men in the House 
of Commons on whom he could rely. Intrigue and half- 
heartedness had reduced the fighting power of Parlia- 
mentary Liberalism to its lowest point when he made 
the famous Leicester speech, which, though its imme- 
diate effect was the establishment of the Liberal League, 
” and 


really expunged the policy of the “clean slate, 
scattered to the winds a combination based on disregard 
of the historic purpose of Liberalism, and an inability 
to divine and pursue the sources of its future strength. 
We know what would have happened if Lord Rosebery 
had even temporarily succeeded. Nota place would have 
been found in present-day politics for a shadowy form 
of Whiggery, cut off from the humanitarian traditions of 
the old Whig Party, and based merely on uncritical fear 
of a passing phase of opinion. It was in this crisis that 
“C. B.’’ insisted on a formal renewal of his own man- 
date, and flatly declined to wipe a single measure, or ideal, 
or aspiration out of the Liberal programme. The issue of 
the quarrel was decided when the leader who had borne 
the heat and burden of the day called ‘“ Forward,” while 
the leader who had kept his tent while the battle raged 
most fiercely cried “ Back.’’ Gladstone’s genius contin- 
ually enriched and renewed the moral resources of 
Liberalism. It was reserved for an inferior intelligence, 
but a character of rare strength and integrity, to save 
it from absolute bankruptcy. 

Such resolutions test the reins of men and consti- 
tute the final qualification for leadership. Mr. Balfour, 
with a great majority at his back, made the clever man’s 
mistake throughout the Parliament of 1900 of reckoning 
with every leader of the Liberal Party save the per- 
sonage who, on account of his toughness of fibre and essen- 
tial power of temperament, decreed the Tory downfall. 
In the following intellectual work of the Parliamentary 
Opposition “C. B.’’ did not bear the supreme part. He 
was neither a great Parliamentary orator nor a master 
of intellectual fence. He was content to leave to others 
the detailed work of safeguarding Free Trade, just as, 
when Prime Minister, he took a less conspicuous part 
in the work of devising Bills and resolutions than his 
successor, Mr. Asquith. But more than any of his 
colleagues he discerned and elaborated the true answer 
to Mr. 

Liberals were for preaching Free Trade and Free Trade 

Chamberlain’s policy of Protection. Many 
“C. B.’’ saw that that was a mere form of Con- 
servatism, fatal to Liberalism. So he insisted on linking 
Chamberlain’s statements of the weak 
points in our social organism, and pressed them into 
the service of a constructive social policy. 


the defence of Free Trade with social reform. 
accepted Mr. 

By this means 
he retained in being a party that could alone save the 
essential principles of external commerce and interior 
welfare. “C. B.’s’’ glory was to maintain a solid and 
eventually a disciplined force at the time when counsels 
of disruption were tendered so deftly and persuasively 
that they looked like an invitation to enter a new Land 
of Promise. When this thrifty forethought bore its in- 

April 25, 1908.] 



evitable fruit, no other uniting personality presented 
itself but his own. It was vain to suppose that the 
man who had led the party to power could not lead it in 
the Commons. For a moment Sir Henry wavered, and 
was only induced to remain in the representative House 
by his wife’s firm persuasion. His decision proved to 
be the final and indispensable link in the business of 
cementing the party that emerged from the General 

Election of 1906. 

For it is clear that no one but he could have estab- 
lished a proper and promising relationship between 
Liberalism and Labour. The present Prime Minister 
is, we believe, perfectly capable of maintaining and 
strengthening that association, and the confidence estab- 
lished between him and his predecessor is of good augury 
for the success of the new departure. But two years ago, 
it was a question even more of a personality than a policy. 
A new situation had arisen; it was for Liberalism to 
choose whether it would go forward with the democratic 
movement and its new representative, the Labour Party, 
or sink back to party conventionalism, and eventually 
to Conservatism, abandoning on the way Home Rule, 
and the case for forlorn or struggling causes in nations 
and classes, and abruptly disowning all association or sym- 
pathy with tentativeor meliorist Socialism. The late Pre- 
mier’s demeanour and ways of life, the attraction which 
plain men felt for a “ russet-coated captain,’’ who kept in 
closer touch with the inner life of the House of Commons 
than Prime Ministers are wont to maintain, and who, 
middle-class as he was, shared not a few ideals and 
beliefs common to workmen-politicians of nearly all 
shades of democratic opinion, secured a half-conscious but 
real advance of Liberalism towards the new propaganda 
and the new party. “C. B.’’ did not provide an exact 
and formal means of approach or contact between 
Liberalism and visions of a State fashioned on more or 
less co-operative lines. But he kept the ground open, and 
Mr. Asquith reaps in this respect what his predecessor 
has sown. Moreover, his courage and firm grasp of prin- 
ciple came to the rescue on important occasions, and 
secured him in Cabinet the dominance which he main- 
tained through his unrivalled ascendency in the House 
of Commons. Without his personal intervention we 
doubt whether South Africa would have had self-govern- 
ment in a form which would have secured the great poli- 
tical aim of acceptance by the Dutch community. Thus, 
at a stroke, he wiped out the worst leavings of the war, 
and truly made South Africa one. Just as he stoutly 
defended the truth and appositeness of his phrase 
“methods of barbarism,’’ so he literally fulfilled his 
pledges to make South Africa a free dominion under the 
British flag. An intellect which thus went surely to the 
heart of things was not contemptible; it was, indeed, a 
more truly serviceable gift than the sceptical and waver- 
ing intelligence, occupied always with the outworks of 
thought, of Mr. Balfour, The human gift of tact came 
in to reinforce ‘“ C. B.’s’’ clearness of view and directness 
of temperament and character. In all his successes, half 
social and half political, the art of the late Prime Minis- 
ter was half the art which conceals art, and half the spon- 
taneous bent of his own nature. In spite of some strong 
prepossessions on army matters, he was usually a Radical, 

and always a democrat. His dislike of privilege was, 
indeed, less intellectual than moral and instinctive. 
However, it is not easy to fix the mind purely on the 
public services of a man who, though he has died within 
a few days of surrendering the practical government of 
the British Empire, was so amiable and so widely 
beloved as Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman. Humanity 
comes before politics, and a peculiar grace surrounds a 
personality that attains to great power and yet, as we 
have said, commends itself especially by its appeal to 
the hearts of his fellows. 
such a man, and in this respect is distinguished from 

The late Prime Minister was 

nearly all the figures who have attained to great poli- 
tical authority in recent times, with the exception of a 
popular leader whose name we have already used, 
Abraham Lincoln. 

and a magical figure, and neither in intellectual great- 

Lincoln was, indeed, a masterful 

ness nor in magnitude of achievement can any compari- 
son lie between him and the statesman whose body 
reposes in Downing Street. But a certain quality of 
Both were of 

Both possessed 

homeliness and friendliness unites them. 
simple origin. Both served long in adversity. 
had unpopular causes to defend. 
gifts of humour and shrewd judgment, joined to stead- 
fastness of opinion and essential simplicity of character. 
Both were able to measure and to welcome new forces 
in political life, and preferred to look to the common 
affections of mankind rather than to rely on the favour 
of the rich and the powerful. Sir Henry Campbell- 
Bannerman, in particular, hated the things which the 
poor have most reason to hate—such as war, and the 
business, which precedes war, of exciting nations against 
each other. Such statesmen represent and uphold 
essentially moral forces in public life, for they encourage 
the lowly to believe that, in spite of the formidable 
examples of supreme force joined to contempt of, or 
indifference to, the average lot, government may some- 
times devolve on men who feel for them, and would fain 

refashion the world to suit a better time than ours. 


WuereE to find the extreme politician is a problem 
suggested by some recent events in the Socialist world. 
To the genuine country Tory, the mild Liberalism of a 
very average Liberal condidate breathes of revolution 
and nothing less. This very Liberal perhaps finds some 
nominal colleagues a good deal too advanced for himseil, 
and is daily conscious of a party of reckless extremists 
outside his own world, who profess the creed of Labour. 
That there could possibly be any one more extreme than 
Mr. Keir Hardie is a suggestion which he would scout 
But if he will look at the reports 
of the Social Democratic Congress, held at the end of 
last week in Manchester, he will see Mr. Keir Hardie 

as inconceivable. 

and his friends treated as moderates, if not as back- 
sliders, while the pure milk of the word is claimed for 
the Social Democratic Federation alone. We should be 
surprised if the Social Democrats, in their turn, are not 
fated to be denounced as mealy-mouthed moderates, 
trucklers to capital, ready to compromise and subor- 
dinate principle to expediency, by some Anarchist 



[April 25, 1908. 

congress ; and if we could get inside the Anarchist world 
we should probably: find a similar schism between the 
opportunist, who only wants to blow people up when 
there is a prospect of gaining something by it, and the 
real puritan of the movement, who is for the bomb 
always and everywhere. The question between the 
moderate and the extremist is largely one of perspective. 
Anybody who is more than one degree removed from 
the speaker is relegated to the extremes. His left-hand 
man goes a little too far, and his right-hand comrade is 
But both are “ reasonable ” people, with 
The man beyond them 
He is an 

too cautious. 
whom he can discuss matters. 
on either side is quite a different being. 
immovable reactionary, or an impracticable idealist. 
Meanwhile, every group is lumped together by people 
at a still greater distance as forming a single school. 
The divergences which within the group are matters of 
such lively and sensitive consciousness, disappear entirely 
in the bird’s eye view. To the True Blue mind the mild 
being may be barely distinguishable as a separate entity, 
but everyone beyond him is at once Socialist, Anarchist, 
and Atheist, bent on destroying the throne, the altar, 
and the home with dynamite and “ marching through 
rapine and ruin ” to the dismemberment of society. 

We do not suppose that the True Blue mind is 
capable of noticing, still less of being affected, by the 
attitude of any such body as the Social Democratic 
Federation. But the more reflective moderate man may 
see in it something of a counterpoise to the Hull resolu- 
That resolu- 
tion seemed to identify the Labour Party with Social- 

tion which alarmed him some time ago. 

ism, and indeed, on the strength of that resolution, the 
wiser heads among the Social Democrats inclined to an 
affiliation with the Labour Party, which might have re- 
stored their Federation to a real niche, if a small one, 
But the Federation as a 
The Labour Party is 
It is even accused of 

in the political structure. 
whole would have nothing of it. 
tainted with Parliamentarism. 

desiring social reform. Its remedies for unemployment, 
which made some of us open our eyes the other day, are 
altogether too namby pamby. It is suspected of com- 
Shall the Free Socialist of 
the pure blood be accused of such things? Shall we 
deal with the accursed thing, existing society? Shall 
we be suspected of desiring to reform that which must 
be destroyed root and branch? Perish the thought! 
Pure Socialism wraps itself up in its virtue, and keeps 

itself unspotted from the world. 

promise and practicality. 

The little incident is the more interesting because 
Mr. Wells, Mr. “ Brougham Villiers,’’ and others, have 
been explaining to us recently that the distinguishing 
feature of modern Socialism is the abandonment of the 
impracticable attitude. Socialism, we have learnt, was 
in the hands of Marx a rigid mechanical system very 
logical and coherent within, but incapable of adapting 
itself to the actual world. Partly through the action 
of the Fabians, but mainly through the actual rise of a 
Labour Party as a political force, a great change has 
gradually come about. _ Socialism remains an ideal, per- 
haps not so clear and concise an ideal as it was, but 
still an intelligible ideal, but it is quite clearly and ex- 
plicitly recognised that it is an ideal into which modern 

society has to grow. There is to be no catastrophic 
change. There is to be evolution proceeding through 
rational persuasion, and the appeal to the social in- 
stincts and intellectual honesty of men and women. 
Now, many things may happen to a movement which 
thus descends, as it were, from the heights to the plain. 
But one thing is pretty sure to be among them. It 
will leave some of its old adherents in occupation of the 
peaks, where in their solitary grandeur they will stand 
denouncing their former associates for desertion of prin- 
ciple. The severance of the Social Democrats from the 
working body of the Labour Party seems to us to illus- 
trate aptly enough this phase in the movement, and 
in reality to confirm the account of the main trend of 
Socialist thought which Mr. Wells has given. 

While the Socialist, in descending to the plain, has 
brought his ideals into closer contact with the actual 
world, the world itself, it is fair to say, hasmade an almost 
equal movement in the direction of the Socialist. It is 
in vain that newspapers seek to frighten us with names. 
No one can deny that the old assumptions which stood as 
a clear and hard barrier against Socialistic legislation 
have been deserted by both parties. Free competition as a 
remedy for all ills, once the device of the most advanced 
party, is now abandoned by the most retrograde. The 
course of events has of itself compelled the adoption of 
many measures which would once have been denounced 
as Socialistic, and the growing sense of social compunc- 
tion, and the spreading knowledge of the extent and the 
causes of poverty have done much to incline people to 
listen to anyone, whatever his creed, who had a remedy 
for economic misery to propose. As regards Socialism, 
indeed these considerations cut both ways. If they show 
that the Socialist is no longer a political pariah, they 
go also to prove that we can have Socialistic measures 
without becoming Socialists. We can accept much of 
the Socialist spirit, of the ideal of industrial co-operation, 
of the deepening sense of collective responsibility, and em- 
body the new teaching usefully in our legislation without 
committing themselves, body andsoul, to a brand new order 
of society with cast-iron arrangements complete. It may 
be doubted whether we are an inch nearer the “ Socialist 
State” of the idealist, because we have done many things 
and shall do many more which embody what is good in 
It is impossible even to say how far 
Seventy years 

Socialist teaching. 
the present trend will convey us. 
ago emancipation from political and even religious 
monopoly was the need most urgently felt. The move- 
ment was still highly incomplete when new needs arose, 
and it was recognised that the positive intervention of 
the State to redress economic inequality and much result- 
ing social misery was necessitated by the very forces 
which the work of emancipation was setting free. For 
twenty years these needs have been making themselves 
felt. They have influenced all parties and borne fruit 
in a long course of legislation. To-day probably they are 
felt more keenly than ever. Their influence is still on 
the upward swell of the wave. But whether they will 
fling us safe and stationary on the shores of that Socialist 
Utopia in which they were to be for ever satisfied is 
quite another question. The chances are that long before 
tuus consummation is reached new problems will arise. 

April 25, 1908.] 
The conditions we are now producing will bring fresh 
and unsuspected difficulties in their train, and the ad- 
vanced thinkers of the next generation may be again de- 
precating excessive legislation. But these, like all questions 
of the ultimate destiny of society, are matters of specula- 
tion. For practical men and for thinkers who would 
grapple with reality, the problem is to deal with the 
evils of our own time, not so much in the light of remote 
ideals that may never become actual, as under the guid- 
ance of permanent principles of social justice which, how- 
ever much they change in the force of their application, 
never lose their validity and vital truth. 


Ir is in the melting-pot, as all parties are in the melting- 
pot under the impact of two novel and tremendous 
forces; the shrinkage of the world, which has thrown 
black and white and yellow peoples into sudden collision, 
the demand for social betterment which arises, with ever 
From that 
melting-pot it is impossible at the present to foresee what 
The Tory Party, 
then the party in power, and hence a party with a 

more insistent cry, from the Social Abyss. 
will emerge as the completed product. 

settled instead of a fluid policy, first felt the impulse of 

that impact. Its rash and premature advocacy of an 

Imperial unity, based on a Tariff whose nature and effects 
had in no degree been carefully estimated, alienated one 

section of impartial electors. Its total and con- 
temptuous neglect of the new hunger for Social Reform 
alienated another. In such dolorous condition, in the 
_ early years of the twentieth century, it staggered help- 
lessly to inevitable ruin. The causes of that ruin, its 
effects, the possibilities of its reparation, are diagnosed 
only by the few. 
“A Lodge in the Wilderness,’’ issued last year, there 

appeared a really serious attempt at discussion of the 

In that remarkable anonymous work, 

actual situation in the light of the play of forces outside 
of, but profoundly influencing, the normal arena of the 
party strife. What could be saved of a vision of Empire 
in an effort to consolidate the British race and its depen- 
_ dent people, set in a world which had grown so dangerous 
and so small? What could be given in satisfaction of 
the determination towards a freer, fuller life amongst the 
“rude mechanicals’’ compatible with the maintenance 
of the ancient Tory traditions of “ Constitution, Church, 
and Property ’’? 

The author of the book asked such questions rather 
than provided answers tothem. He recognised, at least, 
the difficulties of the situation, in a challenge of a time, 
new and untempered and hazardous in its possibilities. 
If he could not completely reveal the 
he could at least appreciate the problem for 
which a solution is desired. No such modesty of 
purpose characterises the young Protectionist politi- 
cians who have united to plead for the advanced Tory 
policy. “The New Order: Studies in Unionist Policy ’’ 
(Francis Griffiths) does not penetrate very deep 
below the of political 


surface view controversy. 



The contributors to its pages content 

to plunge around amid the conventional phrases: 

are very 

slapping out cheerily at their opponents, manufacturing 
clever party “ scores,’ 
form speeches to an audience which should be desirous 
of something more satisfying. 
Lord Malmesbury, in the introduction to this volume, 


offering the raw material of plat- 
“The chief need,’’ says 

“of both the old historic parties in England at the pre- 
sent moment is a logical and intelligible system of poli- 
tical philosophy, in the absence of which practical poli- 
tics must necessarily drift hither and thither among the 
But the “ logical and intel- 


shallows of opportunism.’’ 
ligible system of political philosophy ’ 
amongst these vivacious advocates of the new order. 

Instead we find attacks upon the House of Commons, 
which, in the valuable verdict of Lord Winterton, “ 
never weaker or more incompetent than it is to-day ’’ 

is still to seek 


and “is quite incapable of carrying into effect its own 
will, the will of the people, or anyone else’s will,’’ except 
that of those who control the Cabinet; or astonishing 
statements concerning Germany—“‘ in spite of the fact 
that Germany’s emigration is more than equalled by her 
immigration, unemployment is practically unknown ”’ ; 
pleas for the good old system of resolute government in 
Ireland, with laments over ‘‘ the temporary lapse under 
Mr. Wyndham, the importance of which cannot be over- 
estimated,’’ or grotesque allusions to Free Trade such as 
those of Mr. Spencer-Churchill. 
dora’s box an unmentioned imp, destined to destroy 

“There was in Pan- 

aggregations of selfish and unpatriotic individuals. We 
now recognise him as the bacillus of Free Trade.’’ Not 

is a 

all, it may be acknowledged, is down to this level. 
M. H. Temple’s essay on “ Religious Education ’’ 
serious, fair, and suggestive contribution to an exceed- 
ingly difficult subject: and Mr. Steel-Maitland on 
“Labour ’’ presents a closely reasoned plea for the de- 
casualisation of industry, and for the elimination of 
sweating and its attendant evils by the Wages Boards 
system. From such a deliberate piece of social plead- 
ing, however, the reader passes into a devastating diag- 
nosis by Sir John Rolleston of the ‘“ Financial Results 
of Free Trade,’’ in which such fervid appeals as “ Think 
of that, you working men of England, and, above all, 
you working men of England who are out of employ- 
ment,’’ garnish an account of the motor-car industry 
as a typical example of the collapse of Free Trade Eng- 
land; an assertion that ‘Capital has not materially 
benefited by the recent trade boom ’’ ; and an ascribing 
of the recent enormous shrinkage of “ our finest invest- 
ments, beginning with Consols,’’ to the direct responsi- 
bility of our fiscal system. 

From such a quaint jumble of sanity and its 
opposite there is some difficulty in disentangling any 
coherent and lucid body of doctrine. But—in brief— 
these politicians may be discovered as advocating the 
driving of the Tory Party along certain definite lines. 
The Constitutional policy demands the maintenance of 
the House of Lords, with suggestions of the possibility 
of minor reforms: the maintenance of strong Government 
in Ireland, congenial to the “ loyalists,” stimulated by 
a vague hope that its continuance will break tie power 
of the priest and the League; in home defence “a 




[April 25, 1908. 

Citizen Army’’ (blessed paraphrase for Conscrip- 
tion) from which ‘no one would be allowed to 
buy himself off,’ and for which, “on the contrary, 
a proportional poll tax would be levied on the medically 


unfit, according to their means.” In Imperial matters, 
Mr. Bernhard Wise makes a somewhat unexpected rally 
in favour of democracy. “ Imperialism, in short, must 
march with democracy, after the pattern of the over- 
sea dominions, where democracy rules untrammelled by 
privilege or tradition, and Imperialism is a living faith.” 
And in social affairs this newest political philosophy is re- 
vealed as somewhat dolorously groping after acreed which 
will win back to Toryism the lost allegiance of the working- 
classes, terrified by Socialism, and repudiating it in fierce 
language, but in any specific advocacy of remedies for 
specific disease, finding no line of advance but along 
that similar pathway of Socialistic development, which 
has been pursued by both political parties, almost un- 
knowingly, for more than half a century. The argu- 
ments are honest, and the men are in earnest; but the 
ultimate results are far from inspiring. If this is the 
best that “young England ’’ of the twentieth century 
can effect in reconstruction, the outlook is bleak and 

The fact is, that few, if any, of these contri- 
butors rightly understand the nature of the changes— 
the profound and amazing changes—which have come 
upon the world. Democracy is awake—in all the cities of 

will by no means be satisfied with a few kindly doles 

Europe—with a new life and new desires, 

of restrictive social legislation. The awakening has 
passed from the demand for political equality to the 
On one side the 
free citizen, said M. Viviani to the French Chamber, is 

demand for a greater social equality. 

a brute—in the law in which he often lives, the impos- 
sible hours of his labour, the shortness and precarious- 
On the other he is a god, 
an individual member of the sovereign people, possessed 

ness of his working days. 

of all the political rights which are possessed by the 
millionaire. That is not a condition of stable equil- 
ibrium. Socialism is preaching crude political doctrines 
of reconstruction, which might effect a similar ruin to 
the ruin first effected when Rousseau’s theories of disease 
and remedy commenced to work themselves out in 
practical affairs. But Socialism is a result, not a cause; 
a theory and a gospel inevitably bred of a hazardous con- 
dition of social organisation; an educated proletariat 
confronting unparalleled accumulation, of which their 
share is scanty and uncertain. “ Socialism,” said Pro- 
fessor Wallace in wise verdict, ‘ whatever its aberra- 
tions, has the credit of keeping people alive to the fact 
that the social compact is always making, and never 
made, and that it has now become like an ill-fitting 
dress, which is displacing the assimilative system of 
society, causing irregular excitation of the heart, and 
clogging. the organs of breathing.” 

And the same is true of the large problem outside. 
Again, it is a problem of awakening. The East is arous- 
“unrest ’’ in India. 
Japan has suddenly leapt into a position of equality in 

ing from its long sleep. There is 

strength and determination, with the great military 
Powers of the West... South Africa reveals an insoluble 

problem of black and white, and the future relations 
of the one to the other. And if the old peoples are 
attaining consciousness, the newer nations which still 
maintain the British flag and the real, if vague, allegiance 
to a British Dominion, are attaining self-consciousness 
Canada, a nation; Australia, a nation, are visions which 
count for as much at least as the vision of Canada and 
Australia as integral parts in a world confederation. 
Once again the mysterious and unanalysable force of 
Nationality is proving itself stronger than the appeal of 
Empire, and once again, therefore, a right apprehension 
of the meaning and terrible power of national aspirations 
is necessary for satisfactory direction of the courses of 
But the men who are heralding the 
“New Order’’ seem blind to the meaning of 
national devotion. To the most determined and 
persistent assertion of national claims and sacrifices 
that the modern world has ever seen, they turn 
blind eyes of misunderstanding and contempt. “ Work- 
men who wish for the true welfare of their country,”’ 
says Mr. Hugh O’Neill, “ are convinced that the cry of 
‘Treland a nation’ is impossible of realisation, and, were 
it attempted, would lead to untold misfortune.’’ Yet 
nothing is more certain than that the other nations of 
the British dominion, so rapidly destined to acquire a 
dominant position in any united counsels of policy, would 
immediately grant Home Rule to Ireland. Nor 
denied that the to a 
lesser degree, the Imperial instinct, is at open warfare 
with much that these men hold to be established and 
secure. The House of Lords as an hereditary chamber, 
with an absolute power of veto; the establishment of one 
particular church ; the dominance of the Land Monopoly 
and the Drink Monopoly; these and other abuses are 
confronted by the free democratic communities over the 
attempt to fuse this new democratic spirit with the feudal 

coming change. 

can it be Colonial and, 

sea with a mixture of astonishment and disdain. 

régime is inevitably destined to failure. 


TuRKIsH statesmen have, in recent years, learned one 
They show the old blind facility for blundering 
They lack the art of evading a public 

into a quarrel. 
humiliation, and concealing a retreat with a brave show 
of geniality. But this, at last, they have learned—that 
it is wise to surrender before the ships of an indignant 
Power have actually reached their coasts. The affair 
of the Italian post-offices was settled this week, while the 
Italian ships were within telegraphic range of their 
The Turks appear to be realising, at last, some- 
No other State is 
Here, indeed, lies the weak- 
ness of the one alliance which the Sultan has known * 

thing of the meaning of sea-power. 
so vulnerable from the sea. 

how to retain. His only friend in Europe is ‘a land- | 

Power. Italy hada real grievance. No other European 
State has quite so many subjects resident in the Otto- 
man Empire; none has a better claim to the indispen- 
sable facility of an honest and reliable postal service. 
But Signor Tittoni, we may feel sure, was thinking of 
some larger stake than his post-offices. The economic _ 

rivalry of the European Powers in Turkey has resolved 

April 25, 1908.] 

itself of recent years into a diplomatic scramble for con- 
cessions in the ante-rooms of Yildiz Palace. A Power 
which disdains to pose, as Germany does, as the only 
friend of the Islamic reaction, must rely upon the mailed 
fist for success. Crispi assembled an army in Sicily to 
second the British intervention in Armenia which never 
took place. To-day Italian policy is in the hands of men 
who. pursue more realistic aims. They have asserted, 
by their rough emphasis of a purely commercial demand, 
the sort of prestige which depends on the ability to use 
force to back interests. 

she can coerce. 

Italy is one of the Great Powers ; 

This Turco-Italian episode is, indeed, only one of 
many evidences that the centre of European unrest has 
shifted from’ Morocco to the Balkans. To find the clue 
to this quickening of interest in a weary and derelict 
problem, it is necessary to travel somewhat further back- 
wards than the Austrian railway scheme which first set 
Europe talking. 
came from the prolonged and theatrical visit of the 
Grand Duke Nicholas to Bulgaria last autumn. There 
is hardly a doubt that it resulted in something more de- 
finite than speeches and demonstrations. The “ Temps,’’ 
which is hardly likely to be misinformed, admitted that 
the rumours of the signature of a military convention 

The real impetus, in all probability 

were a happy anticipation of events. In one form or 
another, and under every sort of correct reserve, Prince 
Ferdinand has probably pledged himself to use his rather 
formidable army as a Russian advance guard, in the 
event of a Turkish war. The idea apparently is that 
with some aid from the Black Sea Fleet and the Russian 
cavalry, a Bulgarian army would be able to deal with 
the Turks in Europe, while the Russians themselves ad- 
vanced into the Armenian provinces. 

Here was the first capital fact of the new situation. 
The second was the Austrian reply. She withdrew from 
her accord with Russia, renounced her mandate as a 
reforming Power, and suddenly embarked on a railway 
‘scheme for which there was no apparent urgency. The 
new Novi-Bazar line will be longer than the existing 
route to Salonica «dé Belgrade and Nish. The presump- 
tion is, therefore, that the motives for its construction 
are political and strategical, rather than economic. 
But if the new line is strategical, why was it that the 
Porte assented so promptly to its construction? It is 
plausible to suggest that the Porte, like the “ Temps,”’ 
believed in the success of the Grand Duke Vladimir’s 
mission, and wished to check an eventual Russo-Bul- 
garian advance by calling in Austrian aid. Then came 
the third phase in the evolution of this crisis—the 
launching of Sir Edward Grey’s reform scheme for 
Macedonia, with its almost prophetic appeal for con- 
certed European action. Why was it that, after two 
years of a too modest inaction, he suddenly assumed the 
part of a leader in the Concert? 
line of conjecture, he may have realised that without 
drastic reform the chaos in Macedonia must speedily 
result in war. The last phase is the most disquieting 
of all. Russia has welcomed the English initiative, 
while declining its operative proposals. Her attitude 
is friendly, considerate, and even cordial, but her coun- 
ter scheme is hardly likely to remove the causes of 

Pursuing the same 



unrest. If, to pursue our theory, she did look to war 
as the ultimate solution, it is thus that she would be- 
She would endeavour to retain the friendship of 
the liberal Powers, and the sympathies of Bulgaria, 
while rejecting a remedy which might render war 



A mind which allows itself to dwell on this plausible 
structure of conjecture may find some facts to confirm 
it. Even before the close of the Japanese War, certain 
agents of Grand Ducal intrigue connected with the 
notorious Agence Latine had begun to revive the moribund 
Panslavist propaganda, both in Russia and abroad. “No 
sooner was peace concluded than reactionary circles 
began to talk of a Balkan campaign as the surest means 
of restoring the tone of the army and the prestige of the 
The Press, with hardly a distinction of 
party, turned its attention to Macedonia, The Grand 
Duke Vladimir belongs emphatically to this school of 
unusual military preparations are going on in the’ Cau- 
casus. The unrest in Persia would hardly justify any 
considerable military activity, but the continual Turkish 
violations of the Persian frontier might supply a clue: 
The only apparently decisive fact which suggests that 


Finally, it is apparently a fact that some 

Russian ambitions are really turned in another direction 
is the adoption this week by the Duma of M. Stolypin’s 
grandiose scheme for the construction of over one thou- 
sand miles of railway, at a cost of over twenty millions 
sterling, down the Amur Valley to Vladivstock. Thata 
Power, just emerging from defeat and revolution, and 
still wrestling with the spectre of bankruptcy, should 
contemplate such a scheme as this seems sufficiently 
insane. But is hardly credible that she should even 
dream of such commitments in the Far East if she 
regarded a war with Turkey as a possibility. 

It is, however, of little use to apply the test of 
sanity to any detail in Russian policy. The Japanese 
war was a wanton folly. The present policy of internal 
repression seems to us mere madness. The decision to 
re-build the fleet, and, at the same time, to continue 
the exploitation of Siberia, strikes the Western mind 
as an inexplicable error. Yet all these things are facts. 
If we were asked what the probable results to Russia of 
a second Turkish war would be, we should say (1) certain 
bankruptcy, since Turkey could pay no indemnity; (2) 
a renewal of such incidents as the mutiny of the “ Potem- 
kin,’’ and (3) a recrudescence of revolution comparable 
to that which occurred at the close of the Japanese war. 
But it by no means follows that the reactionaries who’ 
control the policy of the Court are likely to reason in 
this fashion. 
may be, from some private standpoint, a very shrewd 

What seems to usa national insanity,. 

piece of business indeed. The mad quarrel with Japan 
was due to the fact that the courtier Bezobrazoff and 
certain of the Grand Dukes had acquired valuable forests 
across the Yalu in Korean territory. It is an interesting, 
and possibly significant, fact that the Amur railway will 
also pass through valuable forests. . War is usually profit- 
able to some one, and there were sinister tales of the pro- 
fits which certain of the Grand Dukés made in the 
Japanese campaign. Russian policy is always apt to be 
deflected by such undisciplined personal factors as these. 



[April 25, 1908. 

There may be a Siberian faction at Court, and a Balkan 
faction. Incompatible as their aims would appear to be, 
it does not follow that the momentary triumph of one in- 
terest precludes the success of the other. 

It is one thing to realise that this country must 
never again oppose Russia in a war of liberation in the 
Near East; it is quite another to desire such a solution. 
The expansion of Bulgaria down to the San Stefano line 
would be a tolerable solution of the European difficulty. 
But the Armenians have nothing to gain from a Rus- 
sian conquest until Russia adopts a new policy towards 
her subject-races. A war, moreover, would unchain 
abominable possibilities of conflict and suffering— 
famine and massacre at the best, Armageddon at the 
worst. The moral of such a _ possibility—and it 
is at least a possibility—is that public opinion must lose 
no opportunity of seconding the efforts of Sir Edward 
revised proposals represent In our opinion a mini- 

Grey to secure reform without a resort to war. 

mum. If compromise were to go further, war 
would offer almost the only hope of release from an in- 

tolerable chaos which is only nominally a state of peace. 


We very much hope that whatever view the Government 
will take of the machinery of the Licensing Bill—and 
criticism has not seriously affected it—they will not be 
tempted to weaken greatly their plan of dealing 
with clubs. As it stands, the Bill is not too strong 

in this direction. If it were cut down still further—if, 

for example, Mr. Asquith accepted many such 
proposals as the suggestion to take the registra- 
tion of these institutions from an  administra- 

tive body and place it in the hands of a county-court 
judge—its entire fabric might be endangered. It would 
never do—it would be an act of high impolicy—to stop 
one form of the retail sale of alcohol and encourage the 
trade to flow into channels in which the public interest 
is less carefully guarded. As it is, there have been 
signs of a tendency to substitute clubs for public-houses 
whose licenses have been withdrawn under the Act of 
1902. The brewers have facilities for this kind of 
transfer. Not a few clubs are in their debt; others 
have been financed by them. There is an obvious 
advantage in exchanging the direct oversight of the law 
for the virtual privacy and semi-inviolability of club 
premises. The financial inducement is also consider- 
able. Public-houses are subject to license-duties, and 
are dear objects in the open market. A club is only 
liable to a trifling registration fee, and no special mono- 
poly value attaches to its home. The Government must 
walk with wary feet, or it may find itself trapped. 

At the same time, the attempt to deal with clubs 
is a matter of great delicacy. There is the danger of 
interfering with the association of men for more or less 
harmless pleasure, the peril attending a peculiarly 
irksome form of sumptuary law. There is a risk of bear- 
ing less hardly on the rich than on the poor. It is, 
of course, right to establish a general power of inspec- 
tion, but few who realise how methods of police work 

out will be brought to believe that precisely the same 

kind of interference will prevail in Pall Mall and in the 
Whitechapel Road. Club-life is of the essence of 
modern society. Though it has its elements of 
idleness and wastefulness, it is part of the quick inter- 
change of thought and human relationship which is 

indispensable both to modern industrialism and _ to 
modern democracy. It must therefore be touched with 
a wary hand, and, in particular, must be touched on the 
side of abuse. The question is: Has not such an abuse 
arisen? We cannot imagine how any friend of rational 
club-life can deny that this is the case. The circulars 
and appeals of the Club and Institute Union—the 
society binds together some 1,200 or more workmen’s 
clubs—suggest such an abuse. Issues of ‘‘ Club Life,”’ 
which we have read, are full of warnings against it. 
Certain investigations that we have made into the con- 
duct of some of these institutions point to the same 

Abuse is indeed separable from some features 
of popular club life in England. The 
opening are very long, often extending till past 
one in the morning. The system under which 
a transfer ticket entitles a member of a single 
institution to enter the premises of 1,200 clubs, 
also affiliated to the Club and Institute Union, is open to 
grave objection, and must qualify their political charae- 
ter and value. Is there indeed any large intellectual or 
political interest attaching totheaverage Radical or Con- 
servative club, at least in London? We wish we could 
answer the question in the affirmative. But as we run 
our eyes over some of the balance-sheets of these institu- 
tions, we find few or no signs of any strong interest in 
politics or social affairs. Clubs, whose receipts from the 
bar run quarterly into thousands of pounds, record an 
expenditure of a few shillings on their library or their 
store of newspapers. The book readers appear to be very 
few, and even among the journals taken in we are in- 
formed that the sporting papers and the sporting news 
are more generally read. The lectures are thinly 
attended. Indeed, so far as we can see, the only serious 
item of revenue or expenditure which compares with the 
dominating interest of drink, is that which deals with 
games and entertainments. The latter are of the musie- 

hall type, and centre round the Sunday night gathering, 
to which women and children are admitted. Wedo not | 
gather, from the description of these amusements, that — 
they rise to any serious level of artistry. But that may © 

be a matter of taste. 
The main source of danger to workmen’s club- 

life seems to us to be the preponderating, the over- — 
It is clear that out of — 
It may have other sides, but — 
this element must settle its general conduct and charac- © 

whelming, interest of the bar. 
the bar the club lives. 

ter. We take at random from a pile of balance sheets 
before us that of an East End Radical Club for a single 

quarter, and we find that out of a total income of less © 

tnan £1,000, over £700 accrued from “bar takings.”’ 
The same account shows an expenditure on the library 
of £2 7s. 3d. Another balance sheet of the Central 
Society shows a quarterly receipt of over £1,600 from 
the bar, out of a total of over £2,500. 

which sell alcoholic liquor, and they are the great 
majority. The profits are clearly enormous, for the 

accounts often specify that they range from 40 to 50 — 
per cent., and we gather that the retail prices are lower — 

than these which prevail in the public-house. All this 

suggests a close association between the brewery interest — 
and a large number of workmen’s clubs, an association — 
which the friends of the Licensing Bill are bound to © 

watch in the interests of the people, no less than in com- 

mon justice to the publicans. It is clear that an indefinite — 
multiplication of new clubs must be firmly checked if — 
we do not want the vital machinery of the measure to — 

run to waste, and worse than waste. With regard to the 
existing institutions, we hope that their conductors will 
see that there is a case for setting their house in order, 

and that no self-respecting Government could shut the — 

door to the extensien of the retail trade in liquor on 
one side and open it wide on another. 

hours of — 

Similar results | 
appear on many, indeed on all, the documents of clubs _ 

- April 25, 1908.] 



Life and Letters. 


Amone the minor irritants of holiday-making, tipping 
occupies a considerable place. At such seasons we are 
thrown upon the mercy of a continuous series of strangers 
for those incidental personal services which are essential 
to make travel comfortable, or even tolerable. The 
whole nature of the proceeding throws out of gear the 
ordinary business mechanism. The traveller, the visitor, 
the pleasure-seeker, is presumed to have put on his 
“lighter self,” which scorns the “higgling of the 
market,” is out to enjoy himself, and in vulgar language 
“to blow it.’’ The sorts of service rendered to him on 
the railway, or the steamship, in hotels and restaurants, 
or in the home of friends, lie outside the routine of a 
price-tariff, and do not admit of bargaining. And yet, 
involving as they do labour and the livelihood of many 
persons, they must be paid for. But who shall pay, in 
what manner and upon what scale? There is the rub. 

Most of these services are rendered by persons who are the 
employees of some business, hotel, restaurant, railway, 
livery stable, which is supposed to pay their wages out 
of the ordinary takings of the trade. But there is a 
general tendency to shift the payment of as much as 
possible on to an extra fund, coined out of the goodwill 
or careless generosity of casual customers. In order that 
this may be done, there needs to be some direct personal 
relation between the employee and the customer. The 
service of the cook is as important as that of the waiter, 
that of the stoker as that of the porter, but the personal 
contact is not there. 

This brings us close to the rationale of tipping. It 
is a supplement to the ordinary cash mechanism of our 
social system, growing out of special personal relations 
that evade a set tariff. It has two supports. Why 
must one tip a railway porter, who is the servant of the 
company, and presumably is paid by them “ what he is 
worth”? Well, in the first place, because it is not 
practicable for the company so closely to supervise a 
porter’s work as to prevent him from shirking it, or to 
ensure that he does his best and quickest. In the second 
place, the value of his service to the traveller depends 
a good deal not upon what he does, but upon the way 
he does it. What holds of the porter holds also of the 
waiter, the cabman, the hair-cutter, the bathing-man, 
and in general of domestic service. Beyond the routine 
factor in such service, which can be, and in most instances 
is, regularly paid for by the employer, there hes an 
elusive factor, springing directly from personal skill, 
which can be given or withheld according to the good or 
ill-will or indifference of the servant. It is this that 
becomes the instrument of tipping. And it is this fact 
that causes all the trouble, the discontent, the irritation 
and uncertainty. There is no “economic” method of 
fixing a price for an article which is never twice the 
same, which lies outside the regulation of the market. 

Nor does this exhaust the subtlety of the habit. 
For there belongs to it the pretence, not wholly false, 
that the tip is not a price at all, not a payment for any 
specific service, but a general sign of goodwill, which re- 
flects some sort of credit for generosity upon the payer, 
and is a bounty and a recognition of extra skill or zeal 
in the recipient. On the part of recipients there is a 
strong desire to keep gratuities outside the recognised 
wage system, and there is a good deal to suggest that 
this struggle has been successful. For even in the case 
of hotels and restaurants, where tips are certainly taken 
into account in a reduction of wages, it is tolerably clear 
that the net takings of waiters who are allowed to take 
tips are a good deal higher than the wages where tips are 
successfully forbidden. 

Thus regarded, there is something not wholly un- 
reasonable and very human in the practice. Among 
the phrases which cover it, gratuities, douceurs, vails, 
pour-boires, ‘ something for yourself,’’ there is one which 

throws real light upon its nature. A douceur does sug- 
gest that there are departments of industry which need 
sweetening and softening by payments which recognise 
a semi-friendly relation between the two parties. Un- 
fortunately this humane side lends itself to very grave 
abuses, and it may be doubted whether the normal ten- 
dency of a douceur is not to harden and irritate rather 
than to soften and assuage. To the traveller or the 
visitor who is timid, sensitive, limited in means, or un- 
accustomed to moving among strangers, the habit in- 
volves more worry and annoyance than is easily admitted. 
An exaggerated scale of expectations is purposely main- 
tained for the encouragement of the well-to-do or 
generous donors, and real or feigned disappointment in 
the demeanour of servants wounds the self-esteem of the 
departing guest. Few people like to be thought mean, 
and tipping trades upon this fear. Only two sorts of 
person do not suffer, the profusely rich, who may even 
delight in the “largess ’’ of conspicuous waste, and the 
curmudgeon who is indifferent to what other people 
think of him provided that he gets off cheap. It is 
doubtless to the former class that much of the suffering 
of ordinary persons must be attributed. The imitation of 
the rich by the lower classes has caused the practice to 
filter down until we reach the patheticsight of the ill-paid 
work-woman pinching twopence out of her penurious 
wage to fee the well-to-do railway porter who carries her 
box. With some of the complaints which have lately 
found ventilation in the “ Times’’ we cannot profess 
deep concern. Whether fifteen or twenty per cent. upon 
the bill is a proper waiters’ fee for a two guinea dinner 
party at Prince’s, or the Savoy, does not arouse much 
personal feeling among ordinary men and women who 
are more disposed to question the extravagance 
of the dinner than to scrutinise the waiters’ share. 
But one really striking and instructive feature emerges 
from the correspondence, namely, the extraordinary 
divergence in the estimates of proper and sufficient tip- 
ping. It seems that there are persons who are fools 
enough to pay, or, at least, to boast of having paid, five 
pounds in tips to servants for a week-end in a country 
house, though one writer, whose social authority is highly 
recommended by himself, avers that such a visit can be 
done handsomely upon a sovereign, including adequate 
fees to the butler and the chauffeur. Though there is 
something a little humorous in the endeavour to fight the 
extravagance of millionaires and plungersunder the name 
of “ good form,’’ the protest is a meritorious one, if it 
leads to tempering the social dominion of mere riches. 

There is, however, a worse aspect of tipping than 
any we have yet named, which links it to a whole large 
economic under-world of bribery, corruption, blackmail, 
and illicit commissions that more or less permeate our 
social system. If it is true that the London, Chatham 
and South-Eastern Railway knowingly allows its ser- 
vants to place mendacious notices “ Reserved’’ upon 
their carriages at Dover in order to blackmail tired, 
struggling, and anxious passengers just landed from the 
Calais steamers, the directors and the management. of 
that railroad deserve all the punishment meted out to 
them by indignant correspondents and something more. 
The prevalence of this mal-practice is not, however, as 
is sometimes suggested, peculiarly English, or confined 
to railways. Everywhere along the beaten road of 

leasure on the Continental routes elaborate conspiracies 
of blackmail fasten themselves upon the ordinary busi- 
ness arrangements; every service at railway station or 
hotel spreads itself among the largest number of 
attendants so as to extort the maximum of back- 
sheesh. The demoralisation of such a system is every- 
where evident; it generates deceit, insolence, con- 
tempt, extravagance among its practitioners, ill-will, 
anxiety, and alternately a sense of meanness and of re- 
sentment against extortion, among the patients. 

But while the grievance is evident there seems no 
available remedy. The truth is, of course, that: it is 
one of the minor organic ailments of our defective social 
system. So long as there exists a lot of unearned or 
easily gotten wealth, some of it will spill over into these 
side-streams of personal extravagance, boring channels 
of habit for the imitation of those who cannot afford 


such payments. So long as competition for work and 
wages remains so keen that every regular business pay- 
ment is cut down to a minimum, the tendency to eke 
out a more comfortable livelihood by forced gratuities, 
half dole, half blackmail, will remain irresistible. Only 
when the worker gains self-respect enough to deter him 
from seeking these gratuities will tipping disappear, or 
resume its legitimate réle of an occasional token of good- 
will and friendship, which he who gives is glad to give, 
and he who receives can do so without any sense of 


WE know that the Toy Exhibition in Southampton Row 
this week had a very instructive and educational side. 
The mere use of the German word “ Foreword ”’ on the 
programme was enough to warn everyone that “ Piada- 
gogik ’’ was lurking somewhere. And, sure enough, ten 
lines down the “ Foreword,’’ we came to the Toy as a 
“ profound educational agency,’’ and were further told 
that ‘educational possibilities in the way of informing 
and developing the minds of children by means of toys 
are practically unlimited.’’ Writing evidently with 
authority, the ‘“‘ Westminster Gazette ’’ also stated that 
the exhibition was “ organised by the Sociological Asso- 
ciation principally for the purpose of teaching parents 
how to select their children’s toys, so that they may 
unconsciously instruct them as well as merely amuse 

It is all quite true, of course. We have not the 
slightest doubt that, taken by the hundred thousand, 
the minds of little boys and girls do follow those queer 
curves meandering through rigid squares on the scientific 
charts of pleasure that hung on the walls. It is not very 
informing to be told that the human young first take 
delight in “biting and tasting plays.’? No one who 
has watched a baby with its coral, or a child of three 
with a pot of jam ever thought of doubting it. 
But when the curves proceed to show that the young 
regularly pass on from the biting and tasting stage 
through the stages of hunting, pasture, and agriculture, 
to the final stage of “shop and commerce,’ which is 
continued till the age of forty, then we feel we are on the 
edge of a peculiar scientific theory. Darwin used to 
insist, perhaps too c