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77 

THE MUSEUM OF MEDITERRANEAN AND NEAR EASTERN ANTIQUITIES 

MEDELH AVSMU SEET 


STANFORD LIBRARY 

DEC 29 IC r 4 

stacks 


BULLETIN 

NUMBER 1 1961 



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CONTENTS 


The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities 
Medelhavsmuseet — A Presentation 

OLOF VESSBERG 3 

Finds from Badarian and Tasian Civilizations 

HJALMAR LARSEN 9 

Altorientalische Siegelsteine 

HANS HENNING VON DER OSTENt 20 

Einige Sgyptische Grabdenkm&ler 

STENV. wANGSTEDT 42 

Recently Acquired Roman Portraits 

OLOF VESSBERG 55 


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The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities 

MEDELHAVSMUSEET 


BULLETIN 

Number 1 1961 


Published by The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities (Medelhavsmuseet) 
Storgatan 41, Stockholm 6 


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Published with the aid of a grant from Humanistiska Forskningsr&det. 
© 1961 Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm. 

Stockholm 1961 

Victor Pettersons Bokindustri AB 


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The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities 


Medelhavsmuseet 


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A Presentation by Olof Vessberg 


As the Medelhavsmuseet is now issuing the 
first number of its Bulletin it would seem 
appropriate to introduce this with a presentation 
of the museum and its aims. 

The Medelhavsmuseet was constituted by a 
decision of Parliament in 1954. It is a state 
museum which according to its regulations is to 
comprise collections of antiquities that illustrate 
the ancient civilizations of the Mediterranean 
countries and the Near East. The Government 
proposal was based on a report containing 
recommendations for the co-ordination and or- 
ganization of the Stockholm collections from the 
Mediterranean countries and the Near East that 
had been submitted in 1951 by Sigurd Curman, 
a former Director General of National An- 
tiquities in Sweden. The collections forming the 
core of the new museum at its foundation in 
1954 were the Cyprus Collections and the 
Egyptian Museum in Stockholm, both of which 
had previously existed as independent museum 
institutions in the city. ' 

Before I pass on to a presentation of the 
museum’s current range and organization it 
may be of interest to give some idea of the 
contributions earlier made towards creating in 
Sweden collections to illustrate the art and cul- 
ture of classical antiquity. 


The development of the European museums 
of ancient art kept pace with the study of an- 
tiquity and the archaeological discoveries. Some 
museums have traditions extending right back to 
the Renaissance. This is the case with the Capi- 
toline Collection in Rome, which dates back to 
1471, and with the Vatican Collection, which 
traces its origin to the beginning of the 16th 
century. Both the 16th and the 17th centuries 
are remarkable in Italy for a keen private 
interest in collecting ancient works of art which 
were displayed in palaces and villas — a fashion 
that spread to other countries in Europe and 
there found expression in the art-treasure cabi- 
nets of the princes but also in collections made 
by wealthy private citizens. These collections did 
not exclusively consist of original works but con- 
tained at least as many copies in marble and 
casts in plaster and bronze. Plaster casts were 
far more highly valued at that time than they 
are today. 

The Renaissance and Baroque interest in 
collections of antiques was not without reper- 
cussions in our remote land. The Thirty Years’ 
War meant for Sweden a vastly intensified 
contact with the cultural life of the Continent, 
and the rich booty formed the basis of a royal 
art collection in which ancient art is likely to 

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have played a prominent rdle. A beginning was 
already made by Gustav II Adolf (Gustavus 
Adolphus), but it is in his daughter Queen 
Kristina that we first meet with an active 
interest in classical art. During her time as 
Queen regnant between the years 1644 and 1654, 
when she abdicated the throne and moved to 
Rome, an art collection was built up in the 
Royal Palace of Stockholm that might be de- 
scribed as Sweden’s first museum of ancient art 1 . 
The collections were naturally of very varied 
character— apart from classical coins and sculp- 
tures they also comprised paintings and bronzes 
and other objects even of scientific nature, such 
as mathematical and astronomical instruments. 
In Kristina’s time, too, some of the accessions 
had the character of war-booty. By the Swedes’ 
capture of Prague in 1648 a good many of the 
contents of the Imperial art cabinet were trans- 
ferred to Stockholm. It is not known to what 
extent this art booty consisted of antiques. It 
certainly comprised a large collection of ancient 
coins and probably a smaller number of ancient 
sculptures. 

A part of the collection of ancient art in 
Stockholm accompanied Kristina to Rome, 
where it formed the basis of the quite extensive 
collection of ancient art which Kristina acquired 
during the years in Italy and displayed in her 
residence the Palazzo Riario or Corsini, as it is 
now called. This collection can still be studied 
in its entirety, for it was sold some decades 
after Kristina’s death to King Philip V of Spain 
and in 1830 was transferred to the Prado 
Museum in Madrid, where it still is. 

The remaining part of the collection in Stock- 
holm was set up in the royal library on the top 
floor of the Palace. It was comparatively large 
and consisted of several marble statues and a 
great number of portrait busts. Unfortunately, 
this first museum of ancient art in Sweden was 
destroyed in the great fire at the Palace on May 
7th, 1697. 

1 Christian Callmer, Drottning Kristinas samlingar 
av antik konst. Stockholm 1954. 

4 


It may perhaps have been of some inspira- 
tional value for the interest in antiquities which 
in the last years of the 17th century and the 
first of the 18th found expression in the creation 
of a collection of casts of ancient sculptures 
in Stockholm 1 . But it was primarily the influence 
of the French Academy’s taste and its action 
in promoting a large-scale reproduction of 
ancient sculptures for educational purposes that 
prompted the Palace architect Nicodemus Tessin 
the Younger to take the initiative in forming a 
similar Swedish collection of casts. This was 
installed in the foundry established in 1698 at 
Hdtorget in Stockholm, where it was arranged 
in a gallery specially constructed for this purpose. 
In 1780 it was transferred to the new building 
housing the Academy of Fine Arts. 

This little museum of ancient art was of great 
importance in moulding both taste and style in 
Sweden’s artistic evolution during the 18th 
century, and it was here that our great neo- 
classical sculptor Johan Tobias Sergei made his 
first tentative efforts in the 1750’s. 

The 18th century provides us with two more 
incidents of museum interest. Queen Lovisa 
Ulrika, a sister of Frederick the Great of 
Prussia, fitted up in the 1750’s at the Palace of 
Drottningholm a natural history cabinet in 
accordance with the prevailing fashion*. This 
was a scientific collection on the whole, but it 
also contained a mummy and a small selection 
of Egyptian antiquities which the Queen had 
purchased in 1752 as an appendage to a larger 
natural history collection from the Near East 
and Egypt. After many vicissitudes these objects 
have now reached the Medelhavsmuseet. 

Of greater interest from our point of view was 
the initiation of King Gustaf Ill’s collection of 
ancient art 4 . This collection, comprising marble 
sculptures and terracotta vases, was bought by 
the King in the 1780’s, largely in conjunction 

* Ragnar Josephson, Virt fbrsta antikmuseum. Natio- 
nalmusei irsbok 1927, pp. 1 ff. 

* Andreas Lindblom, Lovisa Ulrikas naturaliekabinett 
& Drottningholm. Nationalmusei irsbok 1927, pp. 85 ft 

* Lennart Kjellberg, S&nggudinnegruppen i Natio- 


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with his journey to Italy in 1783—84. The 
nucleus of the collection was a selection of 
antiques purchased by the King from Francesco 
Piranesi, a son of the famous engraver Giovanni 
Battista Piranesi, who had primarily built up 
the collection. Gustaf III looked at the collection 
in Rome and bought it shortly after his return 
to Sweden. It chiefly contained decorative 
marble sculptures such as vases, candelabra, 
cinerary urns and fragments of architecture, 
there being only a few statues and busts. It was 
purchased during a great forgery period in Rome 
and very many of the objects in Piranesi’s 
collection later — although unfortunately not un- 
til more than 1 30 years later — proved to be pure 
fakes. Among the others were many objects that 
had been crudely restored or that in some cases 
were quite simply a hotch-potch of ancient and 
modem fragments. For the contemporary gener- 
ation there were, however, other acquisitions 
which represented the highlights of Gustaf Ill’s 
collection of ancient art, namely the group of 
Apollo and the Nine Muses purchased during 
the King’s visit to Rome from the engraver 
Giovanni Volpato and the statue of the Sleeping 
Endymion, said to have been found in Hadrian’s 
villa at Tivoli and acquired through Piranesi for 
the, at that time, not contemptible sum of 4,000 
scudi or 16,000 Swedish riksdaler (riksdoUars). 
While Endymion’s authenticity is still an un- 
solved problem, the condition of the group of 
Muses is more apparent. It exhibits a strong, 
one might say ideological, affinity with the group 
of Muses in the Sala delle Muse in the Vatican. 
These sculptures came to the Vatican in 1775, 
that is scarcely ten years before Gustaf Ill’s 
visit to Rome, and they served as an inspiration 
both to the restorer and art dealer, who wanted 
to produce a similar group, and to the King, 
who could not very well find anything more 
to his taste or more suitable for the adornment 

nahnuseum. Tidskrift fdr konstvetenskap 1920, pp. 46 ff. 
Ernst Kjellberg, Piranesis antiksamling i National- 
museum. Nationalmusei Arsbok 1920, pp. 115 ff. Antik 
Konst, en konstbok frin Nationalmuseum red. av Oscar 
Antonsson, 1958. 


of his projected new palace at Haga. In this 
group, Apollo and the Muses, which Gustaf III 
acquired, no statue can be picked out as a fake, 
but all of them are crudely restored and supple- 
mented and only one, at most, of the statues 
still retains its own head. The statue of Apollo 
and two of the Muses (Melpomene and Erato) 
have replicas in the Vatican group and one, 
Terpsichore, is found among the Muses on 
Archelaos’ votive relief depicting the Apotheosis 
of Homer. The others are more or less arbitrary 
adaptations of draped female statues from 
different periods. 

Gustaf Ill’s antiques also comprised a collec- 
tion of vases purchased in Naples during the 
Italian tour. 

After the King’s premature death in 1792 it 
was decided that his art collections should form 
a national museum; two years later this was 
opened to the public in the north-east wing of 
the Royal Palace. This is likely to have been the 
first public museum outside Italy. As director of 
the museum was appointed Carl Fredrik Freden- 
heim, who had been of assistance to the King 
in making the art purchases and who had con- 
ducted his own archaeological excavations in 
the Forum Romanum in the 1780’s. For the 
sculptures C. F. Sundvall, the architect, and 
Fredenheim designed a gallery in the neo-classi- 
cistic style that provided an exceedingly fine 
architectonic setting. The original interior has 
been preserved in a contemporary painting by 
Per Hillestrdm the Elder. 

The so-called Royal Museum remained in 
this gallery until 1866, when the collections were 
transferred to the then completed National 
Museum building. Their growth had then been 
almost negligible since the Royal Museum was 
founded. Throughout the whole of the 19th 
century there was remarkably little activity in the 
classical field in Sweden — as regards classical 
archaeology and art as well as classical philology. 
Harald Brising, the enthusiast of classical art, 
exclaims not without vexation in a book on 
Greek sculpture dating from 1910: “What has 

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been done about the national collection of an- 
cient art since it was founded by Gustaf III? 
The 19th century added practically nothing to 
the impressive capital stock, and this could even 
happen while a neighbouring country set an in- 
spiring example.” 

And after the collection of ancient art had 
been moved to the National Museum there was 
no very considerable growth either, even though 
a few good acquisitions have been made, notably 
of vases. As is natural in the case of an art mu- 
seum specializing in the art of recent times, the 
ancient art has had to retreat from the galleries 
before the constant advance of new additions. 
Most of Gustaf Ill’s sculptures were moved out 
to the Palace of Drottningholm in the 1920’s and 
the bulk of the museum’s Egyptian antiquities 
was deposited in 1928 in the Egyptian Museum 
founded that year at J&ratorget. In 1958 Gustaf 
Ill’s collection of ancient art was again set 
up in its old place in the north-east wing of the 
Royal Palace after a thorough restoration of 
Sundvall’s and Fredenheim’s beautiful gallery. 
It stands there now as a kind of monument to 
a museum idea remarkable for its time, a muse- 
um in memory of a museum. 

In 1909 chairs of classical archaeology were 
founded at the Universities of Uppsala and 
Lund, with the result that Sweden was gradually 
able to take a more active part in the conquests 
made by classical archaeology. During the 
1920’s Swedish excavations were carried out at 
Asine in Greece under the direction of Axel W. 
Persson and Otto Frodin. From the museum point 
of view these excavations certainly did not give 
any great results — no large quantities of finds 
were brought to Sweden. But they served as an 
archaeological training-camp for a generation 
of Swedish archaeologists and were in a way a 
preparation for the Swedish excavations in 
Cyprus so energetically led by Einar Gjerstad in 
1927—31. Through these an exceptionally rich 
archaeological material, extending from the 
Neolithicum to the time of the Roman Empire, 
was transferred from Cyprus to Sweden. The 

6 


working up of this material took many yean 
and occupied many specialists. Out of the work 
on the finds there gradually developed a museum 
institution which under the name of the Cyprus 
Collections obtained in time a more stable 
organization and a larger government grant. 

Concurrently with the Swedish excavations in 
Cyprus, the Egyptian Museum was established 
in Stockholm under the leadership of Pehr Lugn*. 
Its first exhibition was opened in 1929. The 
nucleus of the museum consisted of the collec- 
tions of Egyptian antiquities which had long 
been kept in the National Museum and in the 
Museum of National Antiquities and which 
were handed over to the newly formed museum 
as permanent exhibits. The collections grew 
through a number of donations and also through 
excavations. Thus, at the beginning of the 
1930’s the museum took part in the excavations, 
led by Junker, of the Neolithic site of Merimde 
Beni Salftme in the Delta and dug on its own 
behalf at Abu Ghftlib, a site from the Middle 
Kingdom a few miles south of Merimde. Through 
the finds from Merimde, in particular, but also 
through other acquisitions, the central feature 
of the museum came to be the prehistoric 
collection, even though it also contained many 
representative objects from Pharaonic times. 

To the thirties there belongs another exca- 
vation project which provided a basis for the 
oriental collection of the Medelhavsmuseet. I 
refer to the excavations led by T. J. Arne in 
Persia at Shah Tepd on the steppes of Turkmeni- 
stan about ten miles north-west of the town of 
Asterabad. This expedition, which took place in 
1932—33, revealed a prehistoric culture from 
the 3rd and 2nd millennium with a rich pottery 
and implements of copper and stone. The finds 
were divided equally between the museum at 
Teheran and the Swedish expedition, the latter’s 
share being placed in the care of the Museum of 
National Antiquities in Stockholm. In connection 
with this interest in the archaeology of Iran we 

6 Gunhild Lugn, Det egyptiska museet i Stockholm. 
Svenska Orientsallskapets &rsbok 1937, pp. 177 IT. 


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have many important acquisitions of ceramics and 
bronzes from Persia to the Museum of National 
Antiquities during the 1930's. In 1936 Arne could 
proudly state that the collection of Luristan 
bronzes was one of the finest in Europe 6 . 

The whole of this archaeological activity 
during the nineteen twenties and thirties in the 
Mediterranean countries and the Near East, 
which has been sketched in here as a background 
to the creation of the Medelhavsmuseet, found 
in our King, at that time Crown Prince Gustaf 
Adolf, not only a strong support but often a 
motive force. All the activity was very much 
under his aegis. This applies not least to the 
foundation of our Swedish Archaeological Insti- 
tute in Rome in 1926 with Axel Boethius as its 
first director, which by its courses on archaeology 
and its series of publications has been a nursery 
of archaeology in our country. 

The decision constituting the new state mu- 
seum in 1934 meant that the museum obtained 
an administrative organization. The question of 
a building was, on the other hand, left till some 
future date. The museum was placed under the 
sponsorship of the Royal Academy of Letters, 
History and Antiquities. The museum was di- 
vided into two departments, the Greek-Roman 
— which is the larger — and the Egyptian. 
The collections from the Near East were 
attached to the Greek-Roman department. The 
Cyprus Collections and the Egyptian Museum 
were merged in the new institution, which also 
took over their premises. In this way the Medel- 
havsmuseet has its premises in three different 
parts of the town. The Greek-Roman depart- 
ment is in the building of the Museum of 
National Antiquities and in the so-called Oxen- 
stiema Manor, an idyllic 18th century building 
which also houses the museum's secretariat, and 
the Egyptian department is accommodated in 
what was formerly the Bank of Sweden at Jam- 
torget in the Old Town. 

• T. J. Arne, De komparativa samlingama i Statens 
historiska museum 1926—1935. Fornv&nnen 1936, pp. 
99 ff. 


Thus, at its start the museum mainly had the 
material of the Cyprus Collections and the 
Egyptian Museum as a basis upon which to 
build. I have already referred to the central 
feature of the Egyptian collection. The collec- 
tions from Cyprus, which along with the 
corresponding collections in the Metropolitan 
Museum of Art and the British Museum are 
among the largest in the world outside Cyprus, 
give a comprehensive idea of the art and cul- 
ture of Cyprus in classical times. The Cypriote 
pottery is represented in copious series, in which 
especially the different periods of the Bronze 
Age and also the early Iron Age and archaic 
times are well exemplified. Among other things 
the collections also comprise bronzes, jewelry 
and glass and a large number of sculptures 
of stone and terracotta where, in particular, 
the oldest material with its obvious connections 
with the Syrian region, Egypt and Ionia is of 
special interest. Of great importance, too, is the 
Hellenistic material in studying the Ptolemaic 
sphere of culture, to which Cyprus belonged. 
The Roman glass has in Cyprus one of its 
greatest treasure-houses, and a study of the 
glass finds from various periods on the island 
reveals significant aspects of the development of 
the glass industry. 

In 1957 the above-mentioned collections from 
Persia and the other, so-called comparative 
collections in the Museum of National Antiqui- 
ties were, by a resolution of the Director General 
of National Antiquities, transferred to the 
Medelhavsmuseet in so far as they were con- 
nected with the Mediterranean countries and the 
Near East. They go back to the middle of the 
18th century — Queen Lovisa Ulrika’s collection 
among others — and increased during the 19th 
century through small acquisitions and through 
gifts from Swedish travellers to the Orient and 
from Sweden’s consuls in the Mediterranean 
lands 7 . Of great sentimental value but also of 

7 See T. J. Arne, o. c. and De komparativa fomsaks- 
samlingama i Statens historiska museum. Fomvannen 
1925, pp. 18 ff. 


7 


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real value are the comparative collections which 
our great archaeologist Oscar Montelius bought 
on his journeys, notably in Italy. In making 
these purchases he concentrated extensively on 
his own research work, and consequently the 
museum is primarily indebted to him for, 
among other things, a rich collection of bronze 
fibulae from different periods, many of which 
are illustrated in his well-known book “La 
Civilisation primitive en Italie”. 

Otherwise the Italic and Roman were very in- 
adequately represented when the museum was 
launched, and the new acquisitions of its first 
few years have therefore largely concerned this 
sphere. By negotiating an exchange the museum 
was able, in 1956, to obtain from the Italian 
State four valuable tomb inventories from Cerve- 
teri. One more Etruscan tomb complex of 
great interest was added three years later by the 
same process. Purchases have been made of 
Italic pottery and of Roman portraits, some of 
which are presented in this issue. A number of 
Greek vases are also included in the acquisitions 
of recent years. 


In these few lines I have attempted to give a 
brief sketch of the origins and extent of the 
Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern 
Antiquities. Its aims are to enlarge the collections 
and to exhibit them in order to promote a 
lively interest in this country for the culture of 
classical antiquity; but also to be a research 
institute dedicated to the ancient civilization of 
the Mediterranean countries and the Near East. 

The costs of new acquisitions and of publish- 
ing could not, unfortunately, be defrayed by 
the ordinary funds of the museum. 

I respectfully express to His Majesty the King 
our thanks for his never-failing concern and 
interest on behalf of the museum and for his 
many splendid gifts to our collections. I also 
thank Director Henning Throne-Hoist for his 
valuable active support. I extend special thanks 
to Mrs. Astrid Willman for her generous dona- 
tion for the purchase of a Roman sculpture. 

Finally, I express our thanks to the Huma- 
nistiska Forskningsr&det for their kind grant to- 
wards the expenses of publication. 


8 


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Finds from Badarian 
and Tasian Civilizations 

HJALMAR LARSEN 


During the excavations carried out by Guy 
Brunton in 1923 at Qau el Kebir he found some 
sherds of pottery of special interest. They showed 
on the surface clear marks of rippling made with 
a comb-like instrument. Ceramics of this kind 
were formerly unknown from Egypt. Later, 
during the same campaign, some few disturbed 
graves containing the same kind of pottery were 
found. These finds led to a thorough investigation 
of the narrow zone between the desert cliffs and 
the fertile ground. Many more sherds were 
found of the same peculiar pottery all the way 
between Qau in the South and Badari in the 
North. But not until the next season, 1924, did 
Brunton come across a large cemetery with 
ceramics of this kind at the village of Sheik ’Esa 
near Badari. Here many graves were excavated 
especially in 1925. The new cultural epoch was 
named the Badarian Civilization after the name 
of the district where it was first more thoroughly 
investigated. 

The finds from Badari were published in 1928 
by Guy Brunton and Gertrude Caton-Thomp- 
son 1 , and the Badarian Civilization was at once 

1 Guy Brunton and Gertrude Caton-T hompson, 
The Badarian Civilization and Prehistoric Remains near 
Badari. London 1928. 


known and accepted as the oldest Egyptian 
culture then discovered. 

At the start of the Egyptian Museum in Stock- 
holm, as it was called at that time, in the year 
1928, it was considered particularly important 
that the basis for the museum should be finds 
from excavations and especially those from pre- 
historic times. Consequently, one paragraph in 
the record of foundation read: “As, from both 
a scientific and a practical point of view, it might 
be of great importance to make arrangements 
for excavations to be carried out in Egypt for 
the benefit of the museum especially at some 
prehistoric cemetery, the amanuensis Lugn was 
entrusted with investigation of the possibilities 
of this task.” 

A donation by the then Swedish Minister in 
Cairo, Baron Harald Bildt, made possible a sub- 
scription to the new expedition to Middle Egypt 
for the benefit of the British Museum led by Guy 
Brunton. In these years, 1928 and 1929, the 
excavations were transferred to the village of 
Nazlet el Mostagedda about seven miles north 
of Badari where the excavator had reason to 
hope for new finds of graves and areas of settle- 
ment from the Badarian time. 

The results of the excavations turned out to 
be a success, and our museum obtained a small 

9 


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but representative collection of finds. It consisted 
of 26 objects of the Badarian civilization and one 
pot from the so-called Tasian culture, not to 
mention some fifty pieces from Dynastic and 
Predynastic periods. Through the gift of five 
antiques from Badari and one more Tasa pot 
together with three artefacts bought later our 
collection of objects, from excavations or 
acquired in other ways, of Badarian and Tasian 
age has now reached the number of thirty-six. 

The excavation ground at Mostagedda has the 
same appearance as at Badari. It consists of 
small spurs of gravel and sand divided by shallow 
depressions too small to be called wadis. To- 
gether they compose a narrow strip of desert 
between the cliffs and the cultivated fields. 

The graves of the Badarian culture are as a 
rule oval pits cut in the gravel and sand, though 
some few have straight sides. In the grave there 
is generally only one interment. The deceased 
was placed in the majority of cases with the 


head in S. and the face in W. As a north-south 
direction it seems as though the local direction 
of the Nile was decisive and not the geographical 
north-south. The body lay in a more or less 
contracted position often on a mat of grass or 
reed and it was covered by mats and skins. 
Sometimes, it seems, the grave was roofed. 

The grave offerings were few even considering 
the fact that many graves were plundered. The 
tendency is clear from the many undisturbed 
graves. What the plunderers chiefly wished to get 
seems to have been the personal ornaments. 

The normal finds in the graves were one or 
more earthen vessels, some strings of shell or 
beads and a few implements of bone or flint. 
For other more rare objects as spoons and combs 
of ivory not represented in our museum, I refer 
the reader to Brunton’s publication 1 . 

* Guy Brunton, Mostagedda and the Tasian Culture. 
London 1937. 



Fig. L The Pottery. No. 1—2 Tasian , no. 3—8 Badarian 

10 


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In the Egyptian department of the Medelhavs- 

museet are kept the following objects from 

Badarian graves and settlements excavated at 

Mostagedda. 

Graves 

Grave 301. Child burial with head in S. The body 
was covered with a black-haired skin. A string 
of shells from the Red Sea was found lying 
on the chest or waist of the child. In the grave 
lay a flint flake but its place in the grave was 
not recorded. 

MM 10601. String of 13 shells. Of these was 
one Ancillaria , the others being 12 Nerita. 
L. ca. 120 mm. (Fig. 4 no. 5) 

MM 10602. Flint flake. One side has only one 
blow surface with part of the cone of percus- 
sion still existing at one end. The other side 
has more blow surfaces. Through an obliquely 
directed stroke the other end has the form of 
a claw. L. 59 mm, largest br. 19 mm, th. 5 mm. 
(Fig. 2 no. 4) 

Grave 308. A child burial but the body was 
missing. It had once been covered with four 
layers: yellow-haired skin, cloth, rope matting, 
and mat of grass. The string found in the 
grave lay nearly in situ and formed a double 
chain of beads. The shell, MM 10604, was 
not part of the string. 

MM 10603. Small round water-worn pebble of 
quartz perhaps used as polishing stone. L. 
43 mm, br. 24 mm. (Fig. 2 no. 6) 

MM 10604. Shell, Conus . Bore-hole in the 
base. L. 21 mm. (Fig. 4 no. 3) 

MM 10605. String consisting of small, more 
or less short, tubular or ring-shaped, white 
or green glazed beads of steatite. Only one 
bead seems to be of white coral (?). The types 
of the beads are registered in Brunton’s bead 
corpus, Mostagedda pi. XXXIX as 75 B13, 
C8, C15, 86 F27, K27, K29, Lll, L13 and Rll. 
The beads are arranged in irregular groups of 
white and green ones. Length of the string 
ca. 395 mm. (Fig. 4 no. 8) 


Grave 443. Probably female burial with the head 
in S. Below the body the whole grave was 
covered by yellow-haired and black-haired 
skins which had been folded round the feet. 
Over the upper part of the body lay skins and 
cloth. Over the head there were registered 
traces of a feather. An earthen vessel, not in 
our museum, was placed in close proximity 
to the hands. This pot and a flint flake were 
the only objects in the grave. 

MM 10607. Flint flake of triangular form. 
One side has only one surface with part of the 
cone of percussion at one longitudinal edge. 
The other showed a number of surfaces, 
irregularly struck. At the base and the pointed 
end some retouche. L. 45 mm, br. 24 mm, 
th. 8 mm. (Fig. 2 no. 3) 

Grave 457. Probably female burial with the head 
in S. The cervical vertebrae were injured close 
by the head. The body was covered by mat 
and skin. The pot was placed at the feet, the 
flint possibly under the head. 

MM 10608. Pot, hemispherical. Externally light 
greyish brown with black spots, lightly smooth- 
ed, internally dark greyish brown, lightly 
smoothed. Type: Badarian Civilization pi. 
XVII 14H, Rough Brown. H. 88 mm, diam. of 
rim 145mm,th. of ware 6— 10 mm. (Fig. 1 no. 3) 
MM 10609. Chip of flint with traces of chalk 
crust. L. 52 mm, br. 41 mm, th. 1 1 mm. (Fig. 
2 no. 2) 

Grave 461 . Female burial with the head in S. 
The body wrapped in mat and skin. 

MM 10610. Pot. Externally dark greyish 
brown with a rather broad black section round 
the mouth, internally the whole surface black 
polished. Outwardly the greater part of the 
surface is comb-riffled and polished. The 
bottom is rounded, the side sloping somewhat 
inwards. Type: Mostagedda pi. XV 69D, 
Black-topped Brown. H. 97 mm, diam. of 
rim 144 mm, largest diam. ca. 150 mm, th. 
of ware ca. 5 mm but thinning out towards the 
mouth. (Fig. 1 no. 7) 


11 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Grave 462. Male burial with the head in S. 
Covered with mat. 

MM 10611. Bone needle with large eye. One 
butt is pointed, the other round with two small 
transversal scores. Just beneath the scores is 
the circular hole. Round in section, polished. 
L. 67 mm, br. at the eye 10 mm. (Fig. 3 no. 7) 

Grave 572. The skeleton in the grave was missing. 
Only the matting was intact. In the grave lay 
three pots of types Mostagedda pi. XVI 16D, 
Black-topped Red, pi. XVII 57Q, Black- 
topped Red, pi. XIX 5M, Smooth Brown, 
and a shell. Only the latter was allotted to the 
Stockholm museum. 

MM 10614. Conus shell, the top end cut away. 
In the base end a bored hole. L. 22 mm. (Fig. 4 
no. 1) 

Grave 1211. Male (?) burial, disturbed. The 
body was placed on a stretcher or bed made 
of transversally laid thin sticks. There further 
occurred mat and cloth. In addition to the 
under-mentioned objects stored in our mu- 
seum a pot of Black-topped Brown ware of 
a type like Badarian Civilization pi. XII 14P 
and 4 blue glazed steatite beads were found in 
the grave. 

MM 10616. Fish-hook of ivory without dent 
but with fastening eye. Pointed above the 
eye. L. 30 mm. (Fig. 3 no. 2) 

MM 10617. Fish-hook as the foregoing of 
shell, broken above the eye. Present 1. 26 mm. 
(Fig. 3 no. 1) 

MM 10618. Small flint point. Retouches at 
the edges. One side shows only one surface, 
the other, partly ridged, was struck with 
several longitudinal surfaces. L. 28 mm, br. 
7 mm, th. 3 mm. (Fig. 2 no. 5) 

MM 10619. Small oval pebble of brown flint 
possibly used as a polishing stone. Somewhat 
damaged. L. 55 mm, br. 38 mm, th. 25 mm. 
(Fig. 2 no. 7) 

MM 10620. Several fragments of Spatha shell. 

Grave 1213. Male (?) burial. The grave was 
covered with mat. 


MM 10621. String made of 11 bluish green 
glazed steatite beads of the types Mostagedda 
pi. XXXIX 75 C8, 86 K29, 86 R16, and 16 
shells. Of these one is Nerita and 15 Ancillaria. 
L. ca. 150 mm. (Fig. 4 no. 7) 

Grave 1250. Female burial. The body was placed 
on a mat of grass and was covered with doth, 
skin and mat. At the head were many layers 
of leather. The hair on the head was well 
preserved; it was curly, dark brown and up to 
8 cm long. The shells were found in the filling. 
MM 10624. Part of string of 8 Ancillaria shells. 
L. ca. 60 mm. (Fig. 4 no. 4) 

Grave 1270. Female burial with head in W. The 
body was covered with skin (gazelle?) and 
mat and had been displaced, inter alia the 
lower jaw and part of the legs were missing. 
The upper part of the body had been pushed 
to the west against the pot placed on that 
spot while the left shoulder-blade lay intact. 
Below the shoulder there had been leather. 
The pot contained organic matter. 

MM 10606. Pot of coarse-grained ware rather 
hard-burnt. The fracture reddish brown with 
black core. The bottom is rounded, the side 
sloping outwards. The surface is rough, ex- 
ternally and internally, and somewhat corrod- 
ed. It is brown outwards with black smudges. 
Type: Badarian Civilization pi. XVIII 25K, 
Rough Brown. H. 118 mm, diam. of mouth 
160—165 mm, th. of ware ca. 20 mm in the 
bottom, 5 mm at the rim. (Fig. 1 no. 5) 

Grave 2203. Undisturbed child burial with head 
in E. The body was wrapped in mat. 

MM 10625. String of 6 shells, 5 Natica and 
one Conus, and 3 small flat beads of shell. 
L. ca. 1 10 mm. (Fig. 4 no. 6) 

Grave 2253. Thoroughly plundered child’s grave 
with strongly decayed indeterminable remains 
of mat or wooden bed. Beside the objects 
registered below traces of copper (not mala- 
chite) and fragments of pots were found in the 
grave. 


12 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



fig. 2. Stone Implements. 


MM 10626 a and b. Part of a bracelet of MM 10672. Sand-worn pebble of yellowish 

ivory, 2 pieces. The inside slightly convex, quartz. L. 31 mm, br. 14 mm, th. 7 mm. 

the outside bifacial, high-ridged. Inner diam. (Fig. 2 no. 8) 

ca. 55 mm, th. 8 mm. a’s 1.50 mm, b’s 1.33 mm However, the museum has objects not only 

(= 1. of the chords). (Fig. 4 no. 2) from graves at Mostagedda but from settle- 

MM 10626 c. Pointed part of a bone awl. ments, too. A couple of finds from the small 

Made of a tubular bone. One side convex, spurs excavated in 1928 were allotted to the 

the other concave. Lightly smoothed. Present Stockholm museum. Unfortunately no detailed 

1. 34 mm, br. 8 mm. (Fig. 3 no. 6) descriptions of the settlements have been 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


13 



published and could not be given because of the 
dwelling areas being greatly disturbed by later 
burials. 

Settlements 

Area 100. 

MM 10630. Flint knife, rather oval in form, 
coarsely struck on both sides, the edges with* 
out fine retouche. L. 102 mm, largest br. 
39 mm, th. 14 mm. (Fig. 2 no. 1) 

Area 500. 

MM 10615. Pot. Externally red with black 
section round the mouth, internally the whole 
surface black polished. Outwards the whole 
surface is comb-riffled and polished. The 
bottom is rounded, the side sloping some- 
what inwards. Type: Badarian Civilization pi. 
XIV 34, Black-topped Red. H. 116 mm, 
diam. of rim 103 mm, largest diam. 125 mm, 
th. of ware 5 mm, but thinning out towards 
the mouth. (Fig. 1 no. 4) 

From unknown area in Mostagedda. 

MM 10674. Flint knife. One edge straight, 
the other convex, one end pointed, the other 
straight cut. Both sides coarsely struck with 
many irregular surfaces. The straight edge is 
retouched to fine saw-teeth from the pointed 
end all along two thirds of it. L. 105 mm, 
largest br. 39 mm, th. 17 mm. (Fig. 2 no. 10) 

Through the gift from the then Major R. G. 
Gayer-Anderson the museum received on 19 
April, 1929, the following objects stated to have 
been acquired from Brunton’s collections from 
Badari. 

MM 10588. Flint knife, nearly of uniform 
breadth. One end tapers, the other is straight 
cut. Both edges have fine retouche, one with 
fine saw-teeth. Both surfaces are wholly 
touched up with occasional traces of parallel 
blows. L. 177 mm, br. 28 mm, th. 3 mm. 
(Fig. 2. no. 9) 

MM 10589 a. Bone awl made of a tubular 
bone with the joint part preserved. Polished 


at the pointed end. L. 63 mm, largest br, 14 
mm. (Fig. 3 no. 3) 

MM 10589 b. Bone awl made of tubular bone. 
The joint part of the bone is missing. Polished. 
L. 62 mm, largest br. 10 mm, th. 4 mm. (Fig. 
3 no. 4) 

MM 10589 c. Bone needle with narrow eye. 
Made of tubular bone. Straight cut above 
the eye. L. 51 mm, br. through the eye 6 mm . 
(Fig. 3 no. 5) 

MM 10590. Small earthenware bowl, nearly 
oval in form but with one end wider than the 
other. The surface externally and internally 
of an uneven dark greyish brown colour, 
lightly smoothed. Just below the rim is a 
series of regularly placed holes bored with a 
fine needle before the burning of the vessel 
but after the smoothing. H. 42 mm, 1. 127 
mm, largest br. 72 mm, th. 5 mm. (Fig. 1 
no. 6) 

As bought from Gayer-Anderson the museum 
received further on 4 February, 1931, MM 
13030, registered as found at Abydos; in the 
year 1934 MM 11086 acquired at Assuan; and 
in 1954 MM 13959 bought from a curiosity shop, 
all types known from the Badarian civilization. 
MM 11086. Round earthenware bowl. The 
bottom rounded, the side sloping outwards 
as a regular convex. Externally greyish brown 
with black spots, coarsely oblique-riffled, 
rather rough but very slightly smoothed, 
internally light brown and slightly smoothed. 
H. 75 mm, diam. of rim 182 mm. Th. of wall 
8 mm at the bottom but thinning out towards 
the rim. (Fig. 1 no. 8) 

MM 13030. Flint knife. One edge slightly 
concave, the other convex, one end pointed, 
the other cut straight. Both sides struck with 
irregular marks from small chips, but here and 
there showing parallel blows especially at the 
convex edge. This one has been retouched to 
fine saw-dents along the whole length. L. 153 
mm, largest br. 26 mm, th. 7 mm. (Fig. 2 
no. 11) 


14 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



MM 13959. Palette of greyish green slate. 
Slender, of uniform breadth, with rounded 
angles. The short ends are concave. Type as 
Badarian Civilization pi. XXI, 13. Marked 
GMter, Upper Egypt. L. 152 mm, br. 41 mm, 
th. 5 mm. (Fig. 5) 

During the excavations in the Mostagedda 
istrict finds of a hitherto unknown cultural type 
rare made at Deir Tasa and later also at other 
realities. They appeared in graves as well as in 
ettlements. This new culture had much in 
ommon with the Badarian civilization, inter 
lia the forms of the graves and the body’s 
osition in the grave were alike in the two 
nltures. In the new one, however, a little niche 
>r the pot is often seen in one long-side of the 
rave. Other features also separate it from the 
ladarian culture. Among the earthenware 
essels there appeared in particular a bell- 
liaped generally greyish black type of pot, the 
Hailed beaker-pot, ornamented with an in- 
ised ribbon pattern filled in with incised lines 
r punctured dots incrusted with white. This type 


of vessel had formerly been known only in rare 
cases and without chronological particulars. 
Within the polished red and other wares there 
appeared also forms of pots not represented in 
the Badarian culture. The palettes were of 
alabaster thus differing from the Badarian slate 
palettes. The grave gifts were poorer, and the 
new culture was supported by another race. No 
traces of copper were found in the new culture. 
It was named the Tasian culture. 

From this culture the Medelhavsmuseet has 
two pots. One, MM 10665, was found during the 
excavation of a settlement at Mostagedda, the 
other, MM 10591, was a gift from Major R. G. 
Gayer-Anderson on 22 June, 1930, and stated 
to come from Edfu. 

Area 2800 , Group 2850. 

MM 10665. Pot, hemispherical with the rim 
somewhat sloping inwards. Externally and 
internally reddish brown, the outside with 
black patches. The surface rather rough but 
outwardly at least once partly provided with 
a thin slip. The inside is slightly smoothed 



Fig. 3. Bone Implements. No. 1 Shell. 


15 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



with the hand and shows horizontal marks 
from the fingers. The ware is reddish brown 
with black core. Type: Mostagedda pi. XI, 
27, Rough Brown. H. 80 mm, diam. of rim 
110 mm, largest diam. 116 mm. Th. of wall 
5—9 mm. (Fig. 1 no. 2) 

Edfu. 

MM 10591. Beaker pot. Exhaustively describ- 
ed by Pehr Lugn in Journal of Egyptian 
Archaeology, to which publication the reader 
may be referred here*. (Fig. 1 no. I) 

Brunton has divided the ware of the different 
pot types belonging to the Badarian civilization 
into six main classes: 1. Black-topped Brown, 
2. Black-topped Red, 3. Polished Red, 4. All 
Black, 5. Smooth Brown, and 6. Rough Brown, 
to which he adds a seventh group termed 
Miscellaneous containing sundry forms and 
surface treatment of more peculiar kind. Of 
these groups the numbers 1, 2, 4, and 6 are 
represented in our museum. As to the little 
bowl of group 4, MM 10590, in our collection 
it has, as already shown, a series of fine bored 
holes near the rim. Such small holes are not 
wholly unique: they are observed, inter alia, on 
the pot 44M in Badarian Civilization, pi. XIX. 
There they are placed in groups on the wall of 
the pot. 

Three of our six Badarian pots are comb- 
riffled. From where does this combing emanate? 
Is it autochthonous in the Tasian and Badarian 
civilizations, or is it a case of cultural influence 
from outside? Brunton finds many parallels in 
pot types especially in Nubia, where pots with 
combed surface are common, but these are all, 
as far as is known, younger. He gives no answer 
to this question. Caton-Thompson considers this 
technique to belong to an indigenous African 
culture. She thinks that the Badarian, Fayum, 
and Nubian groups have a common African 
origin, but that the ancestral home has yet to 

* Pehr Luon, A “Beaker” Pot in the Stockholm 
Egyptian Museum. JEA Vol. XVII, 1931, p. 22. 

16 


be found 4 . Scharff and Petrie believe the Bada- 
rian culture in its entirety to emanate from 
Asia 4 . This can, however, hardly apply to the 
combing technique, which, as far as is known, 
is missing in Asia. If coming from an Asiatic 
source it is later thought to have penetrated 
further southwards to Nubia and the Sudan. A 
wholly different answer is given by Arkell*. At 
the excavation of the so-called Early Settlement 
in Khartoum he found comb-riffled pots which 
he thinks to be older than those of the Badarian 
culture. Therefore they may be the source of the 
same technique at Badari. However, the chrono- 
logical connection between Badari and Khartoum 
is far from certain. Particularly in respect of the 
exact dating of Khartoum we are on very 
insecure ground. Thus, the question of the origin 
of this technique must be regarded as unsolved, 
the only likely possibility, however, being that 
it must have an African home. 

The flint work in the Badarian civilization is 
generally very rough. The implements are 
coarsely struck with many irregular surfaces 
mostly without retouche or with only one edge i 
with some trimming. However, som few flint j 
implements such as the saw-dented knives are 
treated with really good workmanship. They are 
well illustrated by such knives as MM 10588 
and MM 13030, cf. Mostagedda pL XXII, 31 
and pi. XXVIII, 1-11. 

Of the needles with eye in our collection the 
one with narrow eye, MM 10589 c, may have 
been used for sewing in both cloth and 
leather, while the coarser one, MM 10611, with 
its wide eye and cm-coarse section can only, 
notwithstanding its trifling length, have been 
used for mat-making or basket-work. The 
bone-awls are of the types common in all pre- 
historic periods. 

4 Gertrude Caton-Thompson, The Neolithic Indu- 
stries of the Northern Fayum Desert. JRAI Vol. LVI. 
1926. 

4 Alexander Scharff, Die Altertiimer der Vor- und 
FrUhzeit Agyptens. I. Berlin 1931. Funders Petrie, The 
Peoples of Egypt. Ancient Egypt, 1931. 

4 A. J. Arkell, Early Khartoum. London 1949. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Fig. 4. The Jewellery. 


The two fish-hooks, MM 10616 and MM and in Mostagedda nine pieces, the latter 
10617, are rare finds in the Badarian culture. belonging to the Badarian as well as the Tasian 
Only three hooks have been found in Badari cultures. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


17 



As to the jewellery we have in the Medelhavs- 
museet both pieces of a bracelet, MM 10626 
a— b, and strings of beads and shell. Jewellery 
belongs to the generally occurring grave gifts. 
The bracelet is of the common type. Such 
bracelets seem to have been used almost exclu- 
sively by males, adults or children, the strings, 
however, were carried by both sexes. The shells 
in our strings were mostly Nerita and Ancillaria , 
only in one case did Conus and Natica shells 
occur, but also other species were in use in 
Badari and Mostagedda. Single lengthwise bored 
Conus shells are also among our objects. 
Whether they once belonged to strings is uncer- 
tain. Two strings of glazed steatite beads, 
MM 10605 and MM 10621, were allotted to our 
museum. Glazing of beads from Egypt is not 


malachite show, for the preparation of green eye 
paint. 

There is no uncertainty about the fact that the 
Badarian culture is older than the Nagada 
periods. That is stratigraphically clearly proved 
by Gertrude Caton-Thompson in Badarian Civi- 
lization, Part II. The Predynastic Settlement: 
North Spur Hemamieh, pp. 73 ff. and the tables 
pp. 95 ff. As to the chronological relation 
between the Tasian and the Badarian cultures 
the authors rather agree in their opinion that 
the Tasa culture is the older, but stratigra- 
phically all evidence is lacking. Much, however, 
speaks for the truth of this opinion. Copper, for 
instance, is totally lacking in the Tasian culture, 
because of that classed as neolithic; in the 
Badarian culture, however, the excavators have 



Fig. 5. Palette MM 13959 . 


observed before Badarian time. In the Tasa 
culture this technique is unknown. Brunton 
thinks, however, that the glazed steatite beads 
in the Badarian culture must have been imported 
from some hitherto unknown district with a 
higher civilization than that prevailing in Badari 
and Mostagedda 7 . 

Of slate palettes, such as MM 13959, 23 were 
found in Qau and Badari and 6 in Mostagedda 
together with 4 fragments. They belong, by 
comparison with the large quantity of graves, to 
the rare gifts. They have been used, as traces of 

7 Cf. Guy Brunton, Matmar. London 1948, p. 12. 
18 


found a small number of beads and a pin of 
copper. Further, there are no glazed beads in 
Tasa so common during the Badarian period. 
The Tasa culture cannot be much older than 
Badari, for that there are too many common 
characteristics. One might even consider the 
possibility of both cultures, supported by 
different races, having lived beside one another 
without borrowing more than certain cultural 
elements from each other or from the outer 
world. 

As to the Tasian culture no attempt at an 
exact dating has been made as yet. Such, how- 
ever, has been undertaken with reference to 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Badari. A Badarian sample was tested through 
C14-analysis (Gro 223) by HI. de Vries and 
H. Tj. Waterbolk 8 . The result gave an age of 
5100 ±160 years. That was a surprisingly low 
date. Considering the fact that a similar analysis 
of wood from a mastaba dating to the end of 
the First Dynasty (Gro 902) gave an age of 
4145 ±70 years instead of the expected 4800 
years and a sample from Sesostris’ III grave ship 
(Gro 1157, 1178) respectively 3310±55 and 
3370 ± 50 years instead of the exact year of his 
death, 1843 B.C., it is necessary to calculate more 
adequate figures out of these too low results with 

8 Hl. de Vries and H. Tj. Waterbolk, Groningen Ra- 
diocarbon Dates. 11. Stencil Report 1956; 111. Stencil Re- 
port 1957. 


regard to the exact figures obtained by historical 
means. 

In a paper in Orientalia Suecana 9 1 have made 
an attempt. The figure received there gave the 
Badarian culture an age of ca. 5750 or 5850 
years calculated from the C14-results for 
Sesostris III and ca. 5900 years calculated from 
the First Dynasty find, that is, the Badarian 
civilization should belong to a time about 
3800 B.C. or some generation more. The Tasa 
culture will perhaps be shown to be a couple of 
hundred years older. 


• Hjalmar Larsen, Verziertc TongefSBscherben aus 
Merimde Benisalame in der agyptischen Abteilung des 
Mittelmeermuseums in Stockholm. Orientalia Suecana 
Vol. VII (1958). Uppsala 1959, p. 49, fig. 10. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


19 



Altorientalische Siegelsteine 


HANS HENNING von der OSTEN t 


Die vorliegende Sammlung, die vierzig altorien- 
talische Siegelsteine umfasst, ist ein Geschenk 

5. M. des Konigs an das Medelhavsmuseet im 
Jahre 1956. Einunddreissigdieser Steine (Nr. 2—4 , 

6, 7, 9—14 , 18—26 , 29—38 , 40) waren Seiner 
Majest&t von Herrn R. v. Heidenstam, der sie in 
Aleppo erworben hatte, testamentarisch ver- 
macht worden. Zwei Siegel (Nr. 27, 28) wurden 
Seiner Majestat im Jahre 1931, damals noch 
Kronprinz, vom Kgl. schwedischen Konsul in 
Larnaka, Herrn L. Pierides, geschenkt. Die rest- 
lichen sieben Steine (Nr. /, 5, 8 , 15—17 , 39) 
stammen aus dem Kunslhandel in Baghdad. 

Bei den (alle der Lange nach durchbohrten) 
Siegelzylindern gibt die erste Zahl die Hohe und 
die zweite den Durchmesser der Siegelrolle an. 
Bei den Stempelsiegeln stehen die ersten beiden 
Zahlen fur die Dimensionen der Siegelflache, und 
die letzte steht fur die Hdhe des Siegels. Bei den 
zwei Gewichtssteinen (Nr. 75, 16) ist noch das 
Gewicht in Gramm hinzugefugt. 

Liste der Abkttrzungen 

Aulock — H. H. von der Osten, Altorientali- 
sche Siegelsteine der Sammlung Hans 
Silvius von Aulock. Studia Ethno- 
graphica Upsaliensia XIII. Uppsala 
1957. 

Berlin — A. Moortoat, Vorderasiatische Roll- 

20 


siegel. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der 
Steinschneidekunst. Berlin 1940. 
Brett — H. H. von der Osten, Ancient orien- 
tal seals in the collection of Mrs. 
Agnes Baldwin Brett. Oriental Insti- 
tute Publications XXXVII. Chicago 
1936. 

Frankfort — H. Frankfort, Cylinder Seals. A do- 
cumentary essay on the art of the 
Ancient Near East. London 1939. 
Louvre — L. Delaporte, Catalogue des cylind- 
res cachets et pierres gravies de style 
oriental. Mus6e du Louvre. Paris 
1920-1923. 

Morgan — E. Porada, The collection of the Pier- 
pont Morgan Library. Corpus of an- 
cient Near Eastern seals in North 
American collections I. The Bol- 
lingen Series XIV. New York 1949. 
Newell — H. H. von der Osten, Ancient orien- 
tal seals in the collection of Mr. Ed- 
ward T. Newell. Oriental Institute 
Publications XXII. Chicago 1934. 

Fur andere verdffentlichte Sammlungen, in 
denen Vergleichsmaterial zu finden ist, vgl. die 
bibliographischen Angaben in Newell (bis 1933) 
und Aulock (bis 1956) 1 . 

1 Vgl. jetzt auch — erschienen seitdem das Manuskript 
im Mai 1957 abgeschlossen worden war — O. E. Ravn, 
A Catalogue of Oriental Cylinder Seals and Impressions 
in the Danish National Museum. Kobenhavn 1960. 


Digitized by ^jooole 



4 

Nr. 1—4. Siegel der Djemdet Nasr-Zeit. 


Siegel der Djemdet Nasr-Zeit 

(Nr. 1 — 4 ) 

Das absolute Datum der Djemdet Nasr-Kul- 
tur ist noch nicht gesichert 2 . Es kann jedoch 

* Letzten Endes hangt die absolute Datierung der 
Djemdet Nasr-Zeit vom absolut-zeitlichen Ansatz der 
ersten drei Hgyptischen Dynastien ab. Einige absolute 
Datierungsversuche seien hier angefilhrt: 

3200—3000 W. F. Albright, The archaeology of 
Palestine. Harmondsworth 1951. 


angenommen werden, dass der Beginn dieser 
Periode noch in das ausgehende 4. Jahrtausend 
v. Chr. zuriickreicht und ihr Ausgang in das 
erste Viertel des 3. vorchr. Jahrtausends fallt. 
Zu Anfang dieser Phase ist sowohl die Form des 

3100—2700 H. Frankfort, The birth of civilization 
of the Near East. London 195L 

2800-2700 A. Moortgat, Agypten und Vorderasien 
im Altertum. Munchen 1950. 


21 


Digitized by LiOOQle 





Stempelsiegels als auch die des Siegelzylinders in 
Gebrauch; sp&ter, ihrem Ende zu, verdrfingt 
aber in Siidmesopotamien die Form des Siegel- 
zylinders jene des Stempelsiegels vollkommen. 
Der bedeutende kulturelle Einfluss, den Siid- 
mesopotamien damals auf das Gesamtgebiet des 
Vorderen Orients ausstrahlte, findet seinen 
Niederschlag auch auf den Siegelsteinen dieser 
Under, und zwar von Kleinasien bis nach 
Agypten und bis in das Industal*. 

1. Aragonit; Stempelsiegel in Form eines liegen- 
den Stiers, der Breite nach waagerecht durch- 
bohrt. 

31.5x23x18 mm. MM 1956: 107. 

Drei Vierfiissler, ubereinander angeordnet, 
frei im Feld. 

Dies ist eine wahrend der Djemdet Nasr-Periode 
h&ufig auftretende Form des Stempelsiegels. 
Daneben werden, allerdings seltener, Siegel ver- 
wendet, die die Form eines Ldwenkopfes oder 
Adlers oder einer menschlichen Figur haben, 
oder sie bestehen aus zwei Protomen zusammen- 
gesetzter Fabeltiere. Nahezu bei alien Stucken 
dieser Art ist das Siegel selber sehr sorgfaltig 
und naturalistisch gearbeitet, seine Devise hin- 
gegen im allgemeinen recht flUchtig 4 und mei- 
stens unter ausgiebiger Benutzung eines Drill- 
bohrers eingraviert. Einzelheiten, wie z. B. 
Uufe oder Gehom von Tieren, sind bisweilen 
mit Hilfe eines schneidenden oder kratzenden 
Instrumentes angedeutet. Da noch keinerlei 
Abdriicke von Siegeln dieser Art gefunden 
wurden, vermuten einige Forscher, dass es sich 
bei solchen Steinen in erster Linie um Amulette 
handelt 6 . — Ahnliche Stiicke z. B.: Brett 5; 
Louvre T. 18, T. 15, T. 17, S. 213, S. 210, S. 206 
usw.; Newell 12—17. 


* Dazu vgl. Aulock Seite 36 mit Literaturangaben. 

4 Vgl. dazu A. Moortgat, Die Entstehung der sume- 
rischen Hochkultur. Der Alte Orient 43 (1945) Seite 
92—93. Siehe auch dieZusammenfassung Aulock , Seite 35. 

4 Vgl. Frankfort Seite 1 Anm. 1, und Stratified seals 
from the Diyala region. Oriental Institute Publications 
LXXII. Chicago 1955, Seite 16-17. 

22 


2. Gelblichweisser Kalkstein; Siegelzylinder, an 
beiden Enden etwas beschadigt. 

29.5 x 24.5 mm. MM 1956: 1 14. 

Tierreihe: mfthnenloses Raubtiei*, fiber sei- 
nem Rucken ein Vogel; Vierfiissler mit 
langem gebogenem Gehdm; zweites mShnen- 
loses Raubtier mit einem Vogel iiber seinem 
Rucken; Vierfiissler mit langem geschwunge- 
nem Gehdm wendet sich dem ersten m&hnen- 
losen Raubtier zu, wodurch die Tierreihe bei 
einer mehrfachen Abrollung zu einem unend- 
lichen Fries gestaltet wird. 

Die sorgfaitige und sehr lebendige Wiedergabe 
der Tiere erinnert noch an die schdnen Siegel- 
zylinder der vorhergehenden Uruk-Periode, wes- 
halb dieses Stiick mOglicherweise in den Beginn 
der Djemdet Nasr-Zeit zu setzen ist. Gegen Ende 
dieser Periode erscheinen auch auf den Siegel- 
zylindera die Devisen iiberwiegend sehr schema- 
tisiert unter ausgiebiger Verwendung eines Drill- 
bohrers eingraviert. — Vgl. z. B.: Berlin 10, 11; 
Morgan 22—25 (sp&t). 

3. Braungrauer Kalkstein; Siegelzylinder, an bei- 
den Enden abgegriffen. 

30x21 mm. MM 1956: 112. 

Tierreihe: Stier (?), vor ihm Hinterkeule eines 
Vierfusslers (?) und unter ihm Kopf eines Vier- 
fiisslers mit kurzem gebogenem Gehdm; 
mahnenloses Raubtier (?). 

Dieser (stilistisch der Djemdet Nasr-Periode an- 
gehdrende) Siegelzylinder ist wahrscheinlich 
nicht in Siidmesopotamien entstanden. Die 
lineare Schneidetechnik erinnert, ebenso wie die 
Behandlung der Tierkdrper, an elamische Siegel. 
- Vgl. z. B.: Louvre S. 323, S. 324. 

4. Braungriiner Serpentin; Siegelzylinder. 

14x11.5 mm. MM 1956: 111. 

Fries, der aus vier Tieren besteht, die paar- 

• Fiir die Identifikation der verschiedenen, in der 
Glyptik Mesopotamiens auftretenden Tiere vgl. E 
Douglas Van Buren, Mesopotamian fauna in the light 
of the monuments. Archaeological remarks upon Lands- 
berger’s „ Fauna des alten Mesopotamiens”. Archiv fur 
Orientforschung 11 (1936 — 1937) Seite 1—37. 


Digitized by UjOOQle 



weise, Riicken zu Rlicken, gegenstandig an- 
geordnet sind. 

Fiir die Devise dieses Siegels ist mir bislang nur 
eine einzige Parallele bekannt (Louvre A. 8). 
Delaporte beschreibt die Darstellung folgender- 
massen: “Sujets opposes. — A. Deux scolo - 
pendres. — En retournant le cylindre , deux ani - 
maux cherchent leur nourriture ...” Die Schnei- 
detechnik erinnert stark an jene (der Djemdet 
Nasr-Zeit zuzuweisende) der aus dem nord- 
lichen Mesopotamien und Syrien bekanntgewor- 
denen Siegel. Die geschickt in den zur Verfugung 
stehenden Raum hineinkomponierten, ziemlich 
stilisierten Tiere zeigen bereits Anklange an den 
sogenannten „Brocade style” der altsumerischen 
Periode, die der Djemdet Nasr-Phase folgt. 

Siegel der altsumerischen Zeit 

(Nr. 5) 

Die Glyptik dieser Periode wird von Frank- 
fort (Frankfort) in “Early (Proto) dynastic I, 
II, III” eingeteilt, wahrend Moortgat (Berlin) 
sie unterteilt in „t)bergang zur Mesilim-Zeit, 
Mesilim-Zeit, Ubergang zur Ur I-Periode (Im- 
dugud-Sukurru-Stufe) und Ur I-Periode”. Mit 
Ausnahme weniger Siegelgruppen, die mit einiger 
Sicherheit innerhalb dieser Einteilungen zeitlich 
und regional eingeordnet werden kdnnen, gibt 
es aber immer noch eine betr&chtliche Anzahl 
von Siegeln, die zwar in ihrer Ausfuhrung wie 
auch teilweise in ihren Devisen verschiedene Stil- 


arten erkennen lassen, ohne dass man sie jedoch 
in ein relatives Altersverhaltnis zueinander 
bringen konnte. Die Mannigfaltigkeit der Stil- 
arten mag nicht nur auf lokale Eigenheiten, 
sondem auch auf die jeweilige soziale (mate- 
rielle) Position der Besitzer der Siegelsteine zu- 
riickzufiihren sein. 

5. Aragonit; Siegelzylinder. 

29x17 mm. MM 1956: 105. 

Tierkampfgruppe: Ein diagonal liber einen 
Hirsch gesetztes, mahnenloses Raubtier schl&gt 
einen langgehomten Vierfussler, der seinen 
Kopf samt Hals weit zuriickbiegt; ein zweites 
m&hnenloses Raubtier scheint zwar den 
Hirsch anzufallen, dreht jedoch seinen Kopf 
dem vom erstgenannten Raubtier angegriffe- 
nen Vierfussler zu. Frei im Feld: ein Symbol 
zwischen dem zuriickgebogenen Hals und 
dem Kdrper des langgehdmten Vierfusslers; 
ein ann&hemd vertikal stehender, etwas ge- 
bogener Stab und liber ihm, zwischen dem 
Hirsch und dem zweiten Raubtier, eine Mond- 
sichel. 

Trotz der reichlich groben Ausfuhrung wirkt die 
Szene sehr lebendig. Der Steinschneider hat es 
auch verstanden, bei einer mehrfachen Abrollung 
den Eindruck eines unendlichen Frieses hervor- 
zurufen, und zwar ohne die starke Verflechtung 
der einzelnen Tierdarstellungen, wie sie sonst, 
vor allem gegen Ende dieser Periode, tiblich 
ist. — Vgl. u. a.: Brett 15. 



Nr. 5. Siegel der altsumerischen Zeit . 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


23 



Siegel der akkadiscfaen Zeit 

(Nr. 6 , 7) 

Das Datum fur den Beginn derVorherrschaftvon 
Akkad ist noch umstritten. Auf Grund der Her- 
absetzung des Zeitpunktes fur die Regierung 
Hamurappis neigen neuerdings etliche Forscher 
dazu, es um 2150 v. Chr. anzusetzen 7 . Ich 
glaube, dass ein Zeitansatz um 2500 Oder hoch- 
stens 2400 v. Chr. wahrscheinlicher ist. Die 
Glyptik dieser Periode ist durch die Vielfaltig- 
keit sowohl der Stilarten (von denen manche fur 
ein erhebliches Konnen der Steinschneider 
zeugen) als auch der Vorwiirfe charakterisiert. 
Die Devisen zeigen jetzt meistens eine oder 
mehrere in sich geschlossene Szenen. Oft er- 
scheint nunmehr ein Siegelbild, das in seiner 
Mitte eine Keilinschrift hat, die zu beiden 
Seiten von Kampfgruppen, wie „Gilgamesch” 
mit einem Stier und „Enkidu” mit einem Lowen, 
flankiert wird. Wahrend dieser Periode bildet 
sich auch die fiir die gesamte Dauer der alt- 
orientalischen Glyptik typische Form der „Gil- 
gamesch”- und „Enkidu”-Darstellung aus, die 
in verschiedenen Kombinationen auftritt, wobei 
es nur in ganz wenigen Fallen moglich ist, sie 
mit den Beschreibungen aus dem Gilgamesch- 
Epos in Beziehung zu bringen. Ein grosser Teil 
der Siegelbilder zeigt mythologische oder rituelle 
Szenen. 

6. Braunlichgriiner Serpen tin; Siegelzylinder, 
sehr abgegriffen. 

29x15 mm. MM 1956: 130. 

Zwei menschliche Gestalten in langen, mit 
Fransen verzierten Gewandern, die je einen 
Arm bedecken, sitzen sich gegeniiber und 
halten je eine Schale vor sich (sie ist bei der 
einen Figur nur noch auf dem Original 
schwach zu erkennen). Zwischen ihnen steht 
eine ahnlich gekleidete Figur, die sich mit 
einem nach vorn erhobenen Arm einer der 
beiden sitzenden Gestalten zuwendet. 

Dies ist eine schon in der altsumerischen Zeit 

7 So z. B. A. Parrot, der Ausgraber von Mari. 

24 



7 


Nr. 6—7. Siegel der akkadischen Zeit ( Abdriicke ). 

vorkommende Darstellung ( Berlin 101, 102, 137, 
138; Brett 24; Morgan 106), die entweder ein 
„Gottermahl” oder eine Ritualszene wiedergibt. 

— Vgl. Berlin 190, 191; Louvre T. 92; Morgan 
250. 

7. Schw£rzlicher Steatit; Siegelzylinder, abgegrif- 
fen. 

25.5x13.5 mm. MM 1956: 120 

Zwei Gottheiten, eine davon mit einem Dolch 
greifen eine dritte Gottheit an, die zwischer 
ihnen in die Knie gebrochen ist. Der an 
gegriffenen Gottheit entfallt eine keulenartigi 
Waffe. — Eine zweite Szene zeigt „Gilga 
mesch”, der mit „Enkidu” ringt. Zwischei 
den beiden Szenen erscheint, frei im Feld 
eine Keule. 

Die auf Siegeln dieser Periode oft vorkommendi 
Darstellung eines Gotterkampfes kann bis jetz 
noch mit keinem aus der Mythologie bekanntei 
Ereignis in Verbindung gebracht werden. Diesi 
„Gilgamesch-Enkidu”-Gruppe aber erschein 
von nun an bis zur kassitischen Zeit und spate 
dann auch noch auf syrischen Zylindem, ohn 
dass sie je in einem Zusammenhang mit anderei 
Szenen auf den Siegeln steht (z. B. Morgan 346) 

— Vgl. Berlin 229—231; Morgan 173 — 177 
Newell 153, 154. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Siegel der Ur HI-Zeit 

(Nr. 8 , 9) 

Wahrend sich die in der akkadischen Periode 
entwickelte gute Steinschneidetechnik weiter 
halt, verarmt der Bildschatz. Am haufigsten ist 
nun die sogenannte Einfuhrungsszene, Air die 
Nr. 8 ein typisches Beispiel ist. 

8. Bergkristall; Siegelzylinder, an beiden Enden 
etwas beschadigt. Die Inschrift scheint vor- 
satzlich abgeschliffen worden zu sein. 

35.5 x 20.5 mm. MM 1956: 106. 

Gottin mit einfacher Homerkrone und in 
einem „Kaunakes”, der, liber die Schulter 
geworfen, einen Arm bedeckt, sitzt auf einem 
wiirfeiformigen Thron, der auf einer Estrade 
steht. Der unbedeckte Arm ist mit ausge- 
streckter Hand nach vom erhoben; dariiber 
eine Mondsichel im Feld. Der Gottin nahert 
sich eine zweite in einem langen, liber die 
Schulter geworfenen Gewand, mit einer im 
Adorationsgestus zu ihr erhobenen Hand. Mit 
der anderen Hand fiihrt die zweite Gottin 


der sitzenden Gottin einen kalkopfigen, eben- 
falls mit einem langen Gewand bekleideten An- 
dachtigen zu, der gleichfalls eine Hand im 
Adorationsgestus erhebt. Hinter der sitzenden 
Gottin Spuren einer Keilinschrift, die absicht- 
lich entfernt worden ist. 

Die Bezeichnung eines vomehmlich von Gott- 
heiten getragenen Gewandes mit „Kaunakes” 
ist behelfsm&ssig; es wird u. a. auchals „Fabel- 
kleid” angesprochen 8 . — Vgl. u. a.: Berlin 250, 
251, 259-263; Morgan 274-281; Newell 135 
(auch aus Bergkristall); A. Parrot, Glyptique 
mesopotamienne. Paris 1954, 123—182. 

9. Braungriiner Serpentin; Siegelzylinder, sehr 
abgegriffen. 

21.5x11.5 mm. MM 1956: 140. 

Nur noch schwach zu erkennende Spuren 
einer Einfuhrungsszene gleich der auf Nr. 8 . 
Anscheinend war hinter der sitzenden Gott- 
heit eine Keilinschrift in zwei Kolumnen ein- 
graviert. 

8 Vgl. dazu Newell Seite 130 und Abb. 20; Berlin z. B. 
202 . 



9 

Nr. 8—9. Siegel der Ur Ul-Zeit. 


25 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Siegel der altbabylonischen Zeit 

(Nr. 10-12) 

Bei teilweise sehr guter Schneidetechnik werden 
die Siegelbilder im Verlauf dieser Periode noch 
mehr genormt. An neuen Figurentypen er- 
scheinen jetzt: eine nackte Gdttin® und ein Mr- 
tiger Gott, der — in einem kurzen, enggegiirteten 
Mantel iiber einem kurzen Rock — eine Keule 
an die Brust driickt. Beide Gottheiten sind wohl 
urspriinglich in Nordmesopotamien-Nordsyrien 
beheimatet. Nach Ansicht einiger Forscher 
kdnnte es sich bei der b&rtigen Gottheit um die 
Darstellung eines vergdttlichten Herrschers han- 
deln 10 . 

10. H&matit; Siegelzylinder, unfertig und sehr 
abgegriffen. 

20.5x12 mm. MM 1956: 118. 

Menschliche Figur in einem langen, vom 
offenen Gewand, mit einem nach vom ge- 
setzten Bein. Ihr n&hert sich eine andere 

* Vgl. G. Contenau, La ddesse nue babylonienne. 
Paris 1914. 

10 Berlin Seite 28, 35-38; E. Douglas Van Buren, 
Homage to a deified king. Zeitschrift fUr Assyriologie NF 
16(1952) Seite 92-120. 


menschliche Gestalt in einem kurzen, rock- 
artigen Gewand, mit einem an die Brust ge- 
driickten und einem frei nach hinten her- 
unterhingenden Arm. Hinter der ersten 
Figur Spuren einer dritten Gestalt (?). 

Die erstgenannte menschliche Gestalt soli wohl 
den auf den Siegeln dieser Periode oft vorkom- 
menden Sonnengott darstellen, wie er — einen 
slgefdrmigen Gegenstand (Himmelsschl iissel [7] ) 
vor sich haltend — auf den Berg des Sonnen- 
aufgangs hinaufsteigt (mOglicherweise ist es auch 
die Kriegsgdttin Oder der „Gott mit dem Ring”). 
Die als nfichstes beschriebene Figur soil den 
„Gott mit der Keule” bzw. einen vergdttlichten 
Herrscher wiedergeben, w&hrend die Spuren der 
dritten Gestalt vermuten lassen, dass die „G6ttin 
im Kaunakes”, mit im Adorationsgestus nach 
vom erhobenen H&nden, hier eingraviert werden 
sollte. — Fiir alle drei Typen vgl. das besonders 
sorgflltig geschnittene Siegel Newell 218. 

11. HSmatit; Siegelzylinder, stellenweise be- 
sch&digt. 

18.5x8 mm. MM 1956: 131. 

Menschliche Figur in einem kurzen, rock- 
fihnlichen Gewand, in Schrittstellung, mit 




26 


Digitized by LjOOQle 


einem an die Brust gepressten und einem 
frei nach hinten herunteiMngenden Arm. 
Vor ihr eine zweite menschliche Gestalt in 
einem langen, gef&ltelten und vom offenen 
Gewand, mit einem an die Brust gepressten 
und einem leicht nach vom erhobenen Arm. 
Hinter der ersten Figur erscheint die nackte 
Gdttin mit unter den Briisten gefalteten 
Handen. 

Zweifellos sollen die beiden menschlichen Ge- 
stalten den „Gott mit der Keule” bzw. den 
Sonnengott darstellen. Der grobe Schnitt wie 
auch die Art der Darstellung des „Gottes mit 
der Keule” lassen den Ursprung dieses Siegels 
eher in Nordmesopotamien-Nordsyrien, als im 
eigentlichen Babylonien vermuten. — Vgl. Ber- 
lin 363; Louvre A. 415; Morgan 483, 484. 

12. Hamatit; Siegelzylinder, etwas abgegriffen. 
19.5x12 mm. MM 1956: 121. 

„Enkidu”, der einen Stier an einem Hinter- 
lauf und am Schweif hochh&lt und zugleich 
dem Tier auf den Nacken tritt. Hinter 
„Enkidu” ein aufrecht stehender L6we mit 
weit aufgerissenem Maul. Hinter dem Lowen 
kniet, mit einem Schurz bekleidet, „Gil- 
gamesch” mit auf der Brust gefalteten H&n- 
den. Im Feld: drei Kugeln als Fiillmuster. 
Obwohl nicht daran zu zweifeln ist, dass dieses 
Siegel zeitlich der altbabylonischen Periode an- 
gehort, ist sein Ursprung wahrscheinlich in 
Nordsyrien-Nordmesopotamien zu suchen; mog- 
licherweise kann dieser Stein auch als „altassy- 
risch” angesprochen werden. Die eckige Wieder- 
gabe der beiden Tiere, des Stiers und des Lowen, 
erinnem ein wenig an kappadokische Steine aus 
der Zeit der assyrischen Handelskolonien. Die 
Darstellung des „Gilgamesch” auf diesem Stein 
geht auf ein nicht seltenes, urspriinglich siid- 
mesopotamisches Motiv zuriick, das den „Gil- 
gamesch”, stehend Oder knieend und nur mit 
einem breiten Giirtel bekleidet, zeigt; dazu halt 
er eine kugelige Vase vor sich, aus der nach 
beiden Seiten Wasserstrahlen fliessen. 



Nr. 13. Assyrisches Siegel ( Abdruck) . 


Assyrisches Siegel 
(Nr. 13) 

W&hrend die Siegel der altassyrischen Periode 
insgemein als eine provinzielle Abart des je- 
weilig in Siidmesopotamien vorherrschenden 
Stils angesehen werden kdnnen 11 , bildet sich seit 
der zweiten H&lfte des 2. Jahrtausends v. Chr. 
ein eigener assyrischer Stil aus. Die Gravierung 
ist meistens sehrflach, und die Darstellungen sind 
stereotyp: eine inthronisierte Gottheit vor einem 
tischartigen Altar und einem Andachtigen; zwei 
sich gegeniiberstehende Andfichtige; „Jagdsze- 
nen” eines Gottes oder Demons auf einem 
Fabeltier, und — vereinzelt — profane Jagd- 
motive 12 . Haufig erscheint nunmehr ein Lebens- 
baum, iiber ihm eine gefliigelte Sonnenscheibe 
Oder ein Stem (ein Motiv, das vor allem auf 
hurritisch-mitannischer Glyptik auftritt). 

13. Braungrliner Serpentin; oberer Teil eines 
sehr abgegriffenen Siegelzylinders. 

21 x 14 mm. MM 1956: 122. 

Zwischen zwei bartigen M&nnern in engge- 
giirteten, langen, am unteren Ende mit 
Fransen verzierten Gewandem kniet ein 
„Gilgamesch”, der nur mit einem breiten 
Giirtel bekleidet ist. Einer der beiden Man- 
ner bedroht ihn mit einer Axt und einem 
Dolch. t)ber den nach vom erhobenen 
Armen des zweiten Mannes erscheint eine 
Mondsichel im Feld. Als Abschluss der 
Szene ist ein Lebensbaum angebracht, der 
von einem siebenstrahligen Stem bekront 

11 Vgl. dazu Berlin Seite 46; Morgan Seite 108. 
ia Hierzu vgl. A. Moortgat, Assyrische Glyptik des 13. 
(bzw. 12.) Jahrhunderts. Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie 13 
(1942) Seite 50-58, und 14 (1944) Seite 23 -44. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


27 



wird. An einer Seite des Lebensbaumes sind 
die Reste einer grosstenteils weggebrochenen 
Zeichnung zu erkennen. Schwache Spuren 
einer die Szene am oberen Rand begrenzen- 
den, einfachen Linie. 

Vgl. Berlin 608 und Morgan 686 mit ahnlichen 
Darstellungen, die jedoch beide schon der neu- 
assyrischen Periode angehdren. Steine, die wie 
dieses Siegel geschnitten sind, bezeichnet E. 
Porada mit „Neo-Assyrian, Linear Style”, und 
A. Moortgat rechnet sie dem 9.-8. vorchr. 
Jahrhundert zu. 


14 

f <3 

15 16 

Nr. 14 — 16. Neobabylonisches Siegel und Gewichtssteine. 

Neobabylonisches Siegel und Gewichtssteine 

(Nr. 14—16) 

In der neobabylonischen Zeit treten wiederum 
Stempelsiegel in grosser Menge auf; charakte- 
ristisch fur die Glyptik dieser Periode ist die 
nahezu ausschliessliche Verwendung von Quar- 
zen als Material, besonders von Chalzedonen 
jeder Art. Das in erster Linie vorkommende 
Motiv auf den Stempelsiegeln und Siegelzylin- 
dem zeigt einen Andachtigen vor einem Gotter- 
sitz oder Altar, auf welchem Symbole stehen. 
Siegelzylinder mit diesem Motiv sind meistens 
sehr fein ausgefuhrt; Stempelsiegel mit dieser 
Darstellung sind dagegen in der Mehrzahl 

28 


ausserst grob und summarisch, unter reichlicher 
Verwendung eines Drillbohrers wie auch eines 
R&dchens, geschnitten, ohne dass sich der Stein- 
schneider der Miihe unterzogen hatte, die grob 
ausgeschliffene Darstellung noch zu uberarbei- 
ten. Zu dieser Gruppe gehdren auch Darstel- 
lungen von Tierkampfszenen Oder Damonen- 
(„Helden”)kampfen mit Fabeltieren, alle nur ver- 
einzelt gut ausgefuhrt 13 . Eine ofters vorkom- 
mende Form fur Stempelsiegel ist eine Ente 
gleich Nr. 16, mit einer Durchbohrung zwischen 
Hals und Korper. 

14 . Blaulicher Chalzedon (Saphirin) mit durch 
Brand verfarbter Oberflache; Siegelzylinder, 
am oberen und unteren Rand etwas bescha- 
digt. 

28.5x13 mm. MM 1956: 129. 

Bartiger Adorant in einem langen, mit Fran- 
sen verzierten Gewand vor einem Gotter- 
sitz oder Altar, auf dem ein von einer Mond- 
sichel fcekronter Gegenstand steht. Dahinter 
ein Blitzsymbol und ein Hahn, der ebenfalls 
auf einem Gottersitz oder Altar (?) steht. 
Der von der Mondsichel bekronte Gegenstand 
ist verschiedentlich als „Gottermiitze”, „heiliger 
Stein”, als „Altar” oder „Tempeltur” bezeichnet 
worden. Moortgat, der die beiden letzten 
Deutungen vorschlagt, nennt den hier mit 
Gottersitz oder Altar bezeichneten Gegenstand 
„Symbolsockel”. — Vgl. Berlin 754; Brett 132; 
Louvre 776, 796, 797, 800; Morgan 781; Aulock 
332 (mit Beischrift in agyptischen Hieroglyphen). 

15 . HSmatit; Gewicht in Form eines Tierkopfes. 
9x16x11 mm; 4.2430 gr. MM 1956: 1 10. 
Vgl. Brett 161 (5.72 gr). 

16 . Hamatit; Gewicht in Form einer Ente mit 
zuriickgedrehtem Kopf, der ebenso wie der 
Hals auf dem Korper liegt. 

12 x 15.5x8 mm; 2.9327 gr. MM 1956: 109. 
Vgl. Brett 160 (8.6 gr). 

13 Vgl. E. Porada, Suggestions for the classification of 
Neo- Babylonian cylinder seals. Orientalia NF 16 (1947) 
Seite 145-165. 




Digitized by ^jooole 


Diese Form gibt es, wie schon erwahnt wurde, 
bisweilen auch mit einer Durchbohrung zwischen 
Hals und Korper und mit einer Gravierung auf 
der Unterseite, weshalb es sich vermutlich um 
ein Siegel handelt (z. B. Louvre R. 1 [mit 
Fassung]; Newell 500), womit aber seine Ver- 
wendung als Gewicht nicht auszuschliessen ist. 
Solcherart geformte Gewichte gibt es von der 
kassitischen Periode an mehrfach. 

Mitanni-Siegel 

(Nr. 17) 

Die hurritischen Siegel und die Mitanni-Siegel 
sind von E. Porada griindlich untersucht und 
behandelt worden 14 . Zum mindesten bei einer 
Art von Mitanni-Siegeln, die von ihr mit „ Ela- 
borate Style” bezeichnet werden, bin ich der 
Ansicht, dass es sich um Motive und um eine 
Schneidetechnik handelt, die zur Zeit der Bliite 
des Mitannireichs insgemein tiber ganz Syrien 


17. Hamatit; Siegelzylinder mit leicht . kon- 
vexem Mantel. 

29x12 mm. MM 1956: 103. 

Gefliigelter Damon, in Schrittstellung, hat 
seine Arme gewinkelt gegen die Hiiften ab- 
gestUtzt. Vor ihm, liber drei Kreisen mit mar- 
kierten Zentren, ein kauemder Lowe und 
ein Fisch. t)ber dem Lowen, frei im Feld: 
eine sitzende menschliche Figur, die mittels 
eines langen Saugrohrs aus einem Gefass 
trinkt. Zwischen der sitzenden Figur und 
dem Gefass ein Tisch, auf diesem eine leicht 
durchgebogene Linie (Brotfladen [?]) und 
ein Fisch. Zwischen dem Gefass und einem 
Fliigel des Damons ein Skorpion (?), und 
zwischen dem Damon und dem Lowen, frei 
im Feld: eine ausgestreckte Hand. Hinter 
dem geflugelten Damon ein kauernder, lang- 
gehornter Vierfussler mit zuriickgewandtem 
Kopf, iiber einem Spiralband. Ober dem Kopf 
des Vierfiisslers ein Stern im Feld. Oben und 



Nr. 17. Mitanni-Siegel. 


verbreitet waren. Ahnliche Siegel wurden auch 
auf Cypem gefunden, und S. Marinatos hat 
vor kurzem ein solches Siegel aus einem um 
1425 v. Chr. zu datierenden Tholosgrab in 
Pylos geborgen 15 . Bezeichnend fur diese Siegel- 
art ist das Bestreben des Steinschneiders, den 
Eindruck von Symmetric zu erwecken. 

14 Morgan Seite 139—147, und fiir die hurritischen 
Siegel E. Porada, Seal impressions from Nuzi. Annual 
of the American Schools of Oriental Research 24 (1947). 

u Briefliche Mitteilung von S. Marinatos. Es ist 
interessant, dass die wenigen bislang auf dem griechischen 


unten wird die Darstellung von einer ein- 
fachen Linie begrenzt. — Vgl. Morgan 1030; 
Newell 657. Fiir die Darstellung des geflU- 
gelten Damons vgl. M. T. Barrelet, Les 
dresses armies et ail6es. Syria 32 (1955), 222— 
260. 


Festland gefundenen Siegelzylinder Mitanni-Siegel sind 
Oder diesen ahneln. (Vgl. dazu die bibliographischen 
Angaben unter FO. Agais in Aulock.) 


29 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Syriscbe Siegel 

(Nr. 18-38) 

Unter diese Bezeichnung fallen hier alle jene 
Steine, die aus dem einen Oder andera Grund 
regional und meistens auch zeitlich nicht ge- 
nauer eingeordnet werden konnen, die aber den 
fur das gesamte syrische Gebiet eigentumlichen 
„Misch”-Stil aufweisen. Als syrisch kann schon 
Nr. 4 (Djemdet Nasr-Zeit) angesprochen wer- 
den. Siegel in der Art, wie Nr. 18—23 , hat 
Frankfort auf Grund von Stil und Darstellung 
in Syrian I, II, III aufzuteilen versucht, und 
zwar nach chronologischen Gesichtspunkten 16 . 
Um seine Annahme erharten zu kdnnen, liegen 
noch zu wenige Siegel aus Grabungen vor. Die 
beiden Steine Nr. 28, 29, die aller Wahrschein- 
lichkeit nach aus Cypem stammen, werden auch 
in die obengenannte Gruppe mit einbezogen, 
da sie keine der bislang als typisch cypriotisch 
zu bezeichnenden Merkmale aufweisen, weshalb 
sie ebensogut in Cypem wie an der syrischen 
Kiiste hergestellt sein kdnnen 17 . 

18. Hamatit; Siegelzylinder, dessen Oberflache 
stellenweise zerstdrt ist. 

21x12 mm. MM 1956: 125. 

Bartige menschliche Figur in einem engge- 
giirteten, vertikal gefaitelten, vorn offenen 
Gewand tritt auf einen jetzt nicht mehr 
kenntlichen Gegenstand. Die Figur halt 
einen grossen Dolch vor sich und in der 
frei nach hinten herabh&ngenden Hand 
einen ebenfalls nicht mehr zu deutenden 
Gegenstand. Vor der Figur sind nur noch 
Spuren einer Zeichnung (menschliche Ge- 
stalt [?], Gottheit [?]) auszumachen. Eine 
zweite (bartige [?]) menschliche Gestalt ist 
der zuerst beschriebenen zugewandt und 
tr&gt eine spitzkegelige Miitze sowie ein 

1# Vgl. ausser Frankfort Seite 252 -258, 260, 288 - 291, 
U. Moortgat-Correns, Neue Anhaltspunkte zur zeit- 
lichen Einordnung syrischer Glyptik. Zeitschrift fur Assy- 
riologie NF 17 (1955) Seite 88-101. 

17 Vgl. hierzu A. Furumark, A scarab from Cyprus. 
Opuscula atheniensia 1 (1953) Seite 47—65. 

30 


mantelartiges, mit Fransen verziertes Ge- 
wand. Von den Handen ist nur noch die 
nach hinten frei herabhingende, mit einem 
Sichelschwert, erhalten. Hinter dieser Figur 
frei im Feld: ein Fisch, ein sitzender Ldwe 
mit einer erhobenen Vorderpranke (nur noch 
am Original zu erkennen). Die unter dem 
Ldwen einst eingravierte(n) Devise(n) ist 
(sind) jetzt unkenntlich. 

19. HSmatit; Siegelzylinder, stark abgegriffen. 
24x13 mm. MM 1956: 126. 

Ein vertikal im Feld stehendes Flechtband 18 
wird von zwei menschlichen Gestalten in 
Schrittstellung flankiert. Beide tragen runde 
Kappen und weite, iiber die Schultem ge- 
worfene Mantel (einer von ihnen ist am 
Rand mit Fransen verziert) iiber enggegurte- 
ten, kurzen Rdcken. Beide Figuren halten 
in ihrer frei nach hinten herabhangenden 
Hand je ein Sichelschwert; wahrend der 
andere Arm der einen Figur vom weiten 
Mantel verhiillt wird, halt die Hand der 
zweiten Gestalt einen langlichen Gegenstand 
(noch ein Sichelschwert [?]) vor sich. — Eine 
zweite Gruppe besteht aus einem schreiten- 
den Gott, der eine am unteren Rand mit 
einem Hdrnerpaar verzierte Kappe und 
einen enggegiirteten kurzen Rock tragt, und 
aus einer diesem Gott zugewandten mensch- 
lichen Gestalt in einem langen, mit Fransen 
verzierten Mantel. Der Gott, dessen Haare 
in einem dicken Zopf mit sich aufbiegendem 
Ende gesammelt sind, halt vor sich einen 
Speer mit der Spitze nach unten, in seiner 
anderen Hand schwingt er einen doppel- 
• zungelnden Blitz. Ein Arm der menschlichen 
Gestalt ruht, vom Gewand bedeckt, ange- 
winkelt auf der Brust, der andere ist im 
Adorationsgestus, dem Gott zugewandt, er- 
hoben. Hinter der menschlichen Figur frei 
im Feld: ein //ftraartiges Symbol und ein 

18 Vgl. H. H. v. der Osten, The snake symbol and the 

Hittite twist. American Journal of Archaeology 2:30 

(1926) Seite 405-417. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 





23 

Nr. 18—23. Syrische Siegel (AbdrUcke). 


kleines Gef&ss. Oben und unten wird die 
Darstellung von einer einfachen Linie be- 
grenzt. 

20. Griiner Jasper; Siegelzylinder mit leicht 
konvexem Mantel und etwas beschadigten 
Randem. 

22x12 mm. MM 1956: 128. 

Zwei bartlose menschliche Gestalten nahem 
sich, mit je einem im Adorationsgestus nach 
vorn erhobenen und je einem angewinkelt 
auf der Brust ruhenden Arm, einer dritten, 
aber b&rtigen Menschenfigur, deren Hande 
unter der Brust gefaltet sind. Alle Gestalten 
tragen runde, am unteren Rand aufgeklappte 
Kappen. Die bfirtige Figur ist mit einem 
langen, gegurteten, mit Fransen verzierten 
Gewand bekleidet; die zwei bartlosen Ge- 
stalten tragen weite, an den Randern mit 
Fransen verzierte Mantel iiber einem kurzen, 
bis zu den Knien reichenden Rock (nur bei 
einer Figur noch deutlich zu erkennen). Vor 
der bSrtigen Figur frei im Feld: ein Hase, 
ein bienenformiges Symbol und ein acht- 
strahliger Stern. 

21. Hamatit; Siegelzylinder, sehr abgegriffen. 

23.5x7 mm. MM 1956: 124. 

Gott, der eine am unteren Rand mit einem 
Hoi^ierpaar verzierte Kopfbedeckung und 
ein halblanges Gewand tragt, halt eine nicht 
mehr zu deutende Waffe. Vor ihm die 
Gdttin im Kaunakes. Die n&chste Figur ist 
vollkommen zerstdrt; ihr gegeniiber stand 
(nur noch aus den Spuren am Original zu 
ersehen) eine weitere Gdttin im Kaunakes. 
Hinter dieser, in drei Registem iibereinander 
angeordnet: ein sitzender gefiQgelter Greif, 
ein Flechtband und eine andere, jetzt nicht 
mehr kenntliche Darstellung. Hinter dem 
Gott mit der Waffe, vertikal im Feld liegend, 
ein Vierfussler mit langem geschwungenem 
Gehdm, den zuriickgedrehten Kopf nach 
unten. t)ber dem Tier eine in eine Mond- 
sichel gesetzte Sonnenscheibe, in die ein 
stemformiges Muster eingraviert ist. 


31 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 




22. H&matit; Siegelzylinder mit Beschadigungen 
am oberen Rand. 

9.5 x 7.6 mm. MM 1956: 127. 

Gottheit, die eine runde, am unteren Rand 
mit einem Homerpaar verzierte Kappe und 
ein langes, iiber die Schulter geworfenes 
Gewand tr&gt, sitzt auf einem Stuhl Oder 
Thron mit hoher Ruckenlehne. Sie halt vor 
sich ein Alabastron-artiges Gefass, ein Arm 
ist vom Gewand bedeck t. Der Gottheit 
nahert sich, mit einer im Adorationsgestus 
erhobenen Hand, ein bartiger, barhSuptiger 
Andachtiger in langem Gewand. Hinter dem 
Andachtigen eine zweite Gottheit, die eben- 
falls eine Hand im Adorationsgestus erhoben 
hat, mit einfacher Hdmerkrone und in langem 
Gewand. Hinter der zweiten Gottheit ein 
kauemder Vierfussler mit langem geboge- 
nem Gehorn; iiber dem Tier ein Laufvogel. 
Vor der sitzenden Gottheit eine in eine 
Mondsichel gesetzte Sonnenscheibe; zwi- 
schen dem Andachtigen und der zweiten 
Gottheit frei im Feld: ein //Arnartiges Sym- 
bol. Oben und unten wird die Darstellung 
von einer einfachen Linie begrenzt. 

23. Hamatit; unterer Teil eines Siegelzylinders, 
der am unteren Rand eine Beschadigung 
aufweist. 

15.5x8 mm. MM 1956: 123. 

Gefliigelte Gottheit in einem langen, vorn 
offenen und vertikal gefaltelten Gewand, das 
von einem Giirtel, an dem ein Dolch be- 
festigt ist, gehalten wird, halt — in Schritt- 
stellung — eine Axt vor sich. Hinter der 
Gottheit eine kleinere, bezopfte Figur in 
kurzem rockartigem Gewand, eine Hand 
mit nach oben gewandter Handflache er- 
hoben, die andere frei nach hinten herab- 
hSngende Hand halt ein kleines n/icA-Zeichen. 
Ober der bezopften Figur frei im Feld: eine 
(nur teilweise noch erhaltene) Mondsichel. 
Der geflugelten Gottheit nahert sich eine 
menschliche Gestalt in kurzem Rock und 
iiber die Schulter geworfenem, mit Fransen 


verziertem Mantel, um den Hals ein Hals- 
geschmeide. Ein Arm wird vom Mantel be- 
deckt; die frei nach hinten herabhangende 
Hand hSlt ein kleines oncA-Ze ichen. Hinter 
der menschlichen Gestalt eine weitere Men- 
schenfigur in einem reich verzierten, langen 
Gewand, mit unter der Brust gefalteten 
Handen. Vor und hinter der geflugelten 
Gottheit frei im Feld: je ein oncA-Ze ichen. 

Nr. 18—23 gehdren ausnahmslos in die Gruppe 
der von Frankfort mit Syrian I— III bezeich- 
neten Siegel; der Einfluss der mesopotamischen 
Vorbilder aus der altbabylonischen Zeit ist deut- 
lich zu erkennen. Andernseits lasst sich aber 
auch der durch hurritisch-mitannische Vor- 
stellungen hervorgerufene Umdeutungsprozess 
feststellen, zu dem bei Nr. 23 iiberdies noch der 
Einfluss agyptischer Darstellung, wenngleich in 
syrischer Form, hinzukommt. Die Gottheit mit 
dem Dolch auf Nr. 18 geht sicher auf die Dar- 
stellung des Sonnengottes Schamasch in ahnlicher 
Haltung zuriick (z. B. Newell 206; auf altassy- 
rischen Siegeln, wie z. B. OIP XXIX Abb. 207 
c350 , halt der Gott die „S£ge” in ahnlicher Art 
wie hier den Dolch). Die „Gottin im Kaunakes". 
mit ihren im Adorationsgestus nach vom er- 
hobenen Handen, ist eine immer wiederkehrende 
Darstellung seit der Isin Larsa-Periode. Weiter- 
hin kann nicht daran gezweifelt werden, 
dass die Figur vor der geflugelten Gottheit auf 
Nr. 23 auf den „Gott mit der Keule” zuriick- 
geht. Schliesslich gehort die auf Nr. 22 wieder- 
gegebene Einfiihrungsszene in dieser Form 
(z. B. Brett 46, 51; Morgan 296) zu den belieb- 
testen Motiven der mesopotamischen Glyptik 
seit der Isin Larsa-Periode. Abgesehen von den 
Gewandem, vor allem den M&nteln auf Nr. 19 
und 23, weist namentlich Nr. 19 in der Dar- 
stellungsart der beiden sich dem zwischen ihnen 
stehenden Flechtband nShemden Figuren „nord- 
liche”, d. h. mitanni-hurritische Einflusse auf. 
Morgan 925 zeigt, sehr gut erhalten, genau die 
gleiche Darstellung. Nr. 22 und 18, 21 (bei den 
beiden letzten sehr beschadigt) haben die bei den 


32 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Siegeln dieser Gruppe sehr beliebte Darstellung 
der in einem odcr zwei Registem (von denen 
das mittlere meistens ein Flechtband ist) iiber- 
einander angeordneten Symbolc Oder Tiere 
(z. B. Brett 86—88; Morgan 928 ff.; Newell 
297 ff.). Der blitzschwingende Gott auf Nr. 19 
ist identisch mit der seit der amorithischen Vor- 
herrschaft in Babylon oft vorkommenden Dar- 
stellung des Wettergottes (Adad), der dann auch 
haufig auf Mitanni-Siegeln wie auch auf hethi- 
tischen Bildwerken als Teschup erscheint. In fast 
unveranderter Gestaltung ist er ebenfalls auf 
Orthos taten 19 aus der Zeit der aramaischen 
Staaten zu sehen. Vermutlich war diese Gottheit 
in Nordsyrien beheimatet und seine vomehm- 
lichste Kultstatte bei dem heutigen Dorf Diiliik 
(dem alten Doliche) gewesen, wo er dann zur 
Zeit der romischen Vorherrschaft als Jupiter- 
Dolichenus verehrt wurde. Die gefliigelte Gott- 
heit oder Damon (vgl. u. a.: Berlin 537—540; 
Brett 94; Newell 320, 322, 324-329) auf Nr. 23 
gehort ebenfalls dem Mitanni-Kreis an. 

Eine genauere zeitliche oder regionale Zuwei- 
sung von Siegeln dieser Art ist bis jetzt aus 
Mangel an Grabungsfunden noch nicht moglich. 
Ihre Bezeichnung mit syro-hethitisch u. a. aber 
ist irrefiihrend, da bislang keine derartigen Siegel 
in einwandfrei hethitischen Schichten, und zwar 
weder in solchen des Slteren Reichs noch in 
solchen der Grossreichszeit, gefunden wurden 90 . 
Die Ahnlichkeit in den Einzelheiten oder in der 
Wiedergabe von Gdtterfiguren mit echt hethi- 
tischen Werken ist zwar unverkennbar; wir 
wissen indessen bis jetzt noch nicht in alien 
Fallen, inwieweit die Hethiter mitanni-hurri- 
tische Formen iibernommen haben, bzw. in 
welchem Umfang diese Formen gemeinsames 
Kulturgut sind* 1 . Man wird wohl nicht fehl- 

19 Vgl. z. B. H. T. Bossert, Altanatolien. Berlin 1942, 
Nr. 928 (Zencirli). 

99 Vgl. Frankfort Seite 284 —288; C. F. A. Schaeffer, 
Ugarit und die Hethiter. Nach den im SOd-Archiv des 
Palastes 1953 entdeckten Keilschrifttexten. Archiv filr 
Orientforschung 17 (1954-1955) Seite 93-99. 

91 Siehe dazu K. Bittel, Nut hethitische oder auch 
hurritische Kunst Zeitschrift ftlr Assyriologie NF 15 
(1949) Seite 256 -290. 


gehen, wenn man bis auf weiteres die ganze 
Gruppe (Frankfort Syrian I —III) in den Zeitraum 
von rund 1550—1100 v. Chr. setzt, wobei in 
einigen Fallen eine genauere Datierung gewagt 
werden kann (so ist von den vorliegenden Steinen 
Nr. 22 gewiss jUnger als die iibrigen, und Nr. 19 
und 21 sind sicherlich die altesten). Nach 
Frankfort wurden Nr. 18—22 in Syrian I fallen, 
w&hrend Nr. 23 Syrian II zugeschrieben werden 
konnte. 



Nr. 24. Syrisches Siegel (Abdruck). 


24. Griinschwarzer Serpentin; Siegelzylinder mit 
leicht konvexem Mantel, abgegriffen. 
26.5x12 mm. MM 1956: 134. 

Eine Reihe schreitender menschlicher Ge- 
stalten, von denen die erste ein weites, 
langes, gemustertes und enggegiirtetes Ge- 
wand tragt. Eine ihrer Hande ist leicht nach 
vorn erhoben und halt einen nicht mehr zu 
erkennenden Gegenstand (vielleicht ein Ge- 
fass), aus dem die Gestalt einer vor ihr erschei- 
nenden Figur (Pflanze oder Lebensbaum [?]), 
von der nur noch eine leicht gebogene, verti- 
kal im Feld stehende Linie auszumachen ist, 
eine Libation darbringt. Hinter der Gestalt 
der Gott Redjeb in der fur Syrien-Palastina 
typischen Art. Die dritte Figur soil vermut- 
lich ein tierkopfiger D£mon sein, der einen 
gekriimmten, stabartigen Gegenstand vor 
sich halt. Vor der ersten Menschenfigur frei 
im Feld: eine missverstandene nncA-Zeich- 
nung. Oben und unten wird die Darstellung 
von einer einfachen Linie begrenzt. 


33 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Stil und Gravierung dieses Siegels sind fur Palfi- 
stina und Syrien aus dem 16. vorchr. Jahrhundert 
belegt, und der agyptische Einfluss ist unver- 
kennbar 22 . Die eigentumliche Figur des Damons, 
n&mlich seine weitgespreizten Heine, scheint 
der Prototyp der spSter besonders auf cyprio- 
tischen Siegeln wiederkehrenden Darstellungen 
zu sein (z. B. Morgan 1072). — Fur die h&ufig 
auf Siegeln dieser Stilart erscheinende Redjeb- 
Darstellung vgl. u. a.: Newell 323. 

25. Schwarzbrauner Serpentin; vierseitige 

Schmuckperle mit abgeschnittenen Ecken, 

abgegriffen. 

11x8x7 mm. MM 1956: 139. 

(1) Unkenntliche lineare Zeichnung (Sym- 
bol [?]). 

(2) Menschliche Gestalt in langem Gewand, 
mit einem im Adorationsgestus erhobe- 
nen, der Zeichnung 1 zugewandten Arm. 

(3) Zwei vertikal im Feld nebeneinander und 
fischgratenartig angeordnete Reihen von 
je vier kleinen, etwas schragliegenden, 
keilfdrmigen Stricken mit nach oben 
gerichteten Spitzen. 

** Vgl. vor allem J. Nougayrol, Cylindres-sceaux et 
empreintes de cylindres trouvds en Palestine (au cours de 
fouilles r6guli&res). Paris 1939. 


(4) Menschliche Gestalt gleich der auf 2 und 
in derselben Orientierung. 

Auf den vier, infolge des Abschneidens 
entstandenen, sehr schmalen Flachen er- 
scheinen dreimal je vier, und einmal je 
drei kleine, etwas schr&g im Feld iiber- 
einander angeordnete, keilfbrmige Linien 
mit nach oben gerichteten Spitzen. 

26. Schwarzbrauner Serpentin; achtseitige 

Schmuckperle, abgegriffen. 

14.5x7.5x6 mm. MM 1956: 138. 

(1) Unkenntliche lineare Zeichnung (Sym- 
bol [7]). 

(2) Vier kleine, iibereinander angeordnete, 
keilfbrmige Striche mit nach oben ge- 
richteten Spitzen. 

(3) Menschliche Gestalt in langem Gewand, 
mit einem im Adorationsgestus erhobe- 
nen, der Zeichnung 1 zugewandten Arm. 

(4) Wie 2. 

(5) Zwei vertikal im Feld nebeneinander an- 
geordnete Reihen von je vier kleinen, 
keilfdrmigen Strichen mit nach oben 
gerichteten Spitzen. 

(6) Wie 2. 

(7) Menschliche Gestalt gleich der auf 3 und 
in derselben Orientierung. 

(8) Wie 2. 



Digitized by ^jOOQle 




27. Chalzedon mit durch Brand verfarbter Ober- 
flache; Skarabaus in einem Teil seiner ur- 
spriinglichen, silbemen Fassung. 

18.5 x 14 x 7.5 mm. MM 1956: 93. 

„Held” in einem halblangen, vorn offenen, 
enggegiirteten Gewand, im Kampf mit 
einem Vierfussler (Ldwen [?]). Die Grund- 
linie ist angedeutet. 

28. Schwarzbrauner Serpen tin; vierseitige 

Schmuckperle mit Gravierungen auf zwei 
einander gegenuberliegenden Seiten. 

14.5 x 1 1.5 x 12 mm. MM 1956: 92. 

(1) Zum Sprung ansetzender Ldwe in einem 
Rahmen, der aus einer einfachen, dem 
Rand der Seiten folgenden Linie besteht. 

(2) Stark stilisierter Stierkopf, mit zwei 
Kugeln zwischen den Hornera, innerhalb 
einer nicht zu deutenden Zeichnung. 
Diese besteht aus einer horizontal im 
Feld liegenden Linie, an deren beiden 
Enden zwei kurzere, etwas nach innen 
durchgebogene Linien ansetzen. Um die 
Darstellung ein Rahmen, der aus einer 
einfachen, dem Rand der Seiten folgenden 
Linie besteht. 

So schwierig es ist. Nr 25—28 regional genauer 
als lediglich mit syrisch zu bezeichnen, umso 
leichter fallt ihre Einweisung in das 8.-6. vor- 
chr. Jahrhundert. Schmuckperlen (Amulette, Sie- 
gel) in der Form von Nr. 25, 26 , 28 sind aus dem 
syrischen Kreis seit dem 3. Jahrtausend v. Chr. 
bekannt, wenngleich die alteren Steine dieser 
Art meistens grdsser sind. Die Darstellung auf 
Nr. 25, 26 ist sicher auf die (namentlich in der 
neobabylonischen Zeit so beliebte) Szene eines 
oder zweier Adoranten in langem Gewand vor 
einem oder mehreren Symbolen auf einem 
Gottersitz oder Altar zuriickzufuhren 23 . Das 
ublichste Symbol ist u. a. einmal das des Marduk 

” Vgl. Nr. 14 hier und die grosse Menge der sog. neo- 
babylonischen Stempelsiegel, z. B. Louvre Taf. 92; Newell 
470—497 u. a. m. 


(Lanzenspitze oder Spaten 24 ) und zum andera 
jenes des Gottes Nebo (meistens zwei Schreib- 
griffel, die nebeneinander stehen). Die auf den 
beiden Steinen (Nr. 25 und 26 ) nur noch un- 
deutlich zu erkennende Zeichnung mag dem 
letztgenannten Symbol entsprechen. Der Schnitt 
von Nr. 28 ist, ebenso wie seine Devisen, vor 
allem der Stierkopf, haufig auch auf glyptischen 
Objekten, die sowohl in Cypem 25 als auch auf 
den griechischen Inseln gefunden wurden, an- 
zutreffen. Beide Devisen, der Stierkopf wie auch 
der zum Spnmg ansetzende Lowe, sind dariiber 
hinaus auch auf Steinen, die mit Sicherheit als 
syrisch (phdnikisch) festzulegen sind 26 , zu fin- 
den. Nr. 28 dUrfte in das 8. oder 7. vorchr. Jahr- 
hundert zu datieren sein. 

Die Originalfassung von Nr. 27 ist wohl- 
bekannt: der sogenannte ,^yw/ve/”-Ring. Der- 
artige Ringe mit Skarab&en oder Skaraboiden 
sind w&hrend des 8.-6. vorchr. Jahrhunderts 
im Mittelmeergebiet zahlreich vorhanden. Be- 
sonders viele Stiicke dieser Art stammen aus 
Grabungen auf Cypem 27 und letztlich auch von 
Ischia. Nach brieflicher Mitteilung des dortigen 
Ausgrfibers, Herm Dr. G. Buchner, wurden 
diese Ringe mit Skarab&en oder Skaraboiden 
nahezu ausschliesslich in Kleinkindergrabem ge- 
funden, weshalb er ihnen, zum mindesten jenen 
aus Ischia, in erster Linie einen amulettartigen 
Charakter beimessen mochte 28 . Der Fundort 
von Nr. 27 und 28 kann mit einiger Sicherheit 
irgendwo auf Cypem angenommen werden. Die 
Moglichkeit aber, dass tatslchlich beide Steine 
in Cypem geschnitten worden sind, ist nicht 
von der Hand zu weisen. Da jedoch weder Nr. 27 

24 So E. Douglas Van Buren, Symbols of the gods in 
Mesopotamian art. Analecta Orientalia 23 (1945) Seite 
14-20. 

25 Ein ahnliches Stuck wie Nr. 28 hier aus Curion 
(J. L. Myres, Handbook of the Cesnola collection of 
antiquities from Cyprus. New York 1914, Seite 444 Nr. 
4381.). Vgl. auch E. Porada, The cylinder seals of the 
late Cypriote bronze age. American Journal of Archaeo- 
logy 52 (1948) Seite 178-198. 

26 Aulock Nr 113. 

17 Siehe z. B. Myres o.c. Seite 413 Nr. 4150, Seite 417 
Nr. 4196 usw. 

18 Briefiiche Mitteilung von Dr. G. Buchner. 


35 


Digitized by LjOOQle 



noch Nr. 28 keines der bislang als typisch 
cypriotisch anzusehenden Merkmalc aufweist 29 , 
wir andernseits aber wissen, wie stark der kul- 
turelle Austausch zwischen der Insel und der 
syrischen Kiiste damals war, ziehe ich es vor, 
auch diese beiden Stiicke bis auf weiteres noch 
als „syrisch” zu bezeichnen. Die Devise von 
Nr. 27, ein uraltes orientalisches Motiv, ist in 
jenem flachen und etwas fliichtigen Schnitt 
wiedergegeben, wie er seit dem beginnenden 
6. vorchr. Jahrhundert in Mesopotamien und 


nordsyrische Herkunft von Nr. 29—38 kann 
in Anbetracht der Schneidetechnik wie auch des 
Materials und, wenigstens was Nr. 30—38 be- 
trifft, ebenfalls auf Grund des Siegelbildes kaum 
in Zweifel gezogen werden. Abgesehen von Nr. 38 
scheint mir die Echtheit der Steine gesichert zu 
sein. 

29. Braungriiner Serpentin; Siegelzylinder. 

24.5x8.5 mm. MM 1956: 113. 

Nicht zu deutende Devise. 



,f £ V . / 


f T - 1 


\\r sl ■ 

Af hh/ju 


/I : 

r w a / 



y'tv: fir ^ 

i ffx * (/It* j r> 


/L 

/j* 1 / J0 ^ 1 

[J\ ^ U 4 7T yj 

IJ 4 


Nr. 29. Syrisches Siegel (Djemdet Nasr-Zeit?). Abdruck. 


Syrien sehr oft, vor allem, wenn es sich um 
Steine aus Quarzen handelt, angewendet wird. 
Der konigliche, das Herdentier schiitzende Oder 
Untiere bekampfende Held Gilgamesch aus 
altsumerischer Zeit ist (nachdem er zuvor die 
Gestalt des die Tiamat bekampfenden Marduk 
angenommen hatte und auf den assyrischen 
Konigssiegeln der neuassyrischen Phase zum 
lowenbezwingenden Konig geworden war 30 ) hier 
zu einem „Helden”, im Kampf mit einem Un- 
tier, schlechthin geworden. Unter der achameni- 
dischen Periode wird aus dem Helden der Gross- 
kdnig selbst, der als Vertreter Ahuramazdas, 
namlich des Guten und Lichten, miihelos das 
Schlechte und Dunkle besiegt, um sich schliess- 
lich in christlicher Zeit zum drachenbezwingen- 
den St. Georg zu verwandeln, der insbesondere 
in Armenien verehrt wurde. 

Die syrische, in diesem Falle genauer: die 


Als einzige Parallelen fur diese Devise sind mir 
nur Abdriicke aus Ur, die in die Djemdet Nasr- 
Zeit zu datieren sind, bekannt 31 . Vielleicht 
miisste also dieses Siegel zeitlich mit Nr. 4 
gleichgesetzt werden. 

30. Griinlichgrauer Serpentin; Siegelzylinder, 
am oberen Teil stark abgenutzt. 

27x13 mm. MM 1956: 115. 

Menschliche Gestalt in langem, diagonal ge- 
falteltem Gewand vor einem Lebensbaum 
wird riickwarts von einem Lowen (?) ange- 
gangen. Uber dem Lowen ein stark stilisier- 
ter Vogel mit gespreizten Fliigeln. Unter der 
erhobenen Vorderpranke des Ldwen ein 
Stab, der sich am oberen Ende gabelartigteilt. 
Beiderseits des Lebensbaumes ein Skorpion 
bzw. ein anch-Ze ichen. Unten sind noch 
Reste einer die Darstellung abgrenzenden, 
einfachen Linie zu erkennen. 


*• Vgl. Furumark o. c. 

*° Zusammengestellt bei A. J. Sachs, The late Assyrian 91 Ur Excavations III. L. Legrain, Archaic seal- 
Royal-seal type. Iraq 15 (1953) Seite 167—170. impressions. Oxford 1936. 


36 


Digitized by 


Google 



31. Griinlichgrauer Serpen tin; Siegelzylinder. 

28x11.5 mm. MM 1956: 116. 

Ein Lebensbaum, der von zwei kleinen Vier- 
fiisslem flankiert wird. Von der einen Seite 
nahert sich dem Lebensbaum eine mensch- 
liche Gestalt mit einem (sehr verkiirzt dar- 
gestellten) vorgestreckten Arm, der andere 
ist nach hinten erhoben. Von der anderen 
Seite schreitet ein Vierflissler (Lowe [?]) auf 
den Baum zu; liber dem Ldwen (?) ein Lauf- 
vogel und hinter ihm ein Skorpion frei im 
Feld. Zwischen der Vorder- und Hinterhand 
des Ldwen (?) ein undeutbares Fiillmuster. 
Oben und unten wird die Darstellung von 
einer einfachen Linie begrenzt. 

32. Braungriiner Serpentin; Siegelzylinder. 

23.5x9.5 mm. MM 1956: 117. 

Sitzende menschliche Figur, die mittels eines 
langen Saugrohrs aus einem kleinen, durch 
eine „Kugel” angedeuteten Gefass trinkt; 
liber diesem eine Mondsichel im Feld. Hinter 
der Figur, vertikal im Feld liegend, ein Vier- 
fussler mit langem gebogenem Gehdm. Vor 
dem Tier eine zweigartige Zeichnung und ein 
Skorpion (?). 

Die Motive aller drei Siegel sind wohlbekannt 
und weisen engste Beziehungen zum hurritisch- 
mitannischen Kreis auf. Die Darstellungsart an 
sich wie auch die Schneidetechnik datieren diese 
Steine um die Wende des 1. vorchr. Jahrtausends 
Oder ein wenig spater. Allerdings sind Tier- 
darstellungen, in anndhernd gleicher Technik 
geschnitten, auf Siegeln zu finden, die auf Grund 
ihrer Fundumst&nde noch in das 3. vorchr. 
Jahrtausend zu datieren sind (z. B. Berlin 777; 
Louvre S. 360). In Material, Darstellung und 
Schnitt ahnliche Siegel sind auch aus Cypem 
bekannt, ohne dass allerdings die Insel als Ur- 
sprungsort zu beweisen ist (vgl. auch die Be- 
merkungen zu Nr. 25—28). Trotz der sehr alten 
Motive ist eine Datierung in das letzte Viertel 
des 2. Jahrtausends — erstes Viertel des 1. Jahr- 
tausends, ganz abgesehen von der Schneide- 
technik wie auch vom Gesamteindruck der 



32 


Nr. 30—32. Syrische Siegel (Abdriicke). 


Szenen, durchaus vertretbar. Wie lange sich die 
(zumindest bis in das beginnende 2. vorchr. 
Jahrtausend zuriickgehende) hurritische Tradi- 
tion gerade im siiddstlichen Vorland der Taurus- 
Antitaurus Barriere gehalten hat, zeigen u. a. 
die Darstellungen auf den Orthostaten von Tell 
Halaf, Zencirli und Karkemi? 32 , die teilweiseerst 
in das 10., 9. Jahrhundert, ja vielleicht sogar 
noch spater, angesetzt werden miissen. 

Die ubrigen Siegel dieser Art sind auf Grund 
ihrer Devisen in zwei Gruppen einzuteilen: 
I = Nr. 33—35; II = Nr. 36-38. 

M So z. B. H. T. Bossert, Altanatolien. Berlin 1942, Nr. 
847, 861 (Karkemi$); Nr. 908 -948 (Zencirli). - Ders., 
Altsyrien. Tubingen 1951, Seite 139-148 (Tell Halaf). 


37 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



33. Griinlichgrauer Serpentin; Siegelzylinder. 

24x13.5 mm. MM 1956: 135. 

Sitzende menschliche Gestalt auf einem 
Stuhl oder Thron mit hoher Ruckenlehne; 
in der nach vorn erhobenen Hand ein zweig- 
artiger Gegenstand. Hinter dieser Gestalt 
steht eine zweite Menschenfigur in langem 
Gewand; eine ihrer Hande liegt auf der 
Stuhl(Thron)lehne, die andere Hand halt 
einen spitzovalen Gegenstand mit einem 
Stiel (Fliegenwedel [?], Richer [?]). Vor der 
sitzenden Gestalt ein langgehdmter Vierfiiss- 
ler (Hirsch [?]), und vor dem Tier eine 
dritte menschliche Figur in langem Gewand, 
einen Arm nach vorn erhoben, wahrend der 
andere, unnatiirlich verl&ngert, bis zu einem 
auf der Grundlinie stehenden, vasenartigen 
Gegenstand zu reichen scheint. Oben und 
unten wird die Darstellung von einer ein- 
fachen Linie begrenzt. 

34. Griinlichgrauer Serpentin; Siegelzylinder, 
am oberen Teil zerstdrt. 

29x12.5 mm. MM 1956: 132. 

Die dargestellte Szene gleicht im allgemeinen 
jener auf Nr. 33 . Die Fiisse der sitzenden 
Figur ruhen hier aber auf einem Schemel; die 
vor ihr angebrachte Zeichnung (sicher wie 
auf Nr. 33 als Tier aufzufassen) wirkt wie 
ein Tisch mit durchgebogener Platte; iiber 
dieser, etwas nach einer Seite verschoben, 
eine mondsichelartige Zeichnung im Feld. 
Dariiber ist (nur noch auf dem Original zu 
erkennen) die Spur einer Sonnenscheibe 
mit eingraviertem Stern auszumachen. Der 
verl&ngerte „Arm” der vor der sitzenden 
Figur stehenden Gestalt l&sst auf dem Ori- 
ginal erkennen, dass seine untere Halfte ent- 
weder aus kleinen, ineinandergesetzten Win- 
keln bestand, oder durch kleine, horizontal- 
liegende Striche gekreuzt war. Der Vasen- 
charakter des Gegenstandes, in welchen 
dieser „Arm” zu enden scheint, tritt hier 
deutlich zutage. Eine die Darstellung ab- 


grenzende Linie ist nur noch auf dem un- 
teren Teil der Siegelrolle zu erkennen. 

35. Griinlichgrauer Serpentin; Siegelzylinder. 
30x12 mm. MM 1956: 136. 

Eine im Vergleich zu den anderen mensch- 
lichen Gestalten kleinere, menschliche Figur 
sitzt auf einem hohen Stuhl oder Thron, 
dessen Ruckenlehne ganz nach unten um- 
gebogen ist. Die Figur scheint einen stab- 
artigen Gegenstand vor sich zu halten; in 
dem Winkel zwischen Unter- und Oberarm 
ist eine keilartige Zeichnung angebracht, der 
sich drei menschliche Figuren, mit je einem 
gewinkelt nach oben erhobenen Arm, nahem. 
Die erste dieser Figuren hat ihren zweiten 




35 

Nr. 33 —35. Syrische Siegel (Abdrucke). 


38 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Arm nach hinten gewinkelt erhoben und, 
ausgehend von ihm, fallt ein Wasserstrahl 
herab, der unten von einer Vase aufgefangen 
wird. Bei der nachsten Figur fallt der andere 
Arm frei nach hinten herab, wahrend der 
zweite Arm der dritten Figur nicht mehr zu 
erkennen ist. Die letztgenannte Figur konnte 
wohl einen tierkopfigen Damon darstellen. 
Oben und unten wird die Szene von einer 
einfachen Linie begrenzt. 

Die auf den letzten drei Steinen wiedergegebene 
Szene ist an und fur sich eine auf altorienta- 
lischen Siegeln sehr oft zu findende Darstellung, 
namlich die Verehrung einer inthronisierten 
Gottheit, mit oder ohne dienender Gestalt 
hinter ihr, der sich ein Andachtiger n&hert 
(z. B. Brett 54; Newell 123, 130). Die nachste vor 
der Gottheit stehende Gestalt auf den drei 
Siegeln bringt ihr eine Libation dar (so auch 
Brett 107); das sie ausgiessende Gefass ist 
allerdings auf keinem dieser drei Steine zu er- 
kennen, doch zeigt Nr. 35 deutlich den Wasser- 
strahl, und auch die Behandlung des unteren 
Teiles des verlangerten „Arms” auf Nr. 33 und 
34 lasst darauf schliessen, dass eine solche dar- 
gestellt werden sollte. Das vasenartige Gefass, 
das die Spende aufnimmt, ist auf jedem der drei 
Steine deutlich zu erkennen. Wie schon gesagt, 
kann die sich auf Nr. 35 der Gottheit nahemde, 
dritte Gestalt moglicherweise ein tierkopfiger 
Damon sein von jener Art, wie er auf Mitanni- 
Siegeln und bestimmten cypriotischen Steinen 
hinter einem Andachtigen (so z. B. Morgan 983; 
Newell 354) oder aber am Ende einer Reihe von 
mehreren Adoranten bisweilen erscheint. Diesen 
Darstellungen die Deutung maskierter Priester 
zu geben, ist nicht von der Hand zu weisen. Als 
Parallele fur einen vor der Gottheit stehenden 
Hirsch kenne ich nur die auf Skaraboiden, 
welche ich mit phonikisch bezeichnen mochte 
und wie sie jetzt u. a. auf Ischia gefunden wur- 
den. Obgleich es sich bei den aufgefuhrten drei 
Siegeln sowohl um eine ganz andere Siegelform 
als auch um vollig verschiedene Schneidetechnik 


handelt, mochte ich sie dennoch (genauso wie 
die drei nachsten, Nr. 36—38) zeitlich mit den 
auf Ischia gefundenen Stiicken gleichsetzen, d. h. 
sie nicht alter als das 8. Jahrhundert, aber auch 
nicht spater als das 7. Jahrhundert datieren. 
E. Porada, die den auf Ischia gefundenen 
Stiicken ahnelnde Steine in einer sehr lehr- 
reichen Studie bearbeitet hat 88 , mochte sie nicht 
friiher als das beginnende 7. Jahrhundert an- 
setzen und (was die Skaraboide usw. anbelangt) 
ihren Ursprung auf Rhodos suchen. Der Aus- 
graber von Ischia dagegen, Herr Dr. Buchner, 
mochte die Schicht, in der solche Siegel bzw. 
Amulette geborgen wurden (vgl. die Bemer- 
kungen zu Nr. 26—28), nicht sp&ter als das 
8. Jahrhundert annehmen. Was das Alter der 
Steine betrifft, so ist diese Ansetzung zweifellos 
richtig; jedoch konnen sie selbst keinesfalls zur 
Datierung der Schichten mit herangezogen 
werden, es sei denn: als ein Datum post quem. 
Nach den Untersuchungen von A. Furumark 
und G. Saflund 34 ist eine Datierung der in 
Frage kommenden Fundschichten in das 7. Jahr- 
hundert iiberzeugender. 

36. Griinlichgrauer Serpentin; Siegelzylinder. 

22.5x9 mm. MM 1956: 133. 

Eine Reihe von vier menschlichen Gestalten 
mit je einem gewinkelt nach vom erhobenen 
Arm; der andere Arm der letzten Figur hangt 
frei nach hinten herab. Oben und unten 
wird die Darstellung von einer einfachen 
Linie begrenzt. 

37. Braungriiner Serpentin; Siegelzylinder, sehr 
abgegriffen. 

24x10 mm. MM 1956: 119. 

Eine Reihe von vier menschlichen Figuren. 
Vor der ersten Gestalt steht, vertikal im 
Feld, ein kleiner Keil; die letzte Figur 
scheint eine runde Kappe zu tragen. Oben 
und unten wird die Darstellung von einer 
einfachen Linie begrenzt. 

** A lyre player from Tarsus and his relations. The 
Aegean and the Near East, Studies presented to Hetty 
Goldman. New York 1956, Seite 185-211. 
u Zuletzt G. Saflund in Historia 5 (1957) Seite 10—22. 

39 


Digitized by LjOOQle 





39 

Nr. 36—38. Syrische Siegel. Nr. 39. Falschung. 


38. Gelblichgriiner Serpen tin; Siegelzylinder mit 
leicht konvexem Mantel. 

44x12 mm. MM 1956: 137. 

Grosse m&nnliche Gestalt mit einem ge- 
winkelt nach vom erhobenen Arm, der an- 
dere h£ngt frei nach hinten herab. Hinter 
der Gestalt eine Reihe von vier kleineren, 
menschlichen Figuren; die letzte davon 
scheint eine Libation darzubringen. Unter 
den vier kleineren Figuren erscheinen zwei 

40 


einander gegeniiberstehende Vierfussler, zwi- 
schen diesen, etwas schrag im Feld liegend, 
ein drittes Tier und ausserdem ein Skorpion. 

Die Darstellung einer Reihe von zwei, drei oder 
mehreren menschlichen Figuren ist, entweder 
als Hauptmotiv oder als Nebenszene, von 
kappadokischen und Mitanni-Siegeln bekannt 
(z. B. Brett 97; Louvre A. 897, 901, 904, 920: 
Morgan 947, 972, 973, 989, 992 usw.). Die Siegel 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 




Nr. 36 und 37 sind £hnlich wie Nr. 33—35 zu 
datieren und als ihr Ursprungsland kann 
ebenso wie bei diesen der syrische Kreis im 
weitesten Sinn angenommen werden. Fiir Nr. 38 
iiegt allerdings die Mdglichkeit einer Falschung 
vor (: die Form des Skorpions; die Tatsache, 
dass die letzte Figur in der Reihe die Libation 
darbringt — auf dem Original ist die Stellung 
der Fiisse ganz klar zu erkennen, d. h. die vier 
kleineren Figuren sind hinter der grosseren her- 
gehend dargestellt). 


39. Dieser Siegelzylinder, der aus sehr schdnem, 
dunkelgriinem, kristallinischem Kalkstein 
gearbeitet ist, ist eine Falschung. 

31.5 x 17.5 mm. MM 1956: 104. 

40. Griinlichgrauer Serpentin; Siegelzylinder, 
vollkommen abgegriffen, weshalb, ausser 
einigen wenigen Spuren, von der Devise 
nichts mehr zu erkennen ist. 

19x8 mm. MM 1956: 141. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


41 



Einige agyptische Grabdenkmaler 


STEN V. WANGSTEDT 


In der Sammlung Sgyptischer Antiquitaten des 
Mittelmeermuseums nehmen die Grabdenkma- 
ler einen ziemlich hervorragenden Platz ein. 
Vorzugsweise handelt es sich um Stelen oder 
Bruchstiicke von Stelen; einige Relieffragmente 
aus Grabera sind aber auch zu notieren. Von 
dem Bestande ist schon ein erheblicher Teil ver- 
dffentlicht worden, und zwar die Denkmaler, die 
friiher zu der agyptischen Abteilung des Natio- 
nalmuseums gehdrt haben 1 * * . Die iibrigen sind 
entweder von dem agyptischen Staate gekauft 
oder als Stiftung dem Museum iibergeben 
worden*. Die Mehrzahl von diesen ist noch un- 
verdffentlicht. 

Von den Denkmaiern des Alten und Mittleren 
Reiches sowie der 1. Zwischenzeit sind bisher 
nur drei publiziert worden*. Die im folgenden 


1 Maria Mogensen, Stales 6gyptiennes au Mus6e 
National de Stockholm, Copenhague 1919; Save- 
SOderbergh, Einige Sgyptische Denkmaler in Schweden, 
Uppsala 1945, S. 5 ff. u. S. 21 ff.; Piehl, Petites Etudes 
«gyptologiques, Vienne 1881, S. 48 ff.; — Inscriptions 
hilroglyphiques recueillies en Europe et en figypte, 
Leipzig 1888, S. 18 u. Taf. 93, S. 19 u. Taf. 15- 16. 

* In erster Linie hat das Museum dem damaligen 

Kronprinz Gustaf Adolf mehrere wertvolle Neuer- 
werbungen zu verdanken. Zwei (MM 11434 und MM 
1 1424) werden in dem vorliegenden Aufsatz behandelt. 

* MM 11406. Scheintiir des Nj - c nh - c ntj. 4. Dynastie 


erdrterten Denkmaler, dieindendreissiger Jahren 
des 20. Jahrh. in Agypten gekauft worden sind, 
stammen ebenfalls aus den erwahnten Zeitperio- 
den. Betreffs der Fundorte liegen in einigen 
Fallen keine oder sehr unvollstandige Angaben 
vor. Andere in Verbindung mit dem Freilegen 
der Denkmaler gemachte Notizen sind auch 
nicht vorhanden. Eine genaue Feststellung des 
Standortes und der Datierung der verschiede- 
nen Denkmaler sowie eine Identifizierung der 
vorkommenden Personen lasst sich deswegen 
schwerlich machen. 

Ausser den oben (Anm. 3) erwahnten beiden 
Scheintiiren und dem Relieffragmente sind noch 
zwei Denkmaler des Alten Reiches (oder der 1. 
Zwischenzeit) zu verzeichnen: eine Stele in Ge- 
stalt einer Scheintiir und ein Bruchsttick, das ein 
Teil einer Scheintiir sein diirflte 4 . 


(Junker, Giza 6, Wien u. Leipzig 1943, S. 239 f.); MM 
11407. Scheintiir des Hr-i.f-nht. 6. Dyn. oder 1. Zwischen- 
zeit (Firth-Gunn, Excavations at Saqqara. Teti pyramid 
cemeteries, Kairo 1926, Vol. 1, S.184:8; Vol.2, PI. 71:2); 
MM 1 1408. Relieffragment aus dem Grabe des Hr-i.f-nht 
(ib., Vol. 1, S. 205 ff.). 

4 Vgl. oben Anm. 2. 


Abb. 1. Scheintiir der Sn.t-itf-s ( Senetitefes). 


42 


Digitized by kjOOQle 






Scheinttir (Abb. 1) 

MM 11434. Material: Kalkstein. Grdsse: 105 
x 61 x 13 cm. Datierung : Spate 6. Dynastie oder 
1. Zwischenzeit. Herkunft: Saqqara. 

Die Scheintiir 5 , die fur eine Frau Sn.t-ltf-i , 
mit den Titeln „einzige Palastdame des Kdnigs”, 
„Priesterin der Hathor”, gemacht worden ist, 
ist bis auf einige geringfugige, oberflSchliche 
BeschSdigungen gut erhalten. Sie ist an drei 
Seiten von einem Rundstab eingerahmt und von 
einer Hohlkehle gekrdnt; ein mit dem Rund- 
stabe parallel laufender, glatter Rahmen dient 
als aussere Einfassung*. Die ziemlich schmale und 
tiefe Nische (die eigentliche Tiir) in der Mitte 
der Stele ist von doppelt abgesetzten Pfosten um- 
geben. Der Untersturz ragt ein wenig iiber die 
Innenpfosten hervor, ohne aber bis an die Flfiche 
der Aussenpfosten hinanzureichen. Der Ober- 
sturz liegt in gleicher Flfiche mit den Aussen- 
pfosten. Die Platte mit der Speisetischszene — 
von den beiden Architraven und Aussenpfosten 
eingefasst — wird durch senkrechte, schmale 
Vertiefungen an den Seiten von dem Untergrund 
hervorgehoben. Die ganze Stele ist mit Inschrif- 
ten und Darstellungen bedeckt, und noch sicht- 
bare Farbenreste zeigen, dass sie urspriinglich 
bemalt gewesen ist. Bis auf die Darstellung auf 
der Platte und das Blattomament der Hohl- 
kehle, die in Flachrelief hervortreten, sind alle 
Inschriften und Figurendarstellungen in ver- 
senktem Relief ausgefuhrt. 

Das auf der Platte wiedergegebene Motiv 
zeigt die verstorbene Sn.t-ltf-i vor einem Speise- 
tisch 7 . Sie sitzt auf einem Sessel mit niederer 


* Im Jahre 1930 in Agypten gekauft. 

• Vgl. Borchardt, Denkmdler des Alten Reiches I, 
Berlin 1937, Nr. 1395 und Nr. 1455. (Catalogue g^ral 
des antiquitls 6gyptiennes du Mus6e du Caire.) 

7 Vgl. die Darstellungen bei Junker, Giza 12, S. 71. 
Auf dem Speisetisch liegen nur Broth&lften — in Gestalt 
eines Rechtecks wiedergegeben — und ein Ochsen- 
schenkel. Dieselbe Darstellung erscheint u. a. auf der 

Scheinttir der Hnw.t.w-j ( u It) ) und auf der des Hr-S.f - 
nht, beide von der 6. Dyn. oder der 1. Zwischenzeit 
(Firth-Gunn, a. A., Vol. 1, S. 183, Vol. 2, PI. 71:1); 
femer auf der von Anfang der 1. Zwischenzeit datierende 

44 


Riicklehne, dessen Beine Tierfussen nachbilden 
und unter welchen Sockel in Gestalt der Pyrami- 
denstiimpfe angebracht sind 8 . Sie tr&gt eine 
lange, glatthaarige Periicke, eng anliegendes 
Kleid, Halskragen und Armringe; die rechte 
Hand ist gegen den Tisch ausgestreckt, und mit 
der linken Hand hilt sie eine Lotusblume vor 
die Nase. Den Farbenspuren nach zu schliessen 
ist die Periicke schwarz und die Hautfarbe rot- 
braun gewesen; dieselbe rotbraune Farbe zeigen 
ausserdem sowohl Sessel als Speisetisch, sowie 
die auf der Tischplatte liegenden Broth&lften® 
— nach altigyptischer Darstellungsart stehend 
abgebildet 10 — und der Ochsenschenkel; unter 
dem Tisch ist rechts der Wassemapf mit Giess- 
kanne hingestellt. 

t)ber der Speisetischszene stehtdie Wunschfor- 

„tausend an Brot, tausend an Bier, tausend an 
Rindem, tausend an Gefliigel, tausend an Sal- 
ben, tausend an Gewandem der geehrten 
Sn.t-ltf-i”. 

Die Inschrift des oberen Architravs, die sich 
auf dem linken Aussenpfosten fortsetzt, lautet: 

i.1 1 SIT .LI 1 }■*'«* 

sei gnadig und gebe (und) Osiris, der Herr von 
Busiris, ein Totenopfer der einzigen Palastdame 11 
des Kdnigs, der von dem grossen Gott, dem 
Herrn des Himmels, geehrten Sn.t-ltf-i”. Auf dem 
rechten Aussenpfosten steht: | (| ^ 

i 2 ■V f| 1 ^ T } ,,c ^ c ^ Herr ^ n 

geehrte Sn.t-ltf-i”. 

Scheinttir des Htp ( ) (Quibell, Excavations at 

Saqqara 1906-1907, Kairo 1908, S. 72, PI. 6:2). 

* Die Sockel sollten das Einsinken der Stuhlbeine in 
den N ilschlammestrich verhindem (Helck-Otto, Kleines 
Wdrterbuch der Aegyptologie, Wiesbaden 1956, S. 227). 

* Das auf dem Tisch nachgeahmte Rechteck. Der 
Stein metz hat unterlassen, die einzelnen Broth&lften 
anzugeben. 

10 Vgl. Schafer, Von figyptischer Kunst, Leipzig 1930, 
S. 147. 

11 eig. „Schmuck des Kdnigs”. Zur Bedeutung 
,, Palastdame” vgl. Junker, Giza 12, S.174 und Giza 2, 
S. 111. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Der untere Architrav tr&gt die kurze Inschrift: 

Anubis geehrte Sn.t-ltf-i”. 

Auf dem linken Innenpfosten lautet die In- 
sc hrift*. { ^ ^ Jj T } »die Palastdame des 

Kdnigs und auf dem rechten: | 

i T } ”d* e Sn.t-ltf-i”. 

Nach dem Namen ist auf den vier Pfosten die 
Verstorbene stehend dargestellt. Wahrend sichdie 
Figuren der Aussenpfosten ganz entsprechen 
(die eine Hand ist nach unten gestreckt, die 
andere — mit Lotusblume — gegen die Nase 
gerichtet) weichen die Figuren der Innenpfosten 
von einander ab. Auf dem linken Innenpfosten 
erscheint Sn.t-ltf-s ohne Periicke in einer kurzen 
Lockchenfrisur, und mit Lotusblumen in den 
Handen; die eine Blume halt sie — wie auf den 
Aussenpfosten — vor die Nase. Der rechte 
Innenpfosten zeigt Sn.t-ltf-s mit nach unten ge- 
streckten Handen, ohne Blumen. 

Die Inschrift auf dem ausseren Rahmen der 
Scheintur besteht aus zwei Wunschformeln. Die 
langere Formel, die auf dem Querstuck beginnt 
und sich auf der linken Langseite des Rahmens 

fortsetzt, lautet: { i ? A M -I* V ft . 

~ P}»derK6nigseigni- 
dig undgebe (und) Anubis auf seinemBerge, der 
in der Balsamierungsstadt ist, der Herr des herr- 
lichen Landes, ihr ein Totenopfer in ihrem Grab 
der Nekropole in dem westlichen Gebirge, der Ge- 
ehrten, der einzigen Palastdame des Kdnigs, der 
Priesterin der Hathor, der bei dem grossen Gott, 
dem Herm des Himmels, geehrten Sn.t-itf-£ 

Auf der rechten Seite des Rahmens liest man: 



K5nig sei gnadig undgebe (und) Anubis, der Herr 
des herrlichen Landes, dass sie schdn bestattet 


werde in ihrem Grab der Nekropole, die Ge- 
ehrte $n.t-ltf-s ”. 

Noch vorhandene Farbenreste zeigen, dass die 
Hieroglyphenzeichen sowie die eingeritzten Be- 
grenzungslinien der Inschriften ursprunglich be- 
malt gewesen sind. Auch von der Umschniirung 
des Rundstabes — durch eine schwarze Zick- 
zacklinie bezeichnet 12 — sind schwache Spuren 
sichtbar; vor allem hat sich aber die Farbe der 
Nische, der Vertiefungen der Opferplatte und 
des Blattornaments der Hohlkehle gut erhalten. 
In den beiden ersten Fallen ist die Farbe rot- 
braun. Fur das Hohlkehlenomament, das eine 
Reihe von aneinander errichteten Palmenblattem 
darstellt, sind verschiedene Farben verwendet 
worden; die Blatter sind wechselweise schwarz- 
griin, gelb und rotbraun. 

Die Darstellungen der Scheintur sind bis auf 
die vor dem Speisetisch nachgeahmte Sn.t-ltf-s, 
die Lotusblume und den Sessel, auf dem sie 
sitzt, ziemlich schlecht gearbeitet. Dieselbe Un- 
genauigkeit seitens des Kunstlers kommt auch 
in den Inschriften zum Vorschein, indem mit 
grosster Sorgfalt ausgefuhrte Hieroglyphen mit 
ziemlich nachlassig eingeritzten Zeichen wech- 
seln 13 . 

Angeblich soil die Scheintur in dem Toten- 
felde bei Saqqara gefunden worden sein 14 . 
M.W. liegen aber keine bei der Ausgrabung ge- 
machten Notizen vor, weshalb sich der genaue 
Standort nicht feststellen lasst. Angaben von der 
Freilegxmg eines Grabes, das in Verbindung mit 
der Inhaberin dieser Scheintur gebracht werden 
kdnnte, sind mir auch nicht bekannt. 

Was wir von $n.t-ltf-i wissen ist nur, dass sie 
teils hkr.t-n&wt w c t.t „einzige Palastdame des 
K5nigs” gewesen ist, teils das Amt hm.t-ntr 


11 Fttr Rundstabe mit eingeritzter Ubcrschn lining siehe 
Borchardt, a. A., passim. 

1# Die Unterlassung des Ktinstlers, eine durchaus tadel- 
lose Arbeit zu machen, hat vielleicht ihre ErkJ&rung darin, 
dass die Tote eine Frau ist. Nach Rusch zeigt oft die 
Scheintur der Frau eine einfachere Ausfuhrung als die 
ihres Gatten (AZ 58, S. 113). 

14 Nach freundlicher Mitteilung von Gunhild Luon. 

45 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 





Hthr „Priesterin der Hathor” bekleidet hat. Im 
Alten Reiche wurdc dieses Amt vorzugsweise 
den vomehmeren Frauen verliehen, aber gegen 
Ende der 6. Dynastie lasst sich die soziale 
Stellung der Inhaberin nicht mehr feststellen 15 . 
Der erste Titel deutet aber darauf hin, dass die 
Inhaberin des Amtes auch in spaterer Zeit der 
hdheren Gesellschaftsschicht angehdrt hat 16 . 
hkr.t-nswt w c t.t hm.t-ntr Hthr ist eine der haufi- 
geren Titelkombinationen der spateren 6. Dynastie 
(von der Zeit Pepi des Zweiten an) und der 1. 
Zwischenzeit 17 . Obwohi diese Tatsache in Bezug 
auf die Datierung kein entscheidendes Kenn- 
zeichen ist, deutet sie aber darauf hin, dass der 
Denkstein mit grdsster Wahrscheinlichkeit zu 
einem der erwahnten Zeitabschnitte zu setzen 
ist — eine Datierung, die u. a. von anderen 
wesentlichen Einzelheiten bestatigt wird w . 


Brochstiick einer Scheintiir (Abb. 2) 

MM 11424. Material: Kalkstein. Grosse: 18 
x 13,7x6,7 cm. Datierung: Wahrscheinlich 6. 
Dynastie 16 . Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Sowohl die Form des Bruchstiickes als die 
vorkommende Inschrift mit abschliessender 
Bilddarstellung deuten darauf hin, dass das 
Fragment mit grosser Wahrscheinlichkeit einer 
Scheintur angehdrt hat. Die Flache der Vorder- 
seite und die der rechten Langseite sind sehr 
sorgfaltig gehauen. Die linke Langseite sowie die 


15 Vgl. Junker, Giza 5, S. 18. 

19 Vgl. J£quier, La pyramide d’Oudjebten, Lc Caire 
1928, S. 15 f. 

17 Fiir die 1. Zwischenzeit vgl. Dunham, Naga ed-D£r 
Stelae, London 1937, S. 117:31 u. S. 118:40. 

18 So ist z. B. der Aussenrahmen der Scheintiir mit Text 
versehen (Vgl. J£quier, Tombeaux de particuliers con- 
temporains de Pepi II, Le Caire 1929, S. 87, 93, 118, 121; 
— Le mastaba Faraoun, Le Caire 1 928, S. 29; Borchardt, 

а. A., Nr. 1395, 1400, 1455, 1504 und Junker, Giza 7, 
S. 25 f., Taf. 6b. [Ende 6. Dyn.]); femer ha ben die Pfosten 
je nur eine Textzeile, welche mit dem Bilde der verstor- 
benen Frau abgeschlossen ist, und von den ebenso ein- 
zeiligen Architraventexten zeigt der Untersturz nur den 
Namen der Frau. (FUr eine ausfuhrlichere Zusammen- 
stellung von Merkmalen, die fUr Scheintiiren der sp&teren 

б. Dynastie und der folgendenZeit bezeichnend sind, siehe 
Rusch a. A., S. 1 15 f. und S. 123; zu der Form der Schein- 
tur vgL auch Firth-Gunn, a. A., S. 179 f.) 

19 Fiir die Datierung siehe unten Anm. 22. 


Riickseite sind dagcgen roher behauen gewesen; 
diese beiden Seiten sind aber spatereben gemacht 
worden 60 . 

Die Inschrift — durch parallellaufende, ein- 
geritzte Linien begrenzt — und die Darstellung 
sind mit der grdssten Sorgfalt in versenktem 
Relief ausgefiihrt. Unter der Inschrift, die nur 
die Wdrter . . . im*hw Bbj „. . . der geehrte Bbj” 
umfasst, ist der Verstorbene stehend, nach 
rechts gewandt, dargestellt. Er tragt eine kurze 
Lockchenfrisur und ist in den spitzen Knie- 
schurz gekleidet. In der linken Hand halt er den 
Stab und in der herabhangenden rechten das 
Szepter. 

Allem Anschein nach ist das Bruchstiick der 
untere Teil der linken Aussenpfosten der Schein- 
tur (Abb. 3). Die oben angefuhrten Einzelheiten 
in Bezug auf die Form des Bruchstiickes zeigen, 
dass das Mittelstiick und die Aussenpfosten der 
Scheintur getrennt hergestellt worden sind 61 . 
Zuriickgebliebene Mortelreste in Vertiefungen 
der linken Langseite des Bruchstiickes zeigen 
femer, dass der Pfosten der Grabwand angele- 
gen hat, wahrend das Mittelstiick der Scheintiir 
ohne Bindemittel zwischen die Pfosten hinein- 
gesetzt gewesen ist. 

Von dem auf den Pfosten geschriebenen 
Totengebet sind nur zwei zum Teil besch&digte 
Zeichen des Wortes | [^] ^ } nfr.t „gut”, 
„schdn” (die fern. Form) erhalten 22 . 

10 Die Zurichtung, mutmasslich von dem Finder ge- 
macht, dUrfte — den ziemlich tiefen Riefen nach zu 
schliessen — mit einem Zahneisen Oder einem Hhnlichen 
Werkzeug gemacht worden sein. 

91 Vgl. Junker, Giza 6, S. 229 f. und Giza 7, S. 190f. 

” Das Totengebet dUrfte entweder mit dem Wunsche, 
dass der Verstorbene „in Frieden zum schdnen Westen 
ziehe” beendet sein (vgl. Borchardt, a. A., Nr. 1453. 
Scheintur des 29 -l— JiQm- 
bell. Excavations at Saqqara, 1905 — 1 906, PI. 1 5. Scheintur 
desSa^-f JT ^oderdstsser 

„auf den schdnen Wegen wandeln moge” (vgl. Quibell, 
Excavations at Saqqara, 1906—1907, PI. 6:1. Scheintiir 

der I= •[ 

Die angefuhrten Formeln sind auf den linken Aussen- 
pfosten der betreffenden Scheintiiren wiedergegeben. Eine 
Variante der letzteren Wunschformel— § w X £ 5 

£*7* ^ ~ „mdge er in Frieden auf den schdnen Wegen des 

47 


Digitized by LiOOQle 




Abb. 4. Stele des Grafen Tm-rrj ( Temreri ) . 


Westens wandeln” — erscheint ferner auf dem getrennt keine eindeutigcn Merkmale vor, die eine genaue Ti 

hergestellten linken Aussenpfosten der Scheintiir des bestimmung zulassen. Doch scheint mir die sehr sfl 
AoDQ (Junker, Giza 6, S. 229 f.). Bis auf die Scheintiir ausgefiihrte Inschrift und die Darstellung sowie^ 

n wahrscheinliche Abfassung der Wunschformel (in dr 

des , die der 10. Dynastie angehdren dUrfte, stammen der oben wiedergegebenen Formen) fiir die 6. Dyrm 
alle aus der 6. Dynastie. zu sprechen. 

Was die Datierung des Bruchstuckes betrifft, liegen 


48 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


Abb. 5. Zeichnung der Stele des 
Grafen Tm-rrj. 



4km 

PW 


1 * 






& 


Stele des Grafen Tm-rrj (Abb. 4—5) 

MM 11419. Material: Kalkstein. Grosse: 55 x 
64x12 cm. Datierung: 1. Zwischenzeit. Her- 
kunft: Wahrscheinlich Naga ed-Der. 

Die Stele — aus einem weissgelben Kalkstein 
von wenig guter Qualitat gehauen — ist ziemlich 
stark beschadigt. Die Beschadigungen sind aber 
hauptsachlich an den Seiten der Stele lokalisiert. 
Die fur Darstellungen und Inschriften eben ge- 
machte Vorderseite zeigt stellenweise Vertie- 
fungen von herausgefallenen Feuersteinknollen 
sowie durch aussere Gewalt entstandene Ab- 
splitterungen, welche zum Teil die Inschriften 
getroffen haben. 

Die Darstellungen sind in Flachrelief gearbei- 
tet, wahrend die Inschriften in versenktem Relief 
ausgefuhrt sind. Die Arbeit ist in Bezug auf die 
Qualitat ziemlich mittelmassig. 

Die Hauptfigur der Darstellung, Tm-rrj ist 
in vorschriftmassigem Rechtsprofil stehend wie- 
dergegeben. Er tragt lange, glatthaarige Periicke, 

* Zu diesem Namen vgl. Ranke, Personennamen I, 
GHickstadt 1935, S. 390:32. 


breiten Halskragen und ist in den spitzen 
Knieschurz gekleidet; er tragt ausserdem ein 
Pantherfell, dessen Rute zwischen seinen Beinen 
sichtbar ist. In der linken Hand halt er den 
langen Stab und in der herabhangenden rechten 
Hand das Szepter. Die unbedeckten Korper- 
teile sind rotbraun gefarbt. 

Vor dem Grabherrn steht im Niveau mit 
seinem Schurz ein niedriger Tisch mit Opfer- 
gaben verschiedener Art. Die Gaben sind — 
von oben herab: ein Rippenstiick, ein Ge- 
miise (?) 24 , das Vorderbein eines Rindes, ein 
Kalbskopf, ein Gazellenkopf, zwei ungleich 
geformte Brote und zwei Kriige. Die Fleisch- 
stiicke sind bis auf den Gazellenkopf mit rot- 
brauner Farbe bemalt (der Kalbskopf nur 
fleckenweise). Das Gemuse zeigt schwache Spuren 
von sowohl griiner als rotbrauner Farbe. Die 
untere Halfte der beiden Kriige ist ebenfalls rot- 
braun angestrichen, nach oben hin durch einen 
Querstrich in derselben Farbe abgegrenzt. Der 
Gazellenkopf, die Brote und die obere Halfte 

24 Vgl. Dunham, a. A., S. 18, Anm. 1. 


49 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



der Kriige scheinen unbemalt gewesen zu 
sein. 

Das Feld der Darstellung ist oben und seitlich 
von Inschriften eingefasst. Die obere horizontale 
Inschrift lautet: | ^ ^ ^ ft 

^ J ^ }„eine Opfergabe, die der 
Kdnig gibt (und) Anubis auf seinem Berge, der 
in der Balsamierungsstadt ist, Herr der Nekro- 
pole in alien seinen Orten”. 

Die Inschrift rechts von dem Bildfelde um- 
fasst drei senkrecht laufende Zeilen, von denen 
die erste (£usserste) durch rotbraune Farben- 
linien begrenzt ist; eine zweite Begrenzungslinie 
trennt ausserdem den Text von dem Bildfelde. 
Die Inschrift hat die folgende Abfassung: 

y *** I "7* ^ ^ ill } ,,ein Toteno p fcr 

fur den Grafen, den einzigen Freund, den Vor- 
lesepriester, den ehrwiirdigen Tm-rrj. (Er sagt:) 
Ich gab Brot dem Hungrigen, Kleider dem Nack- 
ten 25 ; ich war ein von seinem Vater Geliebter 
und von seinen Briidem Gelobter 28 ”. 

Die senkrecht laufende kurze Schriftzeile 
links von dem Bildfelde lautet: | W ^ 

^ 1 P Jo P } »* se * nc gdicbte Frau* 7 , die 

einzige Palastdame des Kdnigs, $nb-tjij* u ”. 

Hinsichtlich des Fundortes und der Datierung 
der Stele scheinen sowohl die Komposition des 
Bildfeldes als die Anordnung der Inschriften auf 
die Nekropole von Naga ed-D6r und die 1. 
Zwischenzeit zu weisen 28 . 

11 Vgl. Edel, Untersuchungen zur Phraseologie der 
ggyptischen Inschriften des Alten Reiches, S. 40, § 33 
(Mitteilungen des deutschen Instituts fttr agyptische 
Altertumskunde in Kairo, 1944, Bd. 13, Heft 1) und 
Janssen, De traditioneele egyptische Autobiografie v66r 
het Nieuwe Rijk I, Leiden 1946, S. 78. 

88 Zu dieser Phrase vgl. Edel, a. A., S. 44, § 40. Die 
vorliegende Wendung ist von Edel nicht notiert; kommt 
auch nicht bei Janssen vor. 

87 Wdrtl. ,, seine Frau, die von ihm geliebt ist”. 

87a Oder Snb-itf-s, wenn der wagrechte Strich zwischen 
t und s' keine Beschadigung an dem Stein ist. 

88 Vgl. Lutz, Egyptian tomb steles and offering stones, 


Stele des Grafen Idl (Abb. 6) 

MM 11420. Material: Kalkstein. Grosse: 
68x54x16 cm. Datierung: Anfang des Mittle- 
ren Reiches. Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Die aus einem ziemlich schlechten Kalkstein 
gehauene Stele ist bis auf die Bemalung verhalt- 
nismissig gut erhalten. Sie ist in zwei Stiicke 
zerbrochen. Schwerere Beschadigungen, welche 
die Darstellungen getroffen haben, kommen nur 
auf der rechten Seite der Stele vor. 

Die eben gemachte Vorderseite ist in drei 
Register eingeteilt, welche an drei Seiten von 
einem in rechteckige Felder geteilten Rahmen 
umgeben sind. Der Rahmen ist von einem 
Palmblattfriese gekrdnt und noch vorhandene 
Farbenspuren zeigen, dass die Blotter urspning- 
lich gelb, rotbraun und grim angestrichen ge- 
wesen sind. 

Das obere Register enth&lt ein horizontal lau- 
fendes, dreizeiliges Opfergebet, dessen Hierogly- 
phen in versenktem Relief ausgefuhrt sind. Das 
Gebet hat die folgende Abfassung: 

° Q ^ I) I| ^ I| <» IJ | „der Kdnig sei gn&dig 

und gebe (und) Osiris, der Herr von Busiris, der 
Erste des Westlichen 28 , der Herr von Abydos f an 
alien seinen schonen Sitzen, einTotenopferdem 
Grafen, dem Schatzmeister des Kdnigs von 
Unteragypten, f dem einzigen Freunde, dem 
bei dem grossen Gott, dem Herm des Himmels, 
Geehrten, dem von seinem Vater geliebten Idt\ 

Leipzig 1927, PI. 19, Nr. 36 (University of California 
Publications, Egyptian Archaeology, Vol. 4) sowie 
Dunham, a. A., Nr. 56. Vgl. auch Miiller, Die Toten- 
denksteine des Mittleren Reiches. (MDAIK4 [1933], S. 183 
ff.) 

88 Zu der hieroglyphischen Schreibung des Beinamens 
des Osiris (mit Gdtterdeterminativ) vgl. Lange-SchXfer, 
Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches, Berlin 
1902-1925, Nr. 20379a, Nr. 20697a und Nr. 20729a. 

Abb. 6. Stele des Grafen Idl. 


50 


Digitized by LjOOQle 




* 



Das mittlere Register hat als Motiv die Speise- 
tischszene. Die Darstellungen sowie die beglei- 
tende Inskription ist in versenktem Relief ge- 
macht. Links im Bildfelde sitzt derGrabherrauf 
einem Sessel mit Tierbeinen, dessen Pfoten auf 
konischen Unters&tzen ruhen. Die Lehne des 
Sessels reicht etwas iiber Ellenbogenhohe. Unter 
dem Sessel steht der Wassemapf mit Giesskanne. 
Das Geschirr ist auffallend gross und nimmt den 
ganzen Raum zwischen den Sesselbeinen ein. 
Der Grabherr in eng anliegendem Knieschurz, 
trigt lange Ldckchenperiicke, Kinnbart, breiten 
Halskragen und Armringe. Der linke Arm ist vor 
der Brust gebogen, und in der Hand halt er ein 
gefaltetes Schweisstuch. Die rechte Hand ist 
gegen den Speisetisch ausgestreckt. Die unbe- 
deckten Kdrperteile sowie die untere Perlen- 
sektion des Halskragens sind rot geffirbt; die 
zwei oberen Sektionen scheinen grim gewesen 
zu sein. Stellenweise ist aber die Farbe abgenutzt. 
Die Periicke, die urspriinglich in einer dunkel- 
griinen Farbe bemalt sein diirfte, ist ganz ent- 
farbt. 

Der Speisetisch — mit roten und griinen 
Farbentiipfchen dekoriert — ist auf einen ziem- 
lich langen, niedrigen Tisch hingestellt. Auf der 
Platte des Esstisches liegt eine Reihe rot ge- 
farbter Brothalften. Der untere Tisch ist mit 
Lebensmitteln verschiedener Art gefullt. Auf der 
Platte stehen vier rote Napfe, von denen drei 
wahrscheinlich mit Beeren gefullt sind, wahrend 
der vierte Brote (?) und Bierkriige (?) enth&lt 80 . 
Uber den beiden linken N&pfen liegen ein Ochsen- 
schenkel und ein Bund Zwiebeln. Oberhalb der 
rechten ist ein { P3 J-geformtes Brot (?), ein 
Lattich 81 und noch eine Gabe (ein Papyrus- 
strauss?) abgebildet, femer ein rundes und ein 
in der M*-Form gebackenes Brot. Zwischen den 
letzterwahnten Napfen ist ein | J -geformtes 
Fleischstuck sichtbar 32 . 

80 Vgl. A Z 63 (1927), Taf. II. 

81 Vgl. Junker, Giza 6, S. 49, Abb. 1 1 . 

” Auch der Raum zwischen den zwei linken Napfen 
diirfte mit einer Art Speise ausgefullt gewesen sein. 

52 


Rechts vom Esstisch ist der Raum mit weit< 
ren Gaben ausgefullt, die teils auf einen Anriclit* 
tisch, teils unter seiner Platte auf den Boden hii 
gestellt sind. Von den letzteren sind nur di 
unter dem Tisch abgebildeten Weinkrlige (m 
konischem Verschluss und im Untersatz g( 
steckt) und j ^ |-Vasen erhalten. Auf der Tisch 
platte steht eine Reihe von niedrigen Kriigen. Voj 
den oberhalb der Kriige dargestellten Opfergabei 
— zum Teil ganz oder fast ganz verwischt — las 
sen sich die folgenden mit ziemlicher Sicherhei 
identifizieren: ein RippenstUck, ein 
formtes Brot, zwei gekreuzt liegende, ungerupft* 
Ganse, ein Kalbskopf und oben links ein Bro 
aus der M*-Form und eine Gurke. Rechts in 
Bildfelde steht ein Salbengef&ss 83 , und iiber diesen 
ein grdsserer Krug 88 . Zwei Vasen sind ausser 
dem rechts von den nach oben gestreckten 
Gansefliigeln sichtbar. Die Gaben rechts im 
Felde sind dagegen zu stark beschfidigt, als dass 
man ihre Art feststellen kdnnte. 

Uber der Darstellung steht die Wunschformel: 


^ ^1 }»» tauscn< ^ an Libationen 84 , tau- 


send an Brot, tausend an Bier, tausend an Rin- 
dem, tausend an Geflugel, tausend an Gazellen, 
tausend an Antilopen, tausend an Leinen (und) 
tausend an alien schonen Dingen dem geehrten 

Idt'\ 


Das untere Register zeigt in der Mitte die 
Abbildung einer rot gestrichenen Tiir, rechts 
und links von in versenktem Relief ausgefiihrten, 
senkrecht laufenden Inschriften abgegrenzt. Die 
Tiir ist mit zwei Riegeln versehen und in der 
Mitte sind zwei Augen gezeichnet 85 . Der Rund- 
balken ist durch schwach gebogene, mit griiner 
Farbe gefullte Ritzlinien bezeichnet, um eine 
Rundung vorzutauschen. 


** Auf dem Original schwach sichtbar. 

84 Zu diesem ungewohnlichen Anfang der Wunsch- 
formel vgl. Borchardt, a. A., Nr. 1428 und Nr. 1430. 
Das Libationsgefass ist auf dem Original schrdggestellt. 

85 Nach Rusch treten Riegel und Augen in der spaten 
sechsten Dynastie auf; nach dieser Zeit sind nur wenige 
sichere Beispiele nachweisbar (a. A., S. 116). 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Die Inschrift links von der Tur lautet : | ^ 

I ■• d “ K “« 

sei gnadig und gebe (und) Anubis auf seinem 
Berge ein Totenopfer dem geehrten left”. 

Die rechte Inschrift hat die Abfassung: 

<=» /j | „der Konig sei gnadig und gebe (und) 
Osiris ein Totenopfer dem von seinem Vater ge- 
liebten und seiner Mutter geliebten Idi”. 

Auf dem freien Felde links undrechtsvonder 
Tiir ist in versenktem Relief der Grabherr in 
schreitender Stellung dargestellt 38 . Die linke 
Figur ist in einem weiten, spitzen Knieschurz, 
dessen Gurtelstreifen bis an die rechte Knie- 
kehle hinreicht. Er ist ohne Kinnbart* 7 , tr&gt 
aber dieselbe lange Lockchenperiicke wie in der 
Speisetischszene, einen breiten Halskragen mit 
griin gefarbter unterer Perlensektion (die zwei 
oberen Sektionen sind rot gewesen) und Arm- 
ringe. In der herabhangenden rechten Hand halt 
er das Szepter und in der linken den langen 
Stab 38 . 

Auf dem rechten Felde erscheint Idt nach 
links schreitend. Er hat hier Kinnbart und ist 
in einen eng anliegenden, kurzen Schurz ge- 
kleidet. Die Lockchenperiicke, die deutliche, 
grime Farbenspuren zeigt, sowie die iibrige 
Ausschmiickung ist dieselbe wie auf der gegen- 
iiberstehenden Figur. Den langen Stab fasst er 
mit der rechten Hand und halt das zum Teil 
hinter dem Schurz versteckte Szepter in der 
nach unten gestreckten linken Hand. 

In Anbetracht des wenig guten Steinmaterials 
sind sowohl die Inskriptionen als die Bilddar- 

* Beide Figuren zeigen Beschfidigungen auf. So fehlen 
der linken Figur der rechte Fuss und die linke Hand (ein 
Feuersteinknollen hat hier den Grabstichel gehemmt; 
auch die linke Schulter ist aus demselben Grunde defekt). 
Die Beschadigungen der rechten Figur sind haupts&chlich 
durch Absplitterungen an der SteinflSche entstanden. 

* 7 Vgl. Anm. 36, die Parenthese. 

* Wegen des Vorkommens eines grdsseren Feuerstein- 
knollens ist nur die obere Halfte des Stabes in Relief dar- 
gestellt; die untere Halfte des Stabes ist durch eine 
schwarze Farbenlinie bezeichnet, zum Teil auf der Stele 
sichtbar. 


stellungen von einer verhaltnismassig hohen 
Qualitat. Das Vorkommen von Feuerstein- 
knollen und Hohlungen in dem Kalkstein hat 
aber stellenweise unbezwingbare Hindernisse fur 
das Ausfuhren einer im einzelnen tadellosen 
Arbeit gebildet. Die Knollen haben den Kiinst- 
ler genotigt, Einzelheiten des nachgeahmten 
Gegenstandes entweder auszulassen oder ihn 
allein in Farbe auszufiihren (vgl. Anm. 36 u. 38), 
Das letztere Verfahren ist gewahlt worden, wenn 
die Hdhlungen und die Unebenheiten der Flache 
zu gross und tief gewesen sind, um eine Dar- 
stellung zu erlauben 89 . 

Eine zeithch sichere Bestimmung der Amts- 
periode des Idi, lasst sich wegen des Mangels 
an unmittelbaren Angaben nicht machen, aber 
die Komposition der Inskriptionen und der Dar- 
stellungen des Denksteines deuten darauf hin, 
dass er entweder gegen Ende der 1. Zwischenzeit 
oder — was wohl wahrscheinlicher sein dUrfte — 
am Anfang des Mittleren Reiches tatig gewesen 
ist. Fur die letztere Alternative spricht vor allem 
das Anbringen der Opferformel in mehreren 
wagerecht laufenden Zeilen in einem Felde iiber 
der Speisetischdarstellung 40 — eine Anordnung, 
die fur Denksteine der ersten Halfte des Mitt- 
leren Reiches bezeichnend ist 41 . 

Sowohl Idi als der friiher erwahnte Tm~rrj\ 
scheinen — der Titulatur nach zu schliessen — 
eine hervorragende Stellung unter den Gaube- 
amten eingenommen zu haben. Es handelt sich 
aber hier nicht um Titel, die eine ausiibende 
Funktion bezeichnen, sondem um Rangtitel* 
Beide, die drei Titel fiihren, nennensichA»(/- c 
und smr-w c tj. Idi bezeichnet sich ausserdem in 
seinem zweiten Titel als id*w.tj-bjtj , wahrend 
Tm-rrj als niedrigsten Titel hrj-hb angibt. 

Urspriinglich fuhrten nur Prinzen, als Inhaber 
der hochsten Amter am Hofe und in der Staats- 
verwaltung, diese Titel. Als die Mitglieder des 

•• Z. B. die zwei ersten Kriige links auf dem Anrichte- 
tisch; femer ein Teil des Rahmens unten rechts. 

40 Die Opferformel entspricht der Inskription auf dem 
oberen Architrav der Scheintur. 

41 Nach MOller bis in die Regierungszeit Sesostris’ I 
(a. A., S. 199). 


53 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



kdniglichen Hauses gcgcn Endc der 4. Dynastie 
aus der Vcrwaltung ausgeschaltet wurden, be- 
hieltcn aber die Prinzen die alten Titel, die sich 
bald zu reinen Rangtiteln entwickelten. Das 
Rangverh&ltnis, das dadurch entstand, und das 
sich zun&chst vorzugsweise auf Titelinhaber 
koniglicher Herkunft begrenzt war, dehnte sich 
gegen Ende der 5. Dynastie auf fast die ganze 
Beamtenschaft aus. Sich alte Titel beizulegen, 
wurde fur die Beamten eine wesentliche Angele- 
genheit. Der Rangordnung wurden auch neue 
Stufen zugefligt, indem eine Reihe von Amts- 
titeln in Rangtitel umgewandelt wurden. Der 
grosse Wert, den man auf die Rangtitel legte, 
zeigt sich u. a. darin, da ss bei der Titelangabe, 
die Rangtitel vor den Amtstiteln aufgezahlt 


werden oder — wie hier der Fall ist — dass man 
sich damit begniigt, nur die Rangtitel anzugeben. 
In der 6. Dynastie macht sich eine fortlaufende 
Entwertung der alten Rangtitel merkbar — eine 
Entwertung, die in der 1. Zwischenzeit ihren 
Gipfelpunkt erreichte. Nicht nur Leute in sehr 
niedrigen Amtstellungen legten sich Titel wie 
A = r/- e , id*w.tj-bjtj und imr-w* tj bei, sondem 
auch Beamte, die im Dienste der Gauflirsten 
waren, treten als Inhaber von hohen Rangtiteln 
auf 41 . 


41 Vgl. Helck, Untersuchungen zu den Beamtentiteln 
des Igyptischen alten Reiches, Glttckstadt-Hamburg- 
New York 1954, S. 118; vgl. auch Dunham, a. A. 


54 


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Recent acquisitions of Roman 
portraits 


OLOF VESSBERG 


The three portraits discussed here were acquired 
in 1959 thanks to the generous donations of His 
Majesty the King and Mrs. Astrid Willman, 
Stockholm. They were all acquired in the same 
year, and from the museum’s point of view there 
is a special connection between them since each 
one represents a main period in the history of 
Roman portraiture — the end of the Republic, 
the blest Empire and late antiquity. 

Of the first, MM 1959: 2, reproduced on the cov- 
er, I shall only give a brief description, as I have 
already published it 1 . It is a head from a tomb 
relief from the time of the second triumvirate or 
the beginning of the Empire, roughly the peri- 
od from 50—20 B.C. It is a characteristic 
work of that time. The detailed realism of 
Roman portraiture in the middle of the last 
century B.C. became more restrained in the 
forties and was gradually replaced by a more 
distinct and synthetic style. A principal feature 
is the devotion to a beautiful, distinct line. This 
style, which I have called the linear style of the 
second triumvirate 2 * , seems to mark a transition 

1 Septentrionalia et Orientalia. Studia Bemhardo Karl- 

gren dedicata, pp. 450 ff. (Kungl. Vitterhets Histone och 

Antikvitets Akademiems Handlingar Del 91, 1959.) 

*0. Vessberg, Studien zur Kunstgeschichte der r5- 

mischen Republik, pp. 167, 196 ff. 


to the classicism of the Augustan period. The 
style of this head has definite parallels in the 
portraits on coins and the free sculptures of the 
forties such as the coin portraits of Brutus 8 as 
well as the coin-types of Labienus Parthicus 4 * and 
the portraits in the round of Cato the Younger 6 . 

The portrait of a woman in figs. 1—4, 
MM 1959: 1, shows the features of a young 
woman wearing a diadem or stephane which 
rises above an immense Flavian coiffure of 
curls. She has beautiful almond-shaped eyes and 
a very personal mouth which together with the 
rather strong chin and the wide jaws give her 
features the impression of will-power. The mouth 
is small and sullen like a child’s with the corners 
slightly drooping. The brow is shaded by a high 
arrangement of small curls, round or spiral, 
which are set in parallel rows up to the diadem 
which delimits this part of the artistic coiffure. 

* H. A. Grueber, Coins of the Roman Republic in 
the British Museum II p. 480, III PI. 111:17. E. A. 
Sydenham, The Coinage of the Roman Republic, p. 203, 
PI. 30. 

4 Grueber, o. c. II p. 501, III PI. 113: 19-20. Syden- 
ham, o. c., p. 212, PI. 30. 

6 Cf. M. R. Thouvenot in Acad6mie des Inscriptions & 
Belles-Lettres, Comptes rendus 1945, pp. 592 ff.; F. 
Poulsen, Acta Archaeologica XVIII (1947), pp. 117 ff.; 
O. Vessberg, Konsthistorisk Tidskrift XXI (1952), pp. 


55 


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It projects quite a distance over the forehead. 
Behind the diadem the hair is plaited in thin 
plaits which are laid backwards and twisted 
together in a knot with a hollow in the middle. 
The diadem, which must be imagined in metal, 
stood quite high above the hair, but is now 
partly broken. There is a moulding round the 
upper part. 

The height of the head, including the diadem, 
is 34.5 cm. The face is 16 cm. high. The head has 
been broken off at the base of the neck, and on 
the right-hand side there is a small part of the 
shoulder intact. The neck has been levelled off 
underneath. It is not possible to determine 
whether the head was worked to be inserted into 
a statue or whether it was broken off from a 
statue or bust. 

The material is white marble, rich in crystals. 
It is probably Italic. The surface is fresh antique 
with several traces of plant roots, especially on 
the right-hand side of the face. Most of the nose 
has been broken, and there are smaller super- 
ficial marks on the lips, on the left cheek-bone 
and on the left side of the neck. 

The diadem worn by the woman — stephane or 
Stephanos is likely to be the correct ancient name 
for this form of head ornament — is the head 
ornament of the goddesses, a crescent-shaped 
diadem band which is broadest in the centre. 
This diadem was already worn by the female 
members of the Ptolemaic dynasty 6 and was 
later gradually adopted by the Roman Imperial 
family where it first occurs in coin-types of 
Julia Titi. Because of the diadem we may 
rightly assume, I think, that this portrait must 
represent a member of the Imperial house, and 
judging from the hair-style she must be a 
Flavian. There are, then, only two to choose 
between, Julia Titi and Domitia. 

Unfortunately, we do not know for certain 
when the Emperor Titus’s daughter Julia was 
born, nor when she died. But she was not born 

• A. AlfOldi, Insignien und Tracht der rdmischen 
Kaiser, R5m. Mitt. 50 (1935), pp. 123 f. 

56 


before the year 64 A. D. 7 and her death took 
place between 87 and 90 A. D. In a poem by 
Martial (VI, 3, 6) from the year 90 A. D., she 
is called diva , but her death could have occurred 
long before the publication of the poem 8 . Julia 
was therefore young when she died; she may 
have been twenty-six at the most. She lived 
openly as the mistress of her uncle Domitian, 
presumably from 80 or 81 A. D. onwards, and 
is very likely to have appeared officially as the 
real Empress while Domitia was banished from 
court, probably in 82— 84 A. D. 9 

Nor is it known when Domitia was bom, but 
this was probably between 50 and 55 A. D. 10 
She was the wife of L. Aelius Lamia, but 
Domitian made her his mistress and later 
married her. She was his legitimate wife on his 
accession to the throne in 81 A. D. and she 
retained this position until his death in 96 A. E>., 
if one excepts the years when she was banished. 

The only sources of both Julia’s and Domitia’s 
iconography are the coin-types. Unfortunately, 
these do not reproduce physiognomical details 
as faithfully as contemporary portraits of the 
Emperors. Julia has a straight nose and a 
strikingly full face, Domitia an aquiline nose and 
a somewhat stronger chin. But even this ex- 
tremely summary differentiation is not always 
dependable. One may venture to say, I think, 
that Domitia always appears a little older than 
Julia, as one would expect. The mouth on 
portraits of Domitia seems small, with rather 
thin, compressed lips, as on the portrait in the 
Medelhavsmuseet, while Julia is depicted with 
fuller lips, just as Julia’s picture as a whole gives 
a more exuberant impression than that of 
Domitia. As far as the hair-style is concerned, 

7 a. M. Fluss in RE. Suppl. VI Sp. 133 ff. 

8 Fluss, o. c. Sp. 136 f. 

•O. c. Sp. 136. 

10 Cf. Stein in RE. V Sp. 1513 ff. 


Fig. 1. Female portrait , probably the Empress Domitia . 


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there is no really distinct difference between the 
two ladies. Certainly Domitia, especially in 
earlier coin-types, usually has the Flavian curls 
in front combined with a long “Agrippina knot” 
at the back — a sort of typological transitional 
style between the Agrippina and Flavian hair- 
styles. However, in what is one of the clearest 
portraits of Domitia on coins, a sestertius 11 , the 
hair-style resembles that of our portrait. Even 
Julia appears with the early type of coiffure 
with the Agrippina knot 12 but usually has it 
tied higher at the back in a bun 13 . The hair- 
style that corresponds most closely with our 
museum head appears on an aureus with the 
inscription Diva lulia Augusta™. Here she is also 
wearing a diadem. Another good parallel as 
regards the hair-style is the portrait on the 
beautiful aquamarine in the Cabinet des Mi- 
dailies, Paris, which Furtwangler 15 identifies 
without reservation as Julia. 

If we turn from the coin-types to the sculptured 
portraits we can see, as I have already indicated, 
that there are no portraits either of Julia or 
Domitia which can be reliably identified by an 
inscription or by the find circumstances. Many 

11 H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the 
British Museum II, PI. 82: 3. 
w Mattingly, o. c. II, PI. 47: 16. 
l# Cf. Mattingly, o. c. II, PI. 53: 6— 8. 

14 Mattingly, o. c. II, PI. 67: 20. 
u Die antiken Gemmen, Taf. 48: 8. 


female portraits with the curly Flavian hair- 
style go under the name of Julia. There are many 
doubtful and clearly erroneous attributions. 
Since the time of Visconti and Bernoulli a head 
in the Ludovisi Collection in the Museo Nazio- 
nale in Rome 16 has usually been accepted as one 
of the most certain portraits of Julia. It has a 
young and full face with large eyes and a hair- 
style nearly related to certain portraits of Julia 
on the coins. Even the facial features correspond 
closely with the coin-types. But the head has 
no diadem, and one cannot consider the identi- 
fication to be certain, even if there is much to 
be said in its favour. At all events, it depicts 
quite a different person from the head in the 
Medelhavsmuseet. 

Also in the case of Domitia’s iconography we 
are again on unsure, although slightly firmer 
ground. At least, it seems to me as though the 
bust in the Louvre, which even Bernoulli 
adopted as a fairly reliable portrait of Domitia 17 , 
belongs to the more trustworthy attributions. 
The head has a diadem and the hair-style 
corresponds quite strikingly with that of the 


14 B. M. Felletti Maj, Museo Nazionale Romano, 
I Ritratti, N. 156. J. J. Bernoulli, Rdmische Ikono- 
graphie II: 2, pp. 47 f. 

17 Bernoulli, o. c., p. 65, Taf. XXI. M. Borda, Le 
famiglie imperial! da Galba a Commodo, Roma 1943, 
pp. 44 ff. R. West, Romische Portrat-Plastik, Munchen 
1941, pp. 33 ff. 



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Stockholm portrait. The nose is restored and 
will not be discussed, but characteristic features 
are the strong chin and the small mouth with 
thin, compressed lips, which reappear in the 
Stockholm portrait, too. The diadem is of 
course an important detail in this connection. 
A portrait in Copenhagen 18 , which also has a 
diadem and which previously went under the 
name of Julia, was published in the later, 
English edition of Frederik Poulsen’s catalogue 
as a portrait of Domitia. This head is certainly 
not a replica of the portrait in the Louvre but 
has very much in common with the Louvre head 
and with the coin-types both as regards coiffure 
and physiognomical details. I believe that the 
identification as Domitia is correct. We can, 
although with some hesitation, also include 
among the fairly reliable portraits of Domitia 
the head in the Sala delle Colombe in the 
Museo Capitolino 19 , where she is a little older, 
with a hair-style already showing a slight trend 
towards the Trajanic fashion. This portrait, too, 
has a diadem or stephane, a detail which I 
insist is an almost essential prerequisite for 
identification, when there is no other supporting 
evidence than a physiognomical similarity to the 
coin-types. 

To this group of tolerably certain portraits 
of Domitia cited here we can, without hesitation, 
refer our Stockholm portrait. It belongs to 
them not only because of the complicated hair- 
style and the diadem, but also because of the 
similarity, feature for feature: the almond- 
shaped eyes, the small mouth with compressed 
lips and the strong chin. And, to return to the 
coin-types, it is significant that our Stockholm 
head has so much of the nose preserved that 
one can clearly see that it was aquiline as on the 
portraits of Domitia on coins. The line of the 
ears also corresponds in a striking manner with 
the coin-types. The special shape of the bun on 

1# F. Poulsen, Catalogue of Ancient Sculpture in the 
Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 661, Billed tavler PI. LIV. 

1# H. Stuart Jones, The Sculptures of the Museo 
Capitolino, Sala delle Colombe 20, PI. 37. 

60 


our head, a large knot with a hollow in the 
middle, appears most clearly in the coin- 
portraits of Domitia, cf. figs. 3 and 5* The 
thick neck, as though swollen, also corresponds 
quite strikingly if one compares the profile in 
fig. 3 with the coin-portrait. It is a detail which 
should be noted, although one to which undue 
importance should not be attached. 

The conclusion is that our recently acquired 
female portrait is in all probability a portrait of 
the Empress Domitia. The other alternative, 
that it could represent Julia Titi, may be con- 
sidered unlikely on the grounds of the subject’s 
age alone. As stated, Julia died young at the 
age of twenty-six at the most, and our portrait 
does not seem to represent such a young woman. 
The impression of proud and conscious beauty 
which the portrait conveys is also consistent 
with the descriptions of Domitian’s wife Domitia 
Longina. 

The late antique head, figs. 6—7, MM 1959: 1 1, 
is of Italic marble, and has been broken off at 
the base of the neck. It is 28.5 cm. high and the 
face 20 cm. high. The tip of the nose has been 
broken off and there are as well some minor 
chips in the surface of the head. A piece of the 
right eyebrow has been restored with plaster. 

The portrait represents an elderly man with 
a mournful expression. His face is thin with 
strongly marked cheek-bones. His forehead is 
wrinkled and the eyes lie deep with very protrud- 
ing eye-balls. They are deeply sculptured above, 
the upper lids are large and heavy while the 
lower are thin and sensitively carved, as is also 
the swollen part below the eyes. The nose is 
straight, the mouth protrudes rather strongly 
with the lower lip pushed upwards and the 

*° For excellent casts of coins in the British Museum I 
thank Mr. R. A. G. Carson. Fig. 5 shows casts of the 
coins, Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire n, 
PI. 53: 6 (Julia) and 82: 3 (Domitia). 


Fig. 6. Roman male portrait , 3rd cent. A. D. 


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Fig. 7. Roman male portrait , 3rd cent. A .D. 


comers drooping. The hair covers the head like 
a hood, with a straight edge along the forehead 
and deep inlets at the temples, and continues in 
side-whiskers and beard which frame the face. 
The hair is executed with very short strokes or 
cuts and is besides very roughly done at the 
back. The side- whiskers and moustache are 
executed with longer strokes, the beard with 
shorter, but still with longer and deeper gashes 
than the hair. The beard on the jaw-bone is 
lined in a different direction — crossways to the 
direction of the side- whiskers. 

The very lifelike glance is directed forwards 
and to the right. The pupil is in the form of a 

62 


spherical depression which is slightly cut off by 
the eyelid. The iris is deeply incised. A striking 
detail are the deeply drilled holes by the tear- 
canals, which appear as an insignificant relict 
of the sculpture technique of a bygone epoch. 

The rapidly sketched, sensitive realism of this 
portrait and the strong spiritual expression show 
that it belongs to the third century and my 
thoughts went first to the middle of that century. 
The entirely graphical treatment of the hair is 
found in the portraits of Maximinus, Philippus 
Arabs and Decius, and the beard etched cross- 
wise to the direction of the whiskers is a charac- 
teristic feature of the period 235—250 A. D. and 


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I particularly evident on coin-types of 
liilippus 21 . Perhaps at first sight it may seem as 
hough the realism of our portrait places it 
ist in this short period when the realistic 
ortrait tradition of the late Republic, con- 
nuing as a strong undercurrent through the 
arious styles of the Empire, really attains its 
eak. But discussions in Rome with Hans Peter 
/Orange led me to a different conclusion. 

The portraits of Maximinus, Philippus and 
>ecius have a strong dynamic force, and even 
hough the spiritual aspect is greatly emphasized 
hey still retain a very intensive contact with 
heir surroundings owing to their glance or pose, 
ihe attempt to reproduce movement, in both 
he spiritual and the physical sense, is a very 
istinctive feature, which culminates in the 

a B. M. Felletti Maj, Iconografia Romana Imperiale 
b Severo Alessandro a M. Aurelio Carino, Tav. XXIII, 
2-73. 



g. 8 — 9. Portrait in Ostia , Museo. 


portrait of Decius. If we focus on these character- 
istics in the art of portraiture of the two hundred 
and forties A. D., our head appears much 
calmer and in a way rigid. The eyes under the 
heavy lids have already received something of 
that far-seeing look that belongs to a much later 
period. Our portrait has, as it were, advanced a 
step further on the way towards the portraiture 
of the tetrarchy and Constantine epoch. It should 
belong to the second half of the century. 

In his fundamental work on late antique 
portraiture H. P. L’Orange has brought together 
a group of portraits which stylistically should be 
placed between the “Gallienic Renaissance” 
and the tetrarchy 22 . They continue the tradition 
from the two hundred and forties A. D. but do 
not have the same richly differentiated organic 

M H. P. L’Orange, Studien zur Geschichte des spat- 
antiken Portrfits, pp. 35 ff. 



63 


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structure as the portraits of that period; instead 
they appear more compact and rigid, and to a 
much greater degree than before the whole 
expression is concentrated to the eyes. A feature 
typical of this time is the mouth with drooping 
corners, which greatly contributes to the 
sorrowful expression of the faces. A head in 
Ostia* 3 (figs. 8—9) and a recently published 
head in Zurich 34 , both of which are clear 
stylistic parallels to the head in Stockholm, may 
be mentioned as examples of this group. Com- 
pare with the Ostia head the treatment of the 
hair, the thick upper eyelids, the protruding 
mouth with drooping comers and a technical 
detail of great interest: the deep drill holes in 
the corners of the eyes, which are a character- 
istic feature of the whole of this group but 
which, on the other hand, do not seem to occur 
previously in this very unrelieved form. The 
treatment of the hair also coincides. In the 


** L’Orange, o. c., p. 36, No. 41, figs. 87 and 93. 
u H. Jucker, Zwei rdmische Bildniskdpfe aus der 
Wende zur Sp&tantike, Antike Kunst II, 1959, pp. 57 ff., 
Taf. 31, 32: 1-2. 


Ostia head it has in the main preserved the style 
of the two hundred and forties. 

The portraits from the second half of the 
third century A. D. cannot be linked to the 
coin-types with the same certainty as the earlier, 
and they therefore present quite difficult prob- 
lems of chronology. The group of portraits here 
in question has been assigned by L’Orange to 
the interval between two stylistic complexes, the 
Gallienic Hellenism or Renaissance, as it is 
often called, and the increasingly stereometric 
style of the tetrarchy, roughly about 270—285 
A. D. Within this period our head — which is 
undoubtedly a private portrait and not a 
portrait of an Emperor — should be dated 
early, since it comes so close to the art of 
portraiture of the two hundred and forties, 
thus to c. 270 A. D., rather a little before than 
after this date. For presumably the realism of 
the middle of the century survived side by side 
with the Gallienic Romantic Hellenism which 
is particularly evident in the portraits of the 
Emperor himself, just as earlier the realism of 
the late Republic lived on during the period of 
Augustan classicism. 


64 


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Price: 16 Sw. crowns. 


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SIS' 

THE MUSEUM OF MEDITERRANEAN AND NEAR EASTERN ANTIQUITIES 

MEDELHAVSMUSEET 

STAMFORD LIBRARY 

DEC 29 1964 

STAri "g j 


BULLETIN 

Number 2 1962 



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CONTENTS 


Dedication 3 

The Collection of Luristan Bronzes 

TURB J. ARNE 5 

Agyptische Siegelamulette 

STEN V. wAnOSTEDT 18 

A Latial Iron Age Tomb-Group 

pAr gOran gierow 32 

Sculptures in the Throne-Hoist Collection 

OLOF VESSBERG 39 


Editorial and Distribution Office: 

Medelhavsmuseet, Storgatan 41, Stockholm 0, Sweden. 


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The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities 

MEDELHAVSMUSEET 


BULLETIN 

Number 2 1962 


Published by The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities (Medelhavsmuseet) 


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Published with the aid of a grant from Humanistiska Forskningsr&det. 
© 1962 Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm. 

Stockholm 1962 

Victor Pettersons Bokindustri AB 


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To his Majesty King Gustaf VI Adolf, 
the Museums gracious patron, 
on account of his Jubilee in 1962. 


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The Collection of Luristan Bronzes 


PURE J. ARNE 


In 1925 the Russian professor M. Rostowzeff 
published a bronze statuette, which he assumed 
was from Cappadocia in Asia Minor. Some 
years later (about 1930) similar statuettes and 
other objects of bronze began to pour in to the 
antique dealers in Teheran, and it became 
clear that these bronzes had been found in 
rifled stone cists with skeletons in the Luristan 
area in western Iran, south of Hamadan and 
Nehavand. During my excavations at Shah 
Tepe in 1933 I was able to purchase in Teheran 
and Ispahan a number (200—300) of similar 
bronze objects, a collection that was later added 
to by His Royal Highness the Crown Prince, 
later His Majesty King Gustaf VI Adolf, when 
travelling in Iran in 1934. 

As the graves had not been scientifically 
excavated, little is known about the conditions 
in which the various bronzes (and perhaps 
pottery) were found together and the position 
they had in the grave. A small number of 
undamaged Luristan graves appear, however, 
to have been investigated by the eminent speci- 
alists on Iran Sir Aurel Stein and Dr. Erich 
Schmidt. 

A large number of bronzes from Luristan 
were acquired in the 1930’s by various impor- 
tant museums in Europe and America, chiefly 


through antique dealers in Paris. Those which 
found their way to the Museum of National 
Antiquities in Stockholm and were later trans- 
ferred to the Medelhavsmuseet were, however, 
with few exceptions, bought in Iran. When the 
grave robbers in Luristan noticed that the 
demand for bronzes was increasing in Teheran, 
the destruction of the graves also increased. 
About eighty ’’duplicates” were acquired by me 
for the prehistoric collections of Cambridge 
University. A few Persian bronzes were pur- 
chased direct from dealers in Sweden. 

In Teheran the principal dealers were Nejat 
Suleiman Rabbi and Ibrahim Chenassa, both 
exceedingly obliging. The former even lent a 
samovar and a floor-rug for me to use during 
my excavations out on the steppes. 

The bronze objects acquired may be grouped 
as follows: 

1) Human statuettes (male and female). 

2) Animal statuettes, either single, or double 
in heraldic position, or as bridle mounts or 
pendant ornaments. 

3) Weapons, as short swords (daggers), spear- 
heads, axes, shield-bosses, club-heads, ar- 
row-heads, bronze handles. 

4) Bridles and other horse trappings. 


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5 



Fig . 1. Gilgamesh statuettes. Slightly enlarged . 


6 


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Fig. 2. Two-horned figure. 1:1. 



5) Personal ornaments, as ear-rings, armlets 
and bracelets, bells and bronze clappers or 
pendants, ornamental pins, small bronze 
wheels, finger-rings, belts. 

6) Toilet accessories, as mirrors, pins. 

7) Bronze vessels. 

8) Bronze spits and other implements. 

Among the statuettes the so-called Gilgamesh 
statuettes hold a special place. They represent 
a man with a conical cap, who is grasping the 
necks of two serpents issuing from his waist. 
From the hips of his body issue two legs, some- 
times with tails. Why they have been named 
after the hero of the Babylonian Epic of Gil- 
gamesh, is difficult to say. It is beyond doubt, 
of course, that a Babylonian cultural influence 
had been operative among the equestrian peo- 
ple of Luristan. This is proved, for instance, 
by the cuneiform inscriptions occasionally seen 
on some of the bronze vessels. 

At least eight Gilgamesh statuettes were 
acquired. Among other human figures may be 
noted a tubular female figure with hands 
raised towards the breast, and a figurine in 
an awkward Chaplin posture. Rather curious 


Fig. 3. Human figurines. 1:1. 



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is a two-horned little imp” with a long nose, 
bulging eyes and arm-stumps. He was found 
with a whole lot of others. A female statuette 
has a centre horn with a loop on the back. 
Among the animal statuettes we observe a 
couple of quadrupeds (dogs?) with two heads 
facing in opposite directions and with a loop 
between them. Other animal statuettes show 


two confronted creatures in heraldic posture. 
Between them is fixed a hollow rod that was 
once mounted on a pin-like base. Among the 
weapons we notice a bronze dagger very similar 
to a gold dagger found in one of the graves 
of the kings at Ur in Mesopotamia. A usual 
type of bronze daggers— short bronze swords— 
exhibits a flat hilt with raised edges on both 




Fig. 4. Animal statuettes. 1:1. 


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Fig. 5. Animal group (ibexes). 1:1. 


sides for wood or bone insets. Furthest down 
these edges widen into curved rims. Such dag- 
gers are dated by means of cuneiform names 
or for other reasons to the fourteenth to twelfth 
centuries B. C. The handles are otherwise 
varied, especially in the case of the part en- 
closing the blade. Blades of bronze daggers are 
altogether very numerous in the collection. 

A dagger with a vertically pierced pommel 
probably enclosing an inlay of organic material, 
is interesting. 


Spear-heads occur with and without socket, 
also loose tubular sockets including one with a 
“Janus head”. 

The bronze axes are a chapter by themselves. 
The Museum has primitive flat axes. An axe 
of that kind has two protuberances at the 
middle (lugged axe). Then there are picks with 
shaft-hole. Some of the shaft-hole axes with an 
elongated socket are fairly plain. Other bronze 
axes have a slanting socket with grooves that 
are prolonged into three or four spike-like 


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Fig. 8 . Bridle . Slightly reduced. 


projections. A shaft-hole dagger axe is without 
an elongated socket but has double edges stand- 
ing at right angles to each other. 

Furthermore, we will here mention bronze 
plates of various kinds (up to 27.6 cm in dia- 
meter), probably mounts for shields, and also 
club-heads and club-handles. Some of the club- 
heads are tubular and spiked, others rounder. 

The bronze bridles are also interesting. They 
suggest that an equestrian people lived in 
Luristan. We have, unfortunately, no informa- 


tion about the presence of horse skeletons in 
the graves. A selection of Luristan bridles from 
different collections has been made by Hanns 
A. Potratz of Hanover in Prahistorische Zeit- 
schrift, Volume 1941—42. It is entitled “Die 
luristanischen Pferdegebisse”. The Medelhavs- 
museet has five specimens, unfortunately only 
of Potratz’ simplest types with a snaffle of the 
simplest model; the bridle thus consists of two 
linked bars, plain or twisted, with rings at the 
ends and cross-guards, sometimes furnished 


12 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


with loops. The more elaborate bridles have 
cheek-plaques in the shape of animal figures 
with a hole in the middle. We possess a couple 
of these in the form of horses and pigs. 

Among the personal adornments we note 
solid armlets and bracelets of sheet-bronze, 
neck-rings, finger-rings, ear-rings and pendant 
ornaments, belts and belt mounts, bronze 


wheels, and pins of various kinds. We have 
thick, solid bronze rings with ornaments (ankle- 
ring?, troth ring?), a neck-ring with coiled 
ends, an armlet of sheet-bronze with pierced 
ends, rolled spirals, armlets with finials of 
dogs’, horses’ or web-footed birds’ heads (as 
well as purely stylized heads), twisted armlets 
and also an armlet of iron, and a decorated 


Figs. 9— JO. Cheek-plaques of bridles. 1:1. 




13 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Fig. 11. Bells. 1:1. 


finger-ring of broad bronze band. The armlet 
of iron is likely to date from the time immedi- 
ately preceding the year 1000 B.C. 

Belonging to the personal adornments are 
also small figures of dogs with a loop on the 
back and ornamental pins with heads in the 
shape of ducks, poppy-like fruits, round discs, 
etc. 

The ring-shaped ear-rings are sometimes 
decorated with knobs. 

The personal adornments also include the 


open-work bells furnished with loops and the 
small bronze wheels with up to eight spokes. 

Finger-rings were also made of bone. The 
club-heads were made both of bronze and 
alabaster. 

A group of bottle-shaped bronzes with a long 
neck are assumed to have served as bases or 
stands for Gilgamesh statuettes. 

Our collection further comprises about thirty 
vessels of sheet-bronze. Three of these are 
characterized by a long lip extending from the 


14 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Fig. 14. Bracelet with finials of birds. Diam . 6.3 cm, 


Digitized by 



mouth. One of them (from Khakavand) is 
decorated besides with a ring of convex bubbles 
around a projecting breast below the lip. In 
addition, there are half a dozen hemispherical 
bronze bowls and related bronze pans with 
handles. Some are decorated. Notable are 
“cylindrical” drinking-vessels with concave 
walls and sometimes a handle. A cup with 
pointed bottom and handle at mouth is less 
usual Some of the vases have a projecting 
sharp rim and above it a cylindrical neck; 
others are divided at the middle by raised lines, 
which separate body and neck. 

Some of the bowls are, as mentioned, orna- 
mented. It sometimes happens in Iran that ge- 
nuine bronze vessels are supplied by the antique 
dealers with figures to make them more 
desirable. It is annoying when these figures are 
taken from an art 2,500 years later. 

Forms resembling those of the bronze vases 
occur at the same time also in clay. 

In the case of the Luristan bronzes agreement 


Bibliography 

T. J. Arne, Luristan and the West. Eurasia Sep- 
tentrionalis Antiqua, Vol. 9 (1934). 

- Speglar fr&n Luristan. Kulturhistoriska studier 
tUlagnade Nils Aberg. Stockholm 1938. 

- Keulenkopfe, Szepter und Handgriffe von Luris- 
tan. Prussia, Band 33, Heft 1—2. Konigsberg 
1939. 

~ Klappem und Schellen aus Luristan. Serta 
Hoffilleriana. Zagreb 1940. 

- Luristanbronsema. Fomiransk kultur, Riksantik- 
varieambetets och Statens hist, museums utstall- 
ningar nr 2, (Stockholm) 1940. 

Bronzen uit Loeristan, Collectie E. Graeffe. Ge- 
meentemuseum, ’S-Gravenhage 1954. 

A. Godard, Les bronzes du Luristan. Ars Asiatica, 
Vol. XVII, 1931. 

F. HanCar, Kaukasus-Luristan. Eurasia Septen- 
trionalis Antiqua, Vol. 9 (1934). 


has not yet been reached as regards either the 
people to which they belonged or their chrono- 
logy. The influences from Mesopotamia are 
obvious from the middle of the third millenium 
B.C., and armlets with animal head finials cor- 
respond with gold rings from Darius’ time, c. 
500 B.C. The beautiful bronze swords, or 
daggers, here mentioned, may, it seems, be 
traced back to c. 1400—1200 B.C. Thus the 
Luristan bronzes extend over two millenia and 
show connections with Mesopotamia, Syria, 
Asia Minor, the Caucasus region, south-eastern, 
central and even northern Europe, and perhaps 
a link with Far Eastern forms, too. There is 
doubt as to which people was the bearer of 
this culture in the Luristan region. The Indo- 
European Kassites have been suggested. It was 
they who descended from their habitations in 
the Zagros mountains in the middle of the 
1700’s B.C. and later conquered Babylon, where 
a Kassite dynasty was founded which lasted 
until 1185 B.C. 


L. Legrain, Luristan Bronzes in the University 
Museum. Philadelphia 1934. 

A. Moortgat, Bronzegerat aus Luristan. Berlin 
1932. 

H. A. Potratz, Die Luristanbronzen des Staat- 
lichen Museums fur Vor- und Friihgeschichte 
zu Berlin. Prahistorische Zeitschrift, Vol. XXX— 
XXXI 1939-1940. 

— Die luristanischen Pferdegebisse. Prahistorische 
Zeitschrift, Vol. XXXII- XXXIII 1941-1942. 

Claude F. A. Schaeffer, Stratigraphie Comparee 
et Chronologie de l’Asie Occidentale. London 
1948. (Specially Figs. 263—268.) 

L. Speleers, Nos bronzes perses. Bulletin des 
Mus6es Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire. Bruxelles 
1931. 

L. Vanden Berghe, Archeologie de l’lran ancien. 
Documenta et monumenta Orientis antiqui, 
Vol. 6. Leiden 1959. 


Digitized by LjOOQle 


17 



Agyptische Siegelamulette 

STEN V. WANGSTEDT 


Die gegen vierhundertfunfzig altagyptischen 
Siegel und Siegelamulette, die im Besitze des 
Mittelmeermuseums sind, und von denen hier 
achtzig veroffentlicht werden, haben zum iiber- 
wiegenden Teil der Sammlung des englischen 
Obersten Gayer-Anderson Pascha angehort. 
FUr diesen nicht nur zahlenmassig sondern auch 
vom kulturgeschichtlichen Gesichtspunkt her 
bedeutenden Erwerb, ist das Museum vor allem 
dem neulich verstorbenen Herbert Rettig zu 
grossem Dank verpflichtet. Wertvolle Zuschiisse 
sind der Sammlung ferner durch die schwe- 
dischen Grabungen in Abu Ghalib 1932/34 
und 1936/37 zugefuhrt worden sowie durch 
die Stiftung von S. Bredberg im Jahre 1951. 

Bisher sind nur die Abu Ghalib-Funde des 
Mittelmeermuseums publiziert worden 1 . 

Von den hier vorgelegten Siegelamuletten, 
die hauptsachlich aus der 6. Dynastie bis zum 
Anfang des Neuen Reiches datieren, sind etwa 
die Halfte Knopfsiegel, die iibrigen — bis auf 
einige sog. „mid-pieces”, d. h. an Halsketten als 
Amulette getragene Schmuckstiicke — sind 


1 Larsen, Vorbericht iiber die Schwedischen Gra- 

bungen in Abu Ghalib 1932/34 (MDAIK 6, 1935, 
S. 61 ff.) ; Vorbericht ... Abu Ghalib 1936 37 
(MDAIK 10, 1941, S. 14 ff.). 


Skarabaen oder Sonderformen des Skarabaus, 
als Skaraboid, Cowroid und Plaque bezeich- 
net 2 . 

Die Siegelamulette sind vorzugsweise aus 
Steatit und glasiertem gebranntem Ton, einige 
Knopfsiegel ausserdem aus Serpentin. In verein- 
zelten Fallen sind Stoffe wie Elfenbein, Kar- 
neol, Feldspat, Lapislazuli, Amethyst und Jaspis 
als Material verwendet worden. 

Das aus dem Mittelmeerkreis stammende 
Knopfsiegel, dessen Bliitezeit in Agypten in die 
spatere Halfte des Alten Reiches und in die 1. 
Zwischenzeit fiel, ist — wie auch aus der Form 
hervorgeht — als Siegel beabsichtigt gewesen. 
Der haufig wenig zweckmassige Griff deutet 
aber darauf hin, dass es vor allem als Amulett 
gedient hat. Der Griff ist durchbohrt und das 
Siegel wurde entweder als Zentralperle an einer 
Halskette oder allein auf eine Schnur aufge- 
zogen getragen. 

Die Siegelplatte ist meistens kreisformig. 
Knopfsiegel mit viereckiger Platte kommen 
auch vor, obwohl in bescheidenem Umfang. 
Die Oberseite (der Griff) ist auch verschieden 
ausgestaltet. Viele Knopfsiegel haben halbkreis- 

2 Vgl. Hall, Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs, Etc. 
in the British Museum. London 1913, S. XIV. 


18 


Digitized by LjOOQle 



fonnigen Griff, andere giebel- oder halboval- 
formigen. Auf einigen Siegeln hat der Griff die 
Gestalt eines Menschen- oder eines Tierkor- 
pers 3 . 

Die Darstellung der Siegelflache ist fast aus- 
nahmslos stark stilisiert. Haufig vorkommende 
Motive sind menschliche Figuren oder Tiere 
verschiedener Art. Von den letzterwahnten 
scheint dabei die Eidechse ein beliebtes Motiv 
gewesen zu sein. Unter den wiedergegebenen 
Kreuzmotiven ist vor allem die Swastika von 
besonderem Interesse; aller Wahrscheinlichkeit 
nach ist dies Motiv von asiatischen Einwande- 
rem nach Agypten eingefuhrt worden 4 . Mehrere 
Knopfsiegel tragen nichtidentifizierbare Dar- 
stellungen. 

Eine zeitlich genaue Bestimmung lasst sich 
wegen des Mangels an unmittelbaren Prove- 
nienzangaben hier nicht durchfiihren, was auch 
fiir die Skarabaen gilt. Die Datierung muss sich 
deswegen auf andere Indizien stiitzen, in erster 
Linie auf die aussere Form des Siegelamuletts 
und auf das Motiv, das bisweilen nur wahrend 
einer mehr oder weniger begrenzten Zeitperiode 
auftritt. Zu der letzten Gruppe gehort u. a. das 
Knopfsiegel mit Griff in Gestalt eines Frosches, 
eine Form, die nur in der 7. Dynastie vor- 
kommt 5 . Zeitlich begrenzte Motive sind z. B. 
der Hase und die Eidechse sowie der Pavian 
und der stilisierte Kafer, welche mit der 6. 
bzw. der 7. Dynastie aufhoren 5 . Das „mid- 
piece” hingegen, dessen Herstellung in der 9. 
Dynastie anfangt, dauert bis an das Ende des 
Mittleren Reiches, mit Seilschleifenmuster von 
der 12. Dynastie an 5 . 

Mit dem Ausgang der 1. Zwischenzeit ver- 
schwindet das Knopfsiegel, um durch den 
Skarabaus und seine Sonderformen ersetzt zu 
werden. Schon am Ende des Alten Reiches tritt 
der Skarabaus auf, aber der nicht gravierten 

a Nr. 18, Isis mit dem Horuskind; Nr. 14 u. 20, 
Frosch; Nr. 8, 24 u. 34, Nilpferd(?). Fiir andere For- 
msn vgl. PBDS, PI. 1. 

4 Vgl. Nr. 32, Anm. 

5 VgJ. PBDS. 


Unterseite nach zu schliessen, ist er anfanglich 
nur als Amulett verwendet worden. Er sollte 
spater die Funktion des Knopfsiegels iiber- 
nehmen, wobei die Unterseite (Siegelflache) mit 
Verzierungen und Inschriften versehen wurde. 

Wie das Knopfsiegel weist der Skarabaus fast 
ausnahmslos eine Durchbohrung auf und wurde 
entweder an einer Halskette getragen oder in 
einen Fingerring gefasst. 

Zu allgemeinerer Anwendung gelangte er erst 
in der spateren Halfte des Mittleren Reiches, 
als auch seine Sonderformen — bis auf den 
Cowroid, der schon in der 10. Dynastie her- 
gestellt wurde 6 — zum ersten Male auftreten 7 . 
Das skarabaenformige Siegelamulett, das zuerst 
eine sorgfaltige Nachahmung seines lebenden 
Vorbildes war, erhielt in der 12. Dynastie eine 
schematisierte Form — eine Erscheinung, die 
auch wahrend der 2. Zwischenzeit fortdauerte 8 . 

Die Siegelflache zeigt haufig ein aus Spiralen 
oder Schlingen zusammengesetztes Muster, das 
entweder die ganze Flache deckt 9 oder als Borte 
einzelne Hieroglyphenzeichen oder Inskrip- 
tionen umrahmt 10 . Das Spiralmuster, am 
Anfang des Mittleren Reiches aus der agaischen 
Inselwelt nach Agypten gekommen, und das 
spater auftretende Seilschleifenmuster 11 , deren 
Bliitezeit in die 12. Dynastie und die 2. Zwisch- 
enzeit fiel, weisen in Bezug auf die Komposi- 
tion eine Fiille von verschiedenartigen Formen 
auf 12 . Im allgemeinen ist die Gravierung sorg- 
faltig ausgefiihrt, vor allem aber weisen die 
Siegelamulette der 12. und der 13. Dynastien 
meisterhaft geschnittene Muster auf. Das 
Pflanzenmuster, vorzugsweise mit dem Lotus 
als Hauptmotiv, ist bis in die 18. Dynastie 

6 Vgl. PBDS, S. 9. 

7 Das „mid-piece’\ das auf die 9. Dynastie zuriick- 
geht, hort in derselben Zeit auf. 

8 Zu den verschiedenen Formen vgl. Hall, a. a. O., 
S. XXX ff. 

0 Nr. 44, 46-54. 

10 Nr. 45, 55 bzw. Nr. 42, 43. Die letzteren gehoren 
den sog. c /ir c -Typ an (vgl. Stock, Agyptologische 
Forschungen 12, 1955, S. 23 f.). 

11 Nr. 37. 

12 Vgl. PBDS, PI. 7, 8. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


19 



hinein sehr geschatzt gewesen und erscheint in 
zahlreichen Variationen, bisweilen in Verbin- 
dung mit Hieroglyphenzeichen 18 . Skarabaen mit 
Tierdarstellungen sind auch haufig. Dieses 
Motiv ist vor allem in der 2. Zwischenzeit in 
Mode gewesen, u. a. mit Tieren, wie dem 
Lowen, dem Krokodil, der Gazelle und dem 
Uraus als beliebte Objekte. Sie sind — manch- 
mal in tadelloser Ausfiihrung — allein oder 
paarweise dargestellt. Der Lowe erscheint oft 
mit dem Uraus, der letztere (als Zentralfigur) 
mit hieroglyphischen Zeichen 14 . Auf Skarabaen 
mit zwei Tieren sind diese, wenn es sich um 
dasselbe Tier handelt, symmetrisch abgebildet, 
umgekehrt einander gegeniibergestellt 15 . 

Ober die Herkunft der hier vorgelegten Sie- 
gelamulette ist wenig bekannt. Nur in vereinzel- 
ten Fallen ist der Erwerbsort von dem friiheren 
Besitzer mitgeteilt worden, haufig aber hat er 
sich fur eine ganze Gruppe damit begniigt, 
mehrere Orte anzugeben, ohne die verschie- 
denen Erwerbungen zu spezifizieren. 

1. Siegelamulett aus Elfenbein. Griff wegge- 
brochen. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14949. 

Grosse: D. 21 mm.; H. 4 mm. 

Siegelflache: menschliche Figur mit iiber den 
Kopf gebogenen Armen und stark aufgezogenen 
Beinen 16 . 

Altes Reich. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 11, Nr. 56-58. 

2. Siegelamulett aus griinlichgrauem Serpentin, 
mit halbovalformigem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14576. 

Grosse: D. 19 mm.; H. 9 mm. 

Siegelflache: stehende menschliche Figur, mit 
nach unten gestreckten Armen. 

1. Zwischenzeit. 

,s Nr. 56-61, 63, 65 bzw. Nr. 66, 67. 

Nr. 68, 69 bzw. Nr. 79. 

15 Nr. 75, 76. 

18 Nach Petrie moglicherweise eine Wiedergabe des 
Hathorkopfes; die urspriingliche Form ist falsch ver- 
standen (PBDS, S. 5). 


3. Siegelamulett aus Kameol, mit halbkreisfor- 
migem Griff. Ein Teil der Siegelplatte wegge- 
brochen. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14577. 

Grosse: D. 16 mm.; H. 9 mm. 

Nur der obere Teil der DarsteUung der Siegel- 
flache — wahrscheinlich eine menschliche Figur 
— ist erhalten. 

1. Zwischenzeit. 

4 . Siegelamulett aus hellgninem Serpentin, mit 
halbkreisformigem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14559. 

Grosse: D. 9 mm.; H. 5 mm. 

Siegelflache: liegender Hase. 

Wahrscheinlich 6. Dynastie. 

5. Siegelamulett aus gelblichgrauem, glasiertem 
Steatit, mit wagerechtem, durch zwei parallele 
Rillen in Sektionen aufgeteiltem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14632. 

Grosse: D. 14 mm.; H. 7 mm. 

Siegelflache: stilisierte Biene. 

1. Zwischenzeit. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 1, Nr. 21-24, 26. 

6. Siegelamulett aus gelblichgrauem, glasiertem 
Steatit, mit halbkreisformigem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14624. 

Grosse: D. 15 mm.; H. 7 mm. 

Siegelflache: stilisierte Biene. 

1. Zwischenzeit. 

7. Siegelamulett aus gelblichgrauem Steatit, mit 
giebelformigen Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14580. 

Grosse: D. 18 mm.; H. 6 mm. 

Auf der Siegelflache ein Kriechtier — mog- 
licherweise eine Eidechse. 

Wahrscheinlich 6. Dynastie. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 3, Nr. 164; PI. 6, Nr. 104 A. 

8. Siegelamulett aus hellgriin glasiertem ge- 
branntem Ton, mit Griff in Gestalt eines 
Nilpferdes(?). 


20 


Digitized by kjOOQle 



Abb. 1 . Siegelamulette. Siegel flache. Nr. 1, 7, 16, 
21, 32, 36, 37, 42, 45, 49, 54, 55, 57, 72, 73, 75, 80. 


Abb. 2. Siegelamulette. Riickseite. Cowroid und 
Skarabaen. Nr. 42 ( Skarabaus ), 49 (Cowroid), 57, 
74, 75, 80 (Skarabaen). 



Inv. Nr. MM 14582. 

Grosse: D. 13 mm.; H. 7 mm. 

Siegelflache: stilisierte Eidechse. 

Wahrscheinlich 6. Dynastie. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 3, Nr. 172. 

9. Siegelamulett aus grim glasiertem gebrann- 
tem Ton, mit giebelformigem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14566. 

Grosse: D. 15 mm.; H. 7 mm. 

Siegelflache: stilisierte Eidechse zwischen zwei 
gebogenen Ritzen. 

Wahrscheinlich 6. Dynastie. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 3, Nr. 171. 

10. Siegelamulett aus griinbraun glasiertem ge- 
branntem Ton, mit halbkreisformigem Griff. 
Inv. Nr. MM 14641. 

Grosse: D. 17 mm.; H. 9 mm. 

Siegelflache: Skarab*aus(?). 

6. oder 7. Dynastie. 


Digitized by 


21 


11. Siegelamulett aus griinlichbraun glasiertem 
gebranntem Ton, mit halbkreisformigem Griff. 
Inv. Nr. MM 14584. 

Grosse: D. 16 mm.; H. 8 mm. 

Auf der Siegelflache ein nachlassig dargestellter 
stilisierter Skarabaus(?). 

7. Dynastie(?). 

12. Siegelamulett aus schwarzbraunem Serpen- 
tin. Griff weggebrochen. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14637. 

Grosse: D. 20 mm.; H. 5 mm. 

Auf der an drei Stellen durchbohrten Siegel- 
platte eine Eidechse(?) in stilisierter Darstell- 
ung. 

Wahrscheinlich 6. Dynastie. 

In Edfu gekauft. 

13. Siegelamulett aus graubraunem Steatit, mit 
schwach gerundetem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14650. 

Grosse: 15X13X8 mm. 

Auf der fast quadratischen Siegelplatte ein 
stilisiertes Kerbtier oder Eidechse. 
Wahrscheinlich 6. Dynastie. 

14. Siegelamulett aus gelblichbraunem Steatit, 
mit Griff in Gestalt eines Frosches. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14627. 

Grosse: 16X14X10 mm. 

Auf der ovalen Siegelplatte ein stilisiertes 
Kerbtier(?). 

1. Zwischenzeit (7. Dynastie). 

15. Siegelamulett aus gelblichgrauem Steatit, in 
zwei Stiicke zerbrochen, mit zum Teil bescha- 
digtem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14647. 

Grosse: D. 18 mm.; H. 7 mm. 

Siegelflache: Kerbtier(?). 

Wahrscheinlich 1. Zwischenzeit. 

16. Siegelamulett aus grauschwarzem Steatit, 
mit halbkreisformigem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14569. 


Grosse: D. 17 mm.; H. 8 mm. 

Siegelflache: stilisiertes Kerbtier(?). 
Wahrscheinlich 1. Zwischenzeit. 

17. Siegelamulett aus schwarzem Serpentin, mit 
giebelformigem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14644. 

Grosse: D. 14 mm.; H. 7 mm. 

Auf der Siegelflache Eidechse und Skorpion in 
stilisierter Darstellung. 

Wahrscheinlich 6. Dynastie. 

18 . Siegelamulett aus grauweissem Steatit, mit 
Griff in Gestalt der Gottin Isis mit dem Horus- 
kind 17 . 

Inv. Nr. MM 14941. 

Grosse: 15X16X27 mm. 

Auf der halbovalformigen Siegelplatte dieselbe 
Darstellung wie auf Nr. 17. 

Wahrscheinlich 6. Dynastie. 

In Assuan gekauft. 

19 . Siegelamulett aus schwarzbraun glasiertem 
gebranntem Ton, mit schwach gerundetem 
Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14649. 

Grosse: D. 14 mm.; H. 7 mm. 

Siegelflache: stark stilisierte Darstellung eines 
liber einem Gefangenen(?) liegenden Lowen(?). 
1. Zwischenzeit. 

Vgl. PBDS, S. 5, PI. 2, Nr. M 78, M 100. 

20. Siegelamulett aus weisslichgrauem Steatit, 
mit Griff in Gestalt eines Frosches. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14599. 

Grosse: D. 17 mm.; H. 9 mm. 

Siegelflache: stark stilisierter Vogel(?) 18 . 

1 . Zwischenzeit (7. Dynastie). 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 1, Nr. 25, 26. 


17 Vgl. PBDS, S. 3, PI. 1: A 1. Oder handelt es sich 
vielleicht um eine profane Darstellung dieses Motivs? 
(Vgl. Egyptian Art in the Brooklyn Museum Collec- 
tion, 1952, Fig. 28.) 

Oder eine Biene? 


22 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



21. Siegelamulett aus griinlichem Feldspat, mit 
giebelformigem oben gerundetem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14596. 

Grosse: D. 17 mm.; H. 10 mm. 

Siegelflache: Vogel mit erhobenen Fliigeln. 

1. Zwischenzeit. 

In Luxor gekauft. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 5, Nr. 305. 

22. Siegelamulett aus schwarzem Steatit, mit 
halbovalformigem Griff. Die Durchbohrung 
beschadigt. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14950. 

Grosse: D. 17 mm.; H. 6 mm. 

Siegelflache: laufender Vogel mit erhobenen 
Fliigeln. 

1. Zwischenzeit. 

23. Siegelamulett aus grim glasiertem gebrann- 
tem Ton, mit halbkreisformigem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14579. 

Grosse: D. 15 mm.; H. 8 mm. 

Siegelflache: nicht identifizierbare Darstellung. 
1. Zwischenzeit. 

24. Siegelamulett aus griin glasiertem gebrann- 
tem Ton, mit Griff in Gestalt eines Nilpferdes. 
Inv. Nr. MM 14572. 

Grosse: D. 18 mm.; H. 10 mm. 

Siegelflache: nicht identifizierbare Darstellung. 
1. Zwischenzeit. 

25. Siegelamulett aus griin glasiertem gebrann- 
tem Ton, mit halbkreisformigem Griff. Ein Teil 
der Siegelplatte weggebrochen. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14571. 

Grosse: D. 16 mm.; H. 9 mm. 

Siegelflache: nicht identifizierbare Darstellung. 
1. Zwischenzeit. 

26. Siegelamulett aus schwarzem Serpentin, mit 
giebelformigem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14574. 

Grosse: D. 15 mm.; H. 8 mm. 

Siegelflache: Tier (das Set-Tier?) in stilisierter 


Darstellung. 

1. Zwischenzeit. 

Vgl. PBDS, S. 5, PI. 2, Nr. 125, 126. 

27 . Siegelamulett aus schwarzbraunem Steatit. 
Griff weggebrochen. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14948. 

Grosse: D. 16 mm.; H. 5 mm. 

Siegelflache: nicht identifizierbare Darstellung. 
1. Zwischenzeit. 

28 . Siegelamulett aus griinlichbraun glasiertem 
gebranntem Ton, mit halbkreisformigem Griff. 
Inv. Nr. MM 14558. 

Grosse: D. 17 mm.; H. 9 mm. 

Siegelflache: nicht identifizierbare Darstellung. 
1. Zwischenzeit. 

29 . Siegelamulett aus weisslichgrauem Steatit, 
mit giebelformigem Griff. Am Rande der Siegel- 
platte eine Beschadigung. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14573. 

Grosse: D. 12 mm.; H. 6 mm. 

Siegelflache: spiralahnliches Muster 19 . 

1. Zwischenzeit. 

30. Siegelamulett aus gelblichgrau glasiertem 
Steatit, mit halbkreisformigem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14621. 

Gr5sse: D. 12 mm.; H. 6 mm. 

Siegelflache: geometrische Darstellung in Gestalt 
eines Kreuzes mit in den Quadranten einge- 
schriebenen Winkeln. 

1. Zwischenzeit. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 5, Nr. 339. 

31. Siegelamulett aus gelblichgrau glasiertem 
Steatit, mit halbkreisformigem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14625. 

Grosse: D. 12 mm.; H. 6 mm. 

Siegelflache: dasselbe Muster wie auf Nr. 29. 

1. Zwischenzeit. 


18 Moglicherweise eine sich ringelnde Schlange. 


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32 . Siegelamulett aus gelblichgrau glasiertem 
Steatit, mit halbkreisformigem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14561. 

Grosser D. 14 mm.; H. 8 mm. 

Siegelflache: Swastika 20 . 

1. Zwischenzeit. 

33 . Siegelamulett aus grauem Steatit, mit ge- 
rundetem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14568. 

Grosser D. 20 mm.; H. 10 mm. 

Siegelflache: sternahnliches Kerbenmuster. 

1. Zwischenzeit. 

34 . Siegelamulett aus schwarzbraunem Serpen- 
tin, mit Griff in Gestalt eines Nilpferdes(?). 
Inv. Nr. MM 14648. 

Grosser 17 X 14X 10 mm. 

Auf der ovalen Siegelflache ein unregelmassiges 
Rautenmuster. 

1. Zwischenzeit. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 5, Nr. 390. 

35 . Siegelamulett aus weissgrauem Steatit, mit 
halbovalformigem Griff. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14549. 

Grosser 22 X 14 X 16 mm. 

Auf der ovalen Siegelflache ein unregelmassiges 
Rautenmuster. 

1. Zwischenzeit. 

36 . Siegelamulett aus braunlichem Serpentin, in 
Gestalt eines Prismas mit schragen schwach 
gerundeten Kurzseiten. Die Durchbohrung 
beschadigt. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14645. 

Grosser 16X12X7 mm. 

Siegelflacher gehender Pavian (?). 

6. Oder 7. Dynastie. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 2, Nr. 90. 

37 . Kugelabschnittformiges Siegelamulett aus 


20 Zu diesem Motiv vgl. PBDS, S. 3, PI. 3. 


gelblichgrauem Steatit. Ohne Durchbohrung. 
Inv. Nr. MM 14947. 

Grosser D. 20 mm.; H. 12 mm. 

Auf der Siegelflache ein c nA-Zeichen, voneine 
in Schleifen gelegten, verknotenen Seil eir 
gerahmt. Rechts und links eine Seilschleife m 
gebogenen Enden. 

12. oder 13. Dynastie. 

In Luxor gekauft. 

38 . Ellipsoidalabschnittformiges Siegelamule 
aus gelblichem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11372. 

Grosser 17X14X6 mm. 

Siegelflacher Kreuzmuster, mit Speichen i 
Gestalt der Papyrussaule, von Kreisen, bzv 
Lotusknospen flankiert. 

Mittleres Reich. 

39 . Kugelabschnittformiges Siegelamulett au 
griinlichblau glasiertem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11376. 

Grosser D. 10 mm.; H. 4 mm. 

Siegelflacher Papyruspflanze(?), iiber dieser eii 
nb - Zeichen und Sonnenscheibe. 

Anfang 18. Dynastie? 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 18, Nr. 1357; NS, PI. 41 
Nr. 36; NSS, PI. 10. 

40. Ellipsoidalabschnittformiges Siegelamuleti 
aus gelblichweissem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11366. 

Grosser 18X15X6 mm. 

Siegelflache: Spiralmuster, von Lotus umrahmt. 
Wahrscheinlich 12. Dynastie. 

41. Ellipsoidalabschnittformiges Siegelamulett 
aus gelblichgrauem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14942. 

Grosser 20 X 18X7 mm. 

Siegelflacher zwei Bienen, als Ausfullungsdeko- 
ration zu dritt verkettete Kreise. 

Mittleres Reich. 

In Luxor gekauft. 


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42. Skarabaus aus gelblichgrauem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11277. 

Grosser 26X19X13 mm. 

Siegelflache: Ovale mit Hieroglypheninskription 
von Spiralborte eingerahmt 21 . 

2. Zwischenzeit. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 9, Nr. 344; NS, PI. 24, Nr. 19; 
WSB, PI. 11, Nr. 433. 

43. Skarabaus aus gelblichgrauem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11340. 

Grosser 17X12X7 mm. 

Siegelflache: Ovale mit Hieroglypheninskrip- 
tion, von Zickzacklinien flankiert 22 . 

Neues Reich oder spater. 

44. Skarabaus aus Lapislazuli. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11267. 

Grosser 22X15X11 mm. 

Siegelflacher nachlassig graviertes Muster aus 
ovalen Spiralen. 

Mittleres Reich. 

45. Skarabaus aus gelblichgrauem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11324. 

Grosser 28X20X12 mm. 

Auf der Siegelflache ein c nh- (t) und ein n/r- 
Zeichen (i), von einer Borte aus verketteten 
ovalen Spiralen eingerahmt. 

Mittleres Reich. 

Vgl. NSS, PI. 11, Nr. 36465. 

46. Skarabaus aus gelblichgriin glasiertem 
Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11325. 

Grosser 27X18X11 mm. 

Siegelflacher Muster, aus verketteten, biigel- 
formigen Schlingen zusammengesetzt. 

Mittleres Reich. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 7, Nr. 86; NS, PI. 18, Nr. 24. 


n Vgl. Petrie, Ancient Egypt, 1916, S. 23. 
B Vgl. Nr. 42, Anm. 


47 . Skarabaus aus urspriinglich blaugrtin gla- 
siertem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 13897. 

Grosser 18X12X8 mm. 

Siegelflacher Muster, aus S-formigen ver- 
ketteten Spiralen zusammengesetzt. 

12. Dynastie oder 2. Zwischenzeit. 

Vgl. NSS, PI. 13, Nr. 36551. 

48 . Skarabaus aus blauglasiertem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14269. 

Grosser 14X10X6 mm. 

Auf der Siegelflache ein aus S-formigen, schrag- 
gestellten verketteten Spiralen zusammenge- 
setztes Muster, die Endspiralen mit Lotusbliiten 
abgeschlossen. 

2. Zwischenzeit. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 7, Nr. 49. 

49 . Cowroid aus grauweissem Steatit, mit 
einem zwei Lotusbliiten enthaltenden Muster 
auf der konvexen Seite. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14945. 

Grosser 24X20X8 mm. 

Siegelflacher Muster aus verketteten S-formigen 
Spiralen, mit zwei Lotusbliiten. 

Mittleres Reich. 

In Edfu gekauft. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 16, Nr. 1088 (ohne Lotus). 

50 . Skaraboid aus braunglasiertem Steatit, mit 
der konvexen Seite in Gestalt des Gesichts 
eines Asiaten in Rechtsprofil. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11315. 

Grosser 15X12X7 mm. 

Siegelflacher Seilschleifenmuster zwischen 
biigelformigen Schlingen. 

Mittleres Reich(?). 

51 . Skarabaus aus Amethyst. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11268. 

Grosser 16X12X9 mm. 

Siegelflacher Muster aus biigel- und S-formigen 
Schlingen. 

Mittleres Reich. 


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52. Skarabaus aus hellblau glasiertem Steatit. 
Inv. Nr. MM 14249. 

Grosse: 10X7X5 mm. 

Siegelflache: Muster aus senkrecht gestellten, 
verketteten Spiralen nebst zwei Lotusbliiten. 

2. Zwischenzeit. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 7, Nr. 103, 104 (ohne Lotus); 
NSS, PI. 13, Nr. 36548 (ohne Lotus). 

53. Skarabaus aus blauglasiertem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11285. 

Grosse: 16X10X7 mm. 

Siegelflache: gleichmassiges Muster aus wage- 
recht gegeneinander gestellten Osen. 

Mittleres Reich oder 2. Zwischenzeit. 

54. Skarabaus aus blauglasiertem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11282. 

Grosse: 18X11X7 mm. 

Auf der Siegelflache ein aus verketteten Seil- 
schleifen und biigelformigen, verketteten Schlin- 
gen zusammengesetztes Muster, mit zwei in 


der Biigelkomposition durch eine diagonal 
laufende S-formige Schlinge getrennten nb- 
Zeichen. 

Mittleres Reich oder 2. Zwischenzeit 
Vgl. PBDS, PI. 16, Nr. 1150. 

55. Skarabaus aus graulichblau glasiertem 
Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14271. 

Grosse: 13X9X6 mm. 

Auf der Siegelflache, von einer Borte aus ver- 
ketteten Kreisen mit eingeschriebenen Tupfen 
eingerahmt, die Inskription R e nfr. 

2. Zwischenzeit. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 9, Nr. 329, 333; PS, PI. 20, 
y, z, aa; WSB, PI. 11, Nr. 40. 

56. Skarabaus aus blauglasiertem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11283. 

Grosse: 15X10X7 mm. 

Siegelflache: Seilschleifenmuster mit zwei ge- 
geniiberliegenden Lotusbliiten. 

Mittleres Reich oder 2. Zwischenzeit. 



Abb. 5. Siegelamulette. Ruckseiten verschiedener Form. Nr. 77 (Skaraboid), 14 (Knopf- 
siegel), 58 ( Skaraboid ), 18, 19, 5, 4, 26, 24 (Knopfsiegel), 65 (Cowroid), 50 (Skaraboid), 
10 (Knopfsiegel). 


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57. Skarabaus aus gelblichgrauem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11328. 

Grosse: 15X11X7 mm. 

Siegelflache: Lotusbliite, von S-formigen Spira- 
len flankiert. 

Mittleres Reich? 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 10, Nr. 412. 

58. Skaraboid aus urspriinglich griin glasiertem 
Steatit, mit der konvexen Seite in Gestalt einer 
schlafenden Gans 28 . 

Inv. Nr. MM 14562. 

Grosse: 15X10X10 mm. 

Siegelflache: Kartusche mit Lotusbliite und 
Knospen. 

18. Dynastie. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 10, Nr. 416; NS, PI. 42, Nr. 15; 
NSS, PI. 12, Nr. 37169, 37145; WSB, PI. 11, 
Nr. 411. 

59. Skarabaus aus rotem Jaspis. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11272. 

Grosse: 10X7X5 mm. 

Siegelflache: Lotusbliite. 

Mittleres Reich. 

60. Skarabaus aus griin glasiertem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 14294. 

Grosse: 15X12X7 mm. 

Siegelflache: Muster, aus Spiralen, Lotusbliiten 
und Lotusknospen zusammengesetzt. 
Wahrscheinlich Anfang 18. Dynastie. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 8, Nr. 178. 

61. Skarabaus aus urspriinglich griinglasiertem 
Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11284. 

Grosse: 13X9X6 mm. 

Auf der Siegelflache, zwischen c nA-Zeichen ein 
aus vier Lotusbliiten zusammengesetztes spiral- 
formiges Muster. 

Mittleres Reich oder 2. Zwischenzeit. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 8, Nr. 180. 

3 Vgl. NS, S. 87, Fig. 92. 


62. Skarabaus aus blauglasiertem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 1 1300. 

Grosse: 12X9X6 mm. 

Siegelflache: sm §-Zeichen(?) — die Symbole fiir 
die Vereinigung der beiden Lander (Ober- und 
Unteragypten). 

Spatzeit? 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 10, Nr. 385. 

63. Skarabaus aus weissgrauem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11342. 

Grosse: 15X10X7 mm. 

Siegelflache: Kartusche mit drei Kreisen, zwi- 
schen Lotus(?). 

Neues Reich oder spater. 

64. Skarabaus aus weissgrauem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 13740. 

Grosse: 21 X 14X 10 mm. 

Siegelflache: Muster aus vier gegeniiberliegen- 
den, zu zwei verketteten Osen. 

2. Zwischenzeit. 

65. Cowroid aus graugelb glasiertem Steatit, 
mit rautengemusterter Ruckseite. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11356. 

Grosse: 19X18X6 mm. 

Siegelflache: S-formige Spirale, von Lotusknos- 
pen und umschniirtem Lotus flankiert. 

2. Zwischenzeit. 

66. Skarabaus aus griinlichblau glasiertem ge- 
branntem Ton. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11298. 

Grosse: 16X12X8 mm. 

Siegelflache: hieroglyphische Zeichen. 

2. Zwischenzeit? 

67. Skarabaus aus gelblichgrauem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11327. 

Grosse: 19X13X8 mm. 

Siegelflache: hieroglyphische Zeichen. 

12. Dynastie oder 2. Zwischenzeit. 

68. Skarabaus aus graubraun glasiertem Steatit. 


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Inv. Nr. MM 11333. 

Grosser 14X10X7 mm. 

Siegelflache: Lowe, vor Uraus. 

2. Zwischenzeit. 

69 . Skarabaus aus griinglasiertem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11280. 

Grosser 23X16X10 mm. 

Siegelflache: sitzender Lowe, zwischen Uraus 
und Skarabaus. 

2. Zwischenzeit. 

70 . Skarabaus aus grauem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11331. 

Grosser 18X12X7 mm. 

Siegelflache: liegender Lowe(?). 

2. Zwischenzeit. 

71 . Plaque aus blauglasiertem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11307. 

Grosser 19X14X5 mm. 

Siegelplatten: falkenkopfiger Sphinx unter einer 
Lotusbliite(?), bzw. ein Uraus auf nb- Zeichen, 
von einem c nA-Zeichen und einer Lotusbliite 
flankiert. 

Neues Reich? 

72 . Cowroid aus gelbweiss glasiertem Steatit, 
mit auf der konvexen Seite langsgerichtetem, 
schraffiertem Banddekor. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11355. 

Grosser 25X14X9 mm. 

Siegelflache: unter Sonnenscheibe die vereinten 
Vorderteile zweier Lowen 24 . 

18. Dynastie? 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 14, Nr. 882. 

73 . Skarabaus aus grauweissem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11330. 

Grosser 18X12X8 mm. 

Siegelflache: unter hp $- Zeichen eine Gazelle mit 


24 Als Bezeichnung fur Shu und Tefnut (PBDS. 
S. 24). 


riickwarts gedrehtem Kopf. 

2. Zwischenzeit. 

74 . Skarabaus aus grauweissem, glasiertem 
Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11332. 

Grosser 17X12X7 mm. 

Siegelflache: springende Gazelle mit riickwarts 
gedrehtem Kopf, dariiber Zweig. 

2. Zwischenzeit. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 14, Nr. 866; NSS, PI. 7, 

Nr. 36666. 

75 . Skarabaus aus urspriinglich blaugrtin gla- 
siertem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11288. 

Grosser 21X15X9 mm. 

Siegelflache: zwei umgekehrt einander gegen- 
iiber liegende Krokodile. 

2. Zwischenzeit. 

Vgl. NSS, PI. 7, Nr. 36919. 

76 . Ellipsoidalabschnittformiges Siegelamulett 
aus grauweissem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11361. 

Grosser 22X19X6 mm. 

Siegelflache: zwei umgekehrt einander gegen- 
iiber stehende Gaze!!en(?), zwischen ihnen zwei 
Papyruspflanzen. 

2. Zwischenzeit. 

Vgl. PBDS, PI. 14, Nr. 875. 

77 . Skaraboid aus grauweissem Steatit, mit der 
konvexen Seite in Gestalt eines zweikopfigen 
Igels. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11352. 

Grosser 34X24X13 mm. 

Siegelflache: Krokodil, iiber diesem liegende 
Gazelle. 

2. Zwischenzeit oder 18. Dynastie. 

Vgl. NS, PI. 25, Nr. 33; NSS, PI. 7, Nr. 36706. 

78 . Skarabaus aus grauweissem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11329. 

Grosser 25X18X10 mm. 


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Siegelflache: zwischen zwei Urausschlangen 
stehende menschliche Figur in spitzem Knie- 
schurz und mit einem Lotus(?) in der Hand. 
Unter der Iinken Uraus ein nb- Zeichen(?). 

2. Zwischenzeit. 

79. Skarabaus aus grauweissem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11326. 

Grosser 26 X 18 X 12 mm. 

Siegelflache: Uraus zwischen c nA-Zeichen und 
Lotus. 

Mittleres Reich? 

80. Skarabaus aus griinglasiertem Steatit. 

Inv. Nr. MM 11278. 

Grosser 26X18X12 mm. 

Siegelflache: zwischen zwei c nA-Zeichen, auf 


dem Zeichen fur „Gold” (nb) der Vorderteil 
eines Lowen, dariiber ein nb- Zeichen. 

2. Zwischenzeit. 

Vgl. NS, PI. 20, Nr. 29. 


Abkiirzimgen 

MD1AK Mitteilungen des Deutschen Instituts fur 
agyptische Altertums-Kunde in Kairo. 

NS Newberry, P. E., Scarabs. London 
1906. 

NSS Newberry, P. E., Scarabshaped Seals. 
London 1907. 

PBDS Petrie, W. M. F., Buttons and Design 
Scarabs. London 1925. 

PS Petrie, W. M. F., Scarabs and Cylinders 
with Names. London 1917. 

WSB Ward, J., The Sacred Beetle. London 
1902. 


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31 



A Latial Iron Age Tomb-Group 

PAR GORAN gierow 


The tomb-group to be discussed on the follow- 
ing pages 1 was found some 1,500 m. NW of 
Castel Gandolfo in a plantation of peach-trees 
at a locality called Fosso del Truglio at the 
Pascolaro of Marino. 

The site is not topographically isolated from 
other find-spots known to us from the Alban 
Hills. The distance to Riserva del Truglio, 
where U. Antonielli in 1923 excavated a necro- 
polis 2 mainly belonging to Period IV of the 
Latial Iron Age, but also containing objects of 
earlier periods 3 , is only some hundreds of me- 


1 It will be dealt with also in my forthcoming work 
on the Iron Age Culture of Latium. Since the Latial 
Iron Age tombs are, alas, rather few, every new dis- 
covery is of considerable importance. I have, for that 

reason, accepted with pleasure Dr. Vessberg’s proposal 

to make it known here by a special paper. The tomb- 

group has previously been illustrated by A. Boethius 
in his contribution to the work San Giovenale. Etrus- 

kerna. Landet och folket, 1960, p. 40, fig. 24, and by 

the present author in the paper “Notes on the Iron 

Age Chronology of Latium”, in Opusc. Rom. Ill, 

1961, p. 115, fig. 10. 

9 NotSc 1924, pp. 429 ff. 

* Twenty-nine of the thirty tombs belong to Period 
IV, one of them (tomb IV) to the end of Period III. 
Among the sporadic finds with a certain provenance 
from these excavations there are some specimens of 
Contracted Impasto, datable to Period III. 

For the division of the Iron Age of Latium into 
four periods and for the nomenclature of the Impasto 
pottery of these periods proposed by E. Gjerstad and 

32 


tres. More tombs, of the same date as those of 
Riserva del Truglio, were excavated by Anto- 
nielli in 1928 at Terreno Costa, somewhat N 
of Riserva del Truglio 4 . There can be no doubt 
that these localities form part of the same necro- 
polis, belonging to one of the hut villages of 
the Alban Hills 5 * * * 9 . 

Since the tomb was not unearthed during 
regular excavations, we have no information 
as to the type of the tomb or the burial rites. 
It can, however, be surmised from the presence 
of a hut urn among the material that incinera- 


to be presented by him in a forthcoming paper, Dis- 
cussions Concerning Early Rome, 2, in vol. V of 
Opusc. Rom., I refer, until Gjerstad’s paper has 
appeared, to my own article in Opusc. Rom. IV, 1962, 
The First Iron Age Discoveries in the Alban Hills. 

4 These excavations were never published by Anto- 
nielli. There are some brief references to them in 
BPI 48, 1928, pp. 169 f., and 50-51, 1930-31, pp. 
189 ff. The present whereabouts of this material are 
unknown. 

s From a topographical point of view, the most 
probable site of this village is the summit of 
Monte Crescenzio (cf. F. v. Duhn, Italische Graber- 
kunde I, 1924, p. 393). Trial trenches dug there in 
1923 by Antonielli (NotSc 1923, pp. 79 f.) did not, 
however, reveal any traces datable to the Iron Age. 
but since the researches evidently were limited to a 
rather small area, this does not constitute a negative 
proof. If this position for the village is correct, the 
tombs found on the N slopes of Monte Crescenzio 
should be attributed to the same habitation. 


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33 



tion was practised. The bottom of the tomb 
was at a depth of 1.70 m. below the actual 
surface level. 

The tomb-group comprises nine objects, 
eight hand-made vases of Impasto and a razor 
of bronze. 

1. Hut Urn (Figs. 1—2). Rectangular with 
slightly convex sides and slightly widening 
towards the front; slightly convex walls, widen- 
ing upwards and projecting on both sides 
of the low rectangular door-opening; the pro- 
jecting part of the wall has on one side — the 
other is missing and restored — two perforations, 
one at the upper, the other at the lower end, 
for keeping the doorslab, now missing, in place; 
vertical, transversely notched ribs on long sides, 
on back, and at corners between these sides, 
representing wooden poles, used for the con- 
struction of the walls; conical roof with project- 
ing eaves, sloping less than the rest of the roof, 
and a longitudinal notched top-ridge; notched 
ribs from ends of top-ridge to points above the 
corners of the hut-walls. Slip dark brown, burn- 
ished. Clay coarse, dark grey, brown towards 
the surface. Broken and mended; base and front 
part much restored. H. 21.5 cm., d. of base 
17.5 - ab. 23.5 cm. (MM 1957:5). 

2. Jug (Figs. 3-4, No. 2). Flat base with low 
omphalos; conical body with low, slightly con- 
vex shoulder; rather high neck, slightly concave 
and tapering upwards; rim missing; vertical 
handle on the shoulder. Decorated on the 
shoulder with two encircling incised lines fram- 
ing groups each of four oblique incised lines. 
Slip dark brown and brown, burnished. Clay 
fairly coarse, reddish brown, partly with dark 
grey core. Broken and mended; handle, rim, 
and upper part of neck missing. H. as preserved 
8.8 cm., max. d. 9.3 cm. (MM 1957: 8). 

3. Jar (Figs. 3—4, No. 3). Flat base; biconical 
body; outtumed rim. Undecorated. Slip dark 
brown, burnished. Clay fairly coarse, dark grey, 
reddish brown towards the surface. Rim slightly 
chipped. H. 10.8 cm., d. at rim 8.6 cm. (MM 
1957:6). 


4. Jar (Figs. 3—4, No. 4). Flat base with low 
omphalos; squat, biconical body; outcurving 
rim. Undecorated. Slip and clay as no. 3. Rim 
slightly chipped. H. 7.2— 8.0 cm., d. at rim 
7.9 cm. (MM 1957: 7). 

5. Cup (Figs. 3—4, No. 5). Flat base; conical 
(slightly concave) body with convex shoulder; 
erect rim, widening upwards; high, vertical, 
biforal handle from rim to shoulder, with lower 
part trapezoidal in section. Undecorated. Slip 
and clay as preceding. Broken and mended; 
rim chipped, upper loop of handle partly miss- 
ing, but restored. H. 4.2— 4.8 cm., d. at rim 6.9 
cm. (MM 1957: 11). 

6. Cup (Figs. 3—4, No. 6). Flat base; segmental 
body; slightly concave neck; slightly outcurving 
rim; high, vertical handle from rim to shoulder, 
with lower part elliptical in section. Undeco- 
rated. Slip dark brown, slightly burnished. Clay 
fairly coarse, red-brown, brown towards the 
surface, partly with dark grey core. Most of 
handle missing, rim chipped. H. 2.0— 2.3 cm., 
d. at rim 4.1 cm. (MM 1957: 12). 

7. Plate (Figs. 3—4, No. 7). Slightly concave, 
circular disc with slightly raised central part, rest- 
ing upon three legs. Undecorated. Slip dark 
brown, burnished. Clay fairly coarse, dark grey, 
reddish brown towards the surface. Most of 
legs and one segment of plate missing, the latter 
restored. H. as preserved 3.6 cm., d. 13.8 cm. 
(MM 1957: 10). 

8. Askos (Figs. 3—4, No. 8). Flat base; oblong 
biconical (biconvex) body with a longitudinal 
ridge along the back; neck asymmetrically 
placed, at one end of body; rim missing; ring- 
handle near base of neck, placed transversely 
across back-ridge. Undecorated. Slip and clay 
as preceding. Neck and much of one side of 
body restored, rim and handle missing, surface 
chipped. H. of body 8.2 cm., 1. 11.6 cm., 
w. 10.1 cm. (MM 1957:9). 

9. Razor (Figs. 3—4, No. 9). Trapezoidal 
blade with side nearest handle rounded; circular 
perforation opposite handle, near edge; handle 
made in one piece with blade and consisting of 


34 


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a narrow, biconical shaft, elliptical in section, 
and a circular ring, elliptical to diamond-shaped 
in section. In a good state of preservation; edge 
slightly damaged. L. (handle included) 11.9 
cm., w. 8.5 cm. (MM 1957: 13). 

To establish the date of the tomb-group 
comprising the objects described above, we 
have to look for parallels to them in other closed 
find-groups from Latium. Since the tomb in 
the Medelhavsmuseet, by the material found 
in it, belongs to the so-called Boschetto group 6 , 
i. e. the Latial version of the Iron Age culture 
of the Tolfa region, these parallels should pre- 
ferably be sought for in other tombs of that 
group. 

We will begin our study with the hut urn 
(no. 1). As to the general type it resembles 
above all the hut urn discovered in a tomb at 
Velletri, Vigna d’Andrea 7 , datable to the second 
half of Period I of the Latial Iron Age. The 
general proportions of the two urns are much 
the same. A more specific feature that they 
have in common and that is not found on any 
other Latial hut urn is the rendering of the 
walls, which widen markedly towards the top 
and show indications in relief of the wooden 


* This cultural group within the Iron Age Culture 
of Latium was first identified by G. Saflund, Bemer- 
kungen zur Vorgeschichte Etruriens, StEtr 12, 1938, 
p. 31. It is regarded by many scholars (cf., e. g., 
H. Muller-Karpe, Beitrage zur Chronologie der 
Umenfelderzeit nordlich und siidlich der Alpen, 1959; 
id., Vom Anfang Roms, 1959; R. Peroni, Per una 
nuova cronologia del sepolcreto arcaico del Foro, 
Civiltfc del Ferro, 1960, pp. 461 ff., to mention some 
important recent works) as a transitional phase be- 
tween the Bronze and the Iron Age. As shown already 
by Saflund, op. cit., it must, however, be considered 
as contemporary with the other aspects of the Iron 
Age culture. Cf. also P. G. Gierow, La necropoli 
laziale di Anzio, BPI 69-70, 1960-61, pp. 243 ff., 
esp. p. 248, n. 23, and the works referred to there. 
M. Pallotino accepts (Le origini di Roma, ArchClass 
12, 1960, pp. 1 ff., esp. pp. 15 ff.) the low dates of the 
so-called Proto-Villanovan culture of the Tolfa region 
(they were, in fact, first proposed by him in StEtr XIII, 
1939, pp. 94 ff.), but is inclined to reject their appli- 
cation on the Roman and Latial find-complexes. 

7 NotSc 1893, pp. 200 f., figs. 2 and 2a. Mon Ant 
XV, 1905, pi. XXII, 11. 

36 


poles used for the construction of the walls of 
the hut. There are, however, also certain differ- 
ences between the urns, in the execution of 
the door-opening, the ridge-logs on the roof, 
and the roof itself. The last-mentioned stylistic 
divergence should be especially noted, since it 
seems to be chronologically important. The roof 
of the urn from Velletri is conical and fairly 
high like that of the urn of tomb Q of the 
Forum necropolis 8 , whereas that of our urn is 
lower and has somewhat outcurving eaves, less 
sloping than the remaining part of the roof, a 
stylistic feature which, as far as our evidence 
goes, makes its first appearance in Period II* 
and is then found also in Period III 10 . These 
observations lead to the conclusion that the 
hut urn in the Medelhavsmuseet, on the one 
hand, should not be dated before Period II, 
but on the other hand, hardly after that period, 
because of the similarities to the urn from 
Velletri. 

The jug (no. 2) has no good parallels in 
Latial find-contexts. The jug with a high coni- 
cal neck is not found in any other tomb of the 
Boschetto group, but belongs exclusively to the 
different Latial versions of the Fossa culture. 
Within the Boschetto group the vertical handle 
is found on two vases from Marino, Vigna 
Delsette 11 , both of Expansive Impasto, and on 
two vases from tomb 1 of those discovered 
recently at the Forum Romanum near the Arch 
of Augustus 12 , one of them of Expansive, the 
other of Normal Impasto 13 . Our vase is cer- 
tainly best compared with the last-mentioned of 
these specimens, if we leave the different execu- 
tion of the neck out of consideration and only 
look at the shape of the body with its sloping. 


* E. Gjerstad, Early Rome II, 1956, fig. 19,1. 

* Ibid., figs. 48,2 (tomb C) and 70,1 (tomb U). 

10 Ibid., figs. 105,2 (tomb GG) and 112,2 (Arch of 
Augustus, tomb 3). 

11 One of them is illustrated by G. Pinza, BullCom 
XXVI, 1898, pi. VIII, 15. 

12 E. Gjerstad, Early Rome II, fig. 85, 1—2. 

18 Oral information from Prof. Gjerstad; cf. his 
forthcoming paper in Opusc. Rom. V. 


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almost conical shoulder. The high neck, dis- 
tinctly separated from the body, can, on the 
other hand, be seen on two jars from tomb 
XIV of the necropolis of Anzio, of the Boschet- 
to type and datable to Period II 14 . It seems 
thus probable that the jug, like the hut urn 
discussed above, belongs stylistically to the 
Normal Impasto of Period II. 

The same date is probable also for the two 
biconical jars (nos. 3 and 4), although no such 
vases are known from closed find-groups. If we 
take the general stylistic development of the 
Latial Iron Age pottery into consideration, it 
becomes, however, evident that they are earlier 
than the horizontally contracted jars of tomb 4 
at the Arch of Augustus 15 . Two jars like those 
in Stockholm, but provided with an incised 
decoration, were discovered at the excavations 
of the necropolis of Anzio 16 , but their find- 
contexts are not known. From the same necro- 
polis there is also a specimen 17 that seems to 
illustrate the shape of this type of jar in the 
Expansive Impasto, that mainly belongs to 
Period I. 

The cup no. S has its best parallel in a 
specimen from Rocca di Papa, San Lorenzo 
Vecchio 18 , which, however, has a higher neck 
and a more outcurving rim. The shapes of the 
bodies and the very small upper loops of the 
handles of the two cups are, on the other hand, 
almost identical. The tomb of San Lorenzo 
Vecchio belongs to Period II of the Iron Age. 
The same type of cup is represented by a speci- 
men from Marino, San Rocco 19 , the context of 
which is, however, unknown. 

The miniature vase no. 6 is of no great chron- 
ological value because of its small size, which 


u P. G. Gierow, La necropoli laziale di Anzio, 
BPI 69, 1960, p. 247, fig. 2, 2-3. 

“ E. Gjerstad, Early Rome II, fig. 113, 4—5. 

14 P. G. Gierow, La necropoli laziale di Anzio, 
BPI 69, 1960, p. 251, fig. 3,3. 

17 Ibid., fig. 3,2. 

19 BPI, N. Ser. IV, 1940, p. 178, and pi. II, fig. 2,5. 
" MonAnt XV, 1905, pi. XVIII, 19. 


does not permit a close stylistic study of it. 
The miniaturistic tendency in the tomb-gifts of 
the Latial tombs can be observed throughout 
the first three periods of the Iron Age and can 
be seen both in tombs of the Boschetto group 
and in tombs of the other cultural groups of 
Latium 20 . 

The plate on three legs (no. 7) has no exact 
counterpart. There is, however, no doubt that 
it is stylistically later than that from Velletri, 
Vigna d’ Andrea 21 . That tomb should, as already 
mentioned, be assigned to the second half of 
Period I, and in fact, the plate with its distinct 
rim seems to be a characteristic specimen of 
the Expansive Impasto of that period 22 . On the 
other hand, our plate differs also considerably 
from a specimen of Contracted Impasto like 
that from the Arch of Augustus, tomb 4 23 . 
Therefore, it seems that the plate, like the 
pottery discussed in the preceding paragraphs, 
should be classified as Normal Impasto, and 
that it fills a gap in the typological sequence of 
this pottery form 24 . 

The askos (no. 8) should be compared with 
that from Velletri, Vigna d’ Andrea 25 . For that 
reason it must be classified as Expansive Impas- 
to. The heavier shape of this type of askos in 
the Normal Impasto is best illustrated by that 


*° I quote the following examples, without attempt- 
ing a complete list: Period I: Grottaferreta, Villa 
Cavalletti, tomb V; Period II: Forum necropolis, 
tombs A and N; Arch of Augustus, tomb 1; Period 
III: Arch of Augustus, tomb 4. 

M NotSc 1893, p. 210, fig. 13. 

” It should, however, be noted that a similar plate, 
only slightly more concave, was discovered in 1960 
by Dr. R. Peroni at Allumiere, Poggio La Pozza, 
tomb 4, which, in my opinion, might belong to a 
stage corresponding to Period II of the Latial Iron 
Age. Cf. NotSc 1960, p. 355, fig. 12, 5. 

23 E. Gjerstad, Early Rome II, fig. 113, 12. 

M I leave out of consideration the plates found in 
contexts not belonging to the Boschetto group: Forum 
necropolis, tomb C; Marino, Vigna Meluzzi, tomb II; 
two specimens from mixed find-groups of Grotta- 
ferrata, Villa Cavalletti; and one from the excavations 
of 1816-1817. 

26 NotSc 1893, p. 209, fig. 8; photographic illustra- 
tion in G. Pinza, Storia della civilta latina, pi. C, 2. 


Digitized by LiOOQle 


37 



from Rocca di Papa, San Lorenzo Vecchio 26 , 
whereas the lax, baggy askoi from another 
tomb from the territory of Velletri 27 and the 
Arch of Augustus, tomb 3 28 , can be cited as 
examples of Contracted Impasto. 

The razor (no. 9) has only one parallel in 
Latium, from Grottaferrata, Villa Cavalletti 29 , 
and that is not from a closed find-group, and, 
moreover, it differs from ours in the number of 
holes near the edge and in the execution of the 
handle. In addition to that razor, there are a 
number of miniature specimens, one of them 
forming part of a tomb-group of Period II, the 
contents of which are at least partly known, 
i. e. that formerly belonging to the de Blacas 
Collection from the excavations of 1816 — 17 30 . 
Thus the razor does not contribute to the solu- 
tion of the problem of the date of our tomb. 
I am, however, not certain that it would have 
done so, even if more examples from well dated 
find-groups were known to us, since we should 
not forget that, in comparison with the pottery, 
the products of the bronze craft often manifest 
a certain conservatism in their typology, at least 
partly to be explained by their longer life-time. 
For that reason the bronzes express in a much 
less faithful way than the pottery, the aesthetic 
changes upon which the stylistic development 
which must be the basis of the chronological 
divisions is dependent. 


*« BPI N. Ser. IV, 1940, p. 177, and pi. II, fig. 2, 1. 
87 NotSc 1934, p. 110, fig. 2, 5. 

28 E. Gjerstad, Early Rome II, fig. 112, 10. 
w NotSc 1902, p. 189, fig. 101. 

80 G. De Blacas, Memoir sur une decouverte de 
vases funeraires pr£s d’Albano, M6m. Soc. des Anti- 
quaires de France 28, 1865; H. Muller-Karpe, Vom 
Anfang Roms, pi. XIV; P. G. Gierow, The First 
Iron Age Discoveries in the Alban Hills, Opusc. 
Rom. IV, 1962, pi. VIII B. Of this tomb-group only 
the hut urn, now in the British Museum, is preserved 
today. 


The study of the nine objects which consti- 
tute the tomb-group discussed in this paper has 
shown that two of the objects, the miniature 
cup no. 6 and the razor no. 9, are of no use for 
establishing the date of the tomb. Of the re- 
maining seven specimens of pottery one, the 
askos no. 8, should be classified as Expansive 
Impasto, the others, with different degrees of 
certainty, as Normal Impasto. Since this is the 
variety of Impasto characteristic of Period II, 
there cannot be any doubt that the tomb-group 
in the Medelhavsmuseet should be assigned to 
that period. The presence of one specimen of 
Expansive Impasto, a variety that generally is 
found in tombs of Period I, in our tomb should 
not surprise us. Such survivals of earlier types 
of pottery in later find-contexts are, in fact, not 
uncommon in the Latial Iron Age tombs 31 . It 
is, however, perhaps an indication that the 
tomb in Stockholm belongs to the first half of 
Period II, which in absolute dates 32 would 
mean somewhere around the third quarter of 
the VIII th century B.C. 


81 Expansive Impasto in tombs of Period II: Arch 
of Augustus, tomb 1; Forum necropolis, tomb C; 
Grottaferrata, Villa Cavalletti, tomb I. Normal Im- 
pasto in tombs of Period III: Forum necropolis, tomb 
GG; Esquiline, tomb CX. Contracted Impasto in 
tombs of Period IV: Marino, Vigna Meluzzi, tomb II. 
For the Roman material this statement is based upon 
oral information from Prof. Gjerstad. 

88 For the absolute chronology I refer to E. Gjer* 
stad’s forthcoming paper Discussions Concerning 
Early Rome, 2, where it will be demonstrated with 
support of material from tombs in Etruria and on 
Ischia that the transition from Period II to Period IH 
should be dated around 700 B. C., and that, when it 
comes to the dating of the preceding two periods, we 
have only got the aid of the three Greek Late Geomet- 
ric skyphoi which have been found in two of the 
Pre-Hellenic tombs of Cumae (tomb 3 of the end of 
Period I and tomb 29 of Period II) and show that 
these periods belong to the VIIIU* century B.C. 


38 


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Sculptures in the Throne-Hoist Collection 


OLOF VESSBERG 


The earliest items in Mr. Henning Throne- 
Hoist’s collection of antiques at Djursholm 
were acquired as long ago as the 1930’s, but 
most of it has been built up since 1953. The 
collection consists of sculptures and vases, 
covering with representative works significant 
periods in the art history of classical antiquity, 
although quantitatively it is not very large. In 
accordance with the collector’s clearly defined 
personal line the collection is to comprise 
nothing of inferior standard, but is to consist 
of a carefully chosen selection of first-class 
works. I will now present, with the owner’s 
kind permission, a number of the sculptures in 
the collection, beginning with the beautiful head 
of Heracles illustrated in fig. 1 . 

The head, which is 31 cm. high, is of white 
fine-crystalline marble, probably Italic. It is 
broken off straight across the neck. It is well 
preserved and only slightly damaged (in the 
frontal hair, on the tip of the nose and the 
right ear). The surface shows many traces of 
plant roots. The head was purchased in 1953 
from an art-dealer in Stockholm, but he had 
acquired it in Rome. 

It is a powerfully built head with projecting 
chin and knobby brow. The robust yet clas- 
sically severe features of the face are framed by 


locks of hair and a beard. This head, once 
part of a statue, was turned to the right (seen 
from the viewer) and bent slightly forwards. 

There cannot be much doubt that we have 
before us here a representation of Heracles, 
and at first I was inclined to identify this type 
with the Famese Heracles ascribed to Lysippos. 
Later, Vagn Poulsen recognized in our head 
a replica of a Heracles type in the Ny Carls- 
berg Glyptotek in Copenhagen 1 . 

This Heracles type (fig. 2), which is a pre- 
cursor of the Famese Heracles and exists in 
several replicas 2 , portrays Heracles leaning on 
his club which he has tucked into his left arm- 
pit, while his right hand rests on his hip. De- 
spite some differences this is, broadly speaking, 
the same attitude as in the Famese Heracles, 
but the form language is more limited and the 
body still bound by Polycletan tradition. 

A comparison of the heads in Copenhagen 
and in Stockholm leaves no doubt that they 
are replicas of the same original. There is agree- 

1 Frederik Poulsen, Catalogue of Ancient Sculp- 
ture in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, 250, Billedtavler 
PI. XVIII. Vagn Poulsen, Acta Arch. XV, 1944, pp. 
63 ff. I am indebted to Dr. V. Poulsen for permission 
to publish the photograph reproduced as fig. 2. 

2 V. Poulsen, o.c., p. 76. Cf. Franklin P. John- 
son, Lysippos, pp. 200 f. 


Digitized by LjOOQle 


39 






ment feature by feature: note the shape of the 
brow, the ductus of the eyes and eyebrows, the 
firm lower lip, the hair and the beard, prac- 
tically lock by lock. 

The Heracles statue in the Glyptotek is cer- 
tainly a preliminary stage of the Famese 
Heracles type, but it can hardly be listed among 
the works done by Lysippos himself. It is 
especially the treatment of the body that pre- 
cludes this. Poulsen dates the Copenhagen type 
to the first half of the fourth century B.C. and 
is inclined to place it quite early in this period. 
The head in Throne-Hoist’s collection is an 
excellent copy from the time of the Roman 
Empire of the same original as the Copenhagen 
replica. Judging from the classicistically per- 
fect, perhaps somewhat dry treatment of the 
marble, the copy was made during the first 
half of the second century A.D. 

The Satyr with the boy Dionysos (figs. 3—4) 
is a comprehensive group with much life and 
charm, even though owing to its rather hasty 
execution it does not satisfy the same demands 
for artistic quality as the other sculptures in the 
collection which are here described. It is, how- 
ever, of so much greater art-historical interest 
as it represents and supplements a well-known 
Hellenistic motif. It is executed in Italic marble 
with all body-surfaces highly polished. The 
maximum height of the whole group (including 
the flat stand) is 67.5 cm., the height of the 
Satyr (without the stand) being 54.5 cm. The 
group was bought in 1960 when in the posses- 
sion of M. Barsanti in Rome after having pre- 
viously belonged to A. Barsanti in Milan, who 
had acquired it in 1942. Earlier the group be- 
longed to the collection of the Palazzo Corsini 
di Lungamo in Florence 3 . Signor M. Barsanti 
has told me that the group aroused the great 

3 H. Dutschke, Antike Bildwerke in Oberitalien II, 
p. 218, n. 292. I was able to identify our group as a 
work earlier belonging to the collection in the Palazzo 
Corsini from a photograph reproduced in an article by 
A. Minto, Satiro con Bacco fanciullo, Ausonia, Anno 
VIII, 1913 (1915), pp. 90 ff. 


interest of Ludwig Curtius and G. E. Rizzo and 
on Curtius’ initiative was photographed for the 
German Institute in Rome. By courtesy of the 
Institute I am reproducing here two of these 
excellent photographs. 

The young Satyr is taking a step forward 
and grasping with his left hand the wrist of the 
infant Dionysos. He is turning his joyful face 
up to the god, who is sitting astride his 
shoulders. Dionysos (fig. 4), naked like the 
Satyr, is sitting in a lively equestrian pose and 
holding in his right hand above his head a 
cornucopia, of which only the tip is preserved. 
In his left hand he holds a bunch of grapes. 
His feet and the ends of his legs are broken off 
as also the Satyr’s forearm. His broad, girlish 
face with large globed eyes and a big well- 
shaped mouth with thick lips is surrounded 
by a thick swell of hair, and around his locks 
is twined an ivy spray. His hair is worked with 
plentiful use of the drill, as also in the case 
of the Satyr’s locks. On the back of the head 
of the Dionysos figure there is a roughly carved 
knot of hair executed on the surface like ver- 
tical bands. The piece between the knot and 
the back has not been cut away but serves as 
a support for the head. 

In the background beside the Satyr stands 
a small figure of Pan, hardly reaching up to 
the Satyr’s hip. He has shaggy goat’s legs and 
horns and tangled hair and beard, and he is 
looking up at Dionysos. In his right hand he 
holds a syrinx; in his left hand, which is broken 
off together with the forearm, he once held 
a pedum, part of which still survives. With his 
left cloven hoof he is just stepping on to the 
lid of a cylinder-shaped basket or chest, the 
cista mystica. The chest has two mouldings at 
the bottom and two at the top. From under its 
slightly open lid a broad-headed serpent is 
creeping out. 

A tree-trunk is carved as a support for the 
Satyr and the figure of Pan, and is joined to 
both. On the trunk hangs a syrinx much larger 
in size than the one held by Pan. It has besides 


42 


Digitized by kjOOQle 



Fig. 3. Satyr with the infant 
Dionysos. Marble. The Throne- 
Hoist Collection , Djursholm. 



Digitized by ^jOOQle 


43 



six tubes, while Pan’s has only five. The tree- 
trunk is cleft at the base so that it resembles 
the roots of old olive trees rising from the 
ground. 

Beside the cista mystica rides a small, rather 
clumsily wrought Eros on a panther. Half the 
head of Eros is knocked off. In his left hand 
he is carrying a basket of fruits, probably meant 
to be grapes, and with his right hand he is 
grasping the panther’s head. 

The high polish and the extensive drilling 


Fig. 4. Satyr with the infant Dio- 
nysos. Detail . The Throne-Hoist 
Collection , Djursholm . 

show that this group belongs to the second half 
of the second century A.D. at the earliest It 
is, however, very probable that the group is 
a third century piece. The drilling work with 
thinly dispersed but deep holes corresponds 
strikingly to the technique of the sarcophagus 
sculpture of the third century A.D. 4 , and one 
observes that the infant Dionysos very much 
resembles the young Christ of the sarcophagi. 

4 Cf. e.g. G. Wilpert, I sarcofagi Christiani an- 
tichi, Tav. VII:2, XXVII:!, LXXXXI. 


< 4 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


Such details as the eyes of Dionysos with the 
bored almost hemispherical pupil close below 
the eyelid, and further the deep drill holes in 
the comers of the eyes of the Satyr speak in 
favour of a dating to the third century A.D. 
The authenticity of the group should be beyond 
all doubt. Incrustations of plant roots are 
visible in several places, for instance on the 
flat stand, on Pan’s back, the Satyr’s left foot, 
Dionysos’ back and right thigh. Dionysos’ right 
arm and a piece of the Satyr’s right forearm 
are attached but they are original. 

It is, however, quite certain that the original 
did not belong to this time. The work is a 
Hellenistic spiral composition, which in a grace- 
ful rising movement culminates in the infant 
Dionysos’ head and right hand with the cor- 
nucopia. It is a composition from the Late 
Hellenistic Age, where we find it in many 
famous works, such as the Hellenistic ruler in 
the Museo delle Terme or Aphrodite of Melos. 
Although new figures were readily added to 
Hellenistic groups during the Roman Empire 
period — we may think of the so-called Famese 
bull in the museum in Naples — I do not be- 
lieve that Pan and Eros with the panther are 
a subsequent addition of that kind. They are 
essential for the balance of the group, as may 
well be seen by looking at it from the back. 
In fact, the Late Hellenistic Age also loved 
compositions abounding in figures. There is, 
for instance, the group already mentioned by 
Apollonius and Tauriscus of Tralles, which 
even in its original conception was rich in 
figures, or a group (referred to in the literature) 
in Pompey’s theatre with motifs from Tralles 
which had more than twenty figures 5 and 
which was also clearly a work of the Late Hel- 
lenistic school of sculpture in that city. Maybe 
the group with the Satyr and Dionysos pre- 
serves the composition of the original and, as 
1 have already indicated, it is of decisive im- 
portance for the reconstruction of a group 

3 Plinius nat. hist. 7.34. 


representing a satyr with the infant Dionysos 
that exists in five replicas 6 . Of these I am 
illustrating here the replica in the Vatican (fig. 
5). None of the replicas have preserved Diony- 

8 The replicas are as follows: 1. The Vatican, Gal- 
leria dei candelabri, G. Lippold, Die Skulpturen des 
Vatikanischen Museums, Bd 111:2, pp. 262 f. 
2. Naples, Museo Nazionale, Guida Ruesch, pp. 78 
f., n. 253. 3. Rome, Villa Albani, EA 3543/44. 
4. Bologna, Museo Archeologico, Minto, o.c., p. 94, 
Fig. 4. 5. Florence, Museo Archeologico, Minto, 
o.c., pp. 91 f., Tav. IV. 



Fig. 5. Satyr with the infant Dionysos. Marble. The 
Vatican , Galleria dei candelabri. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


45 


sos’ head, and Lippold therefore notes in the 
Vatican catalogue that it is impossible to de- 
cide whether the satyr is carrying Dionysos or 
an infant satyr. But even earlier A. Minto had 
used our group, then in the Palazzo Corsini, 
for a reconstruction of the group in an article 
in Ausonia 7 . He considered our group, how- 
ever, to be a Renaissance copy of a lost clas- 
sical prototype. 

The criteria that I have used for dating the 
group have already been dealt with above, and 
I believe that they are reliable. The question 
of the time of the original — both Minto and 
Lippold regard it as an Early Hellenistic work 
— I hope to be able to take up again in an- 
other context. 

Of great interest is a fragment of a head 
under life-size of the so-called Menander type. 
As will be seen from the illustrations (figs. 
6—8) half the head is missing and nothing re- 
mains of the neck. The fragment is 17.5 cm. 
high. It is executed in a white marble with few 
but quite large crystals. This is probably Italic, 
although it might conceivably be marble from 
the Greek islands. The head was acquired from 
an art dealer in Rome in 1959. 

This head, despite its insignificant size, is 
sculptured with great vigour and intensity, and 
it is undoubtedly one of the best replicas of 
the “Menander portrait”. The modelling of the 
eye with engraved iris and hemispherically 
drilled pupil close beneath the lid and the 
drilling work in the hair clearly indicate its 
time — the second half of the second century 
A.D. This late dating of a replica of the famous 
portrait makes the fragment particularly valu- 
able. 

It is possible that the head is from a relief, 
although there is no detail on the fragment to 
indicate this. But the size of the head may to 
some extent support a theory of that kind. 

With this new replica before us — probably 
the forty-third in succession — it may be of 

7 Minto, o.c., pp. 96 f., Fig. 5. 


interest, not only for the present writer, to 
take a quick look at the state of the identifica- 
tion question and the progress of the discus- 
sion so far. For more than four decades the 
identification of the so-called Menander por- 
trait has been an archaeological bone of con- 
tention that is really rather disagreeable, be- 
cause it gives an impression of an uncertainty 
in our datings of ancient sculpture which must 
seem shocking but which is fortunately not the 
general rule. 

The contest began in earnest in 1918 when 
Franz Studniczka tried to show in his article 
Das Bildnis Menanders 8 that the portrait in 
question represents the Greek comedy-writer 
Menander, who died in 291 B.C. This was an 
opinion long held by the well-known German 
art-archaeologist; he had both spoken and 
written about it as early as the 1890’s and now 
he was publishing a more detailed argumenta- 
tion. He took as his starting-point the inscrip- 
tion material, which was not particularly copi- 
ous but which included the base of a statue 
found in the Dionysos theatre in Athens bear- 
ing the inscription MENANDPO! and the in- 
formation that Kephisodotos and Timarchos 
were the artists. These may conceivably be 
identical with Praxiteles 9 famous sons, who 
were contemporaries of Menander, and Stud- 
niczka has good grounds for assuming that the 
statue was set up during the last few years of 
Menander's life or possibly shortly after his 
death. Thus a statue dating from the two 
hundred and nineties B.C. once stood on this 
extant base, and it is with this missing work 
that Studniczka connects the famous portrait 
with the many replicas, which must represent 
a poet, because one of the replicas wears an 
ivy wreath. 

His grounds for this identification, however, 


8 Neue Jahrbiicher fur das klassische Altertum, 
Bd 41, 1918, pp. 1 ff. Cf. J. J. Bernoulli, Griechische 
Ikonographie II, pp. Ill ff. Gisela M. A. Richter, 
Greek Portraits, Coll. Latomus, Vol. XX, pp 38 ff. 


46 


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I 


were undoubtedly weak. They were mainly as 
follows: 

1. Two imagines clipeatae, shields with por- 
trait busts, whose inscriptions indicate that the 
portraits are of Menander. These ought, of 
course, to be of decisive importance but one 
of them, in any case, is worthless in this con- 
nection. It is now missing but once belonged 
to the Roman iconographer Fulvio Orsini, who 
published it in his book Imagines et elogia viro - 
rum illustrium of 1570. Orsini, or Fulvius Ur- 
sinus, as he calls himself there, was librarian 
and antiquary to the Famese family in Rome, 
a position like Winckelmann’s in the Villa 
Albani. This portrait shield, which only exists 
as a drawing in the 1570 book and in a later 
edition brought out by Ursinus— Gallaeus in 
1598-1607, is totally irrelevant to the pro- 
blem. The two editions show quite a different 
portrait, and neither bears even a remote re- 
semblance to our portrait. I believe that today 
all my colleagues in this field — whatever their 
attitude with regard to the naming question — 
would agree with that. The other portrait shield 
is more interesting. It is in an English collec- 
tion, at Marbury Hall in Cheshire. It is an 
extremely dull and expressionless work of late 
antiquity, probably from the third century, but 
one must admit that Studniczka and his fol- 
lowers are right to the extent that there does 
exist a vague and very general resemblance 
to the famous portrait. This resemblance, how- 
ever, is mainly restricted to the beardlessness 
of both and in some measure to the arrange- 
ment of the hair over the forehead. But bearing 
in mind the fact well known to every icono- 
grapher that an ancient portrait in an inferior 
reproduction can be changed almost beyond 
recognition, we may say that the Marbury Hall 
portrait does not raise any real obstacles to 
an identification of our portrait as a portrait 
of Menander, if such an identification were 
supported by other evidence. But there, un- 
fortunately, matters leave much to be desired. 


2. The portrait occurs in two types of double 
herm, in the one case collocated with a bearded 
Greek philosopher’s head of a type earlier 
named Apollonius of Tyana but now usually 
considered to be a portrait of Homer. There 
are strong grounds for thinking that it may 
possibly represent Hesiod. This double herm 
exists in two or perhaps three authentic re- 
plicas 9 . In the other case the portrait is joined 
in a double herm to the equally famous so- 
called Pseudo-Seneca, who next after the so- 
called Menander has the distinction of being 
preserved in a large number of replicas — at 
present thirty-two I should think. Unfortunate- 
ly, the identification also of these portraits is 
still an unsolved problem 10 . It certainly re- 
presents a poet, because one of the replicas is 
adorned with an ivy wreath, and on stylistic 
grounds the original is likely to have been made 
about 200 B.C. We cannot say more about this 
portrait unfortunately, all attempts at identi- 
fication still being only more or less well- 
-founded conjectures. We must therefore assert 
that the double herms cannot provide any clue 
to the determination of our portrait. Studniczka, 
who only knew the double herm with the 
Pseudo-Seneca, which he — no doubt correctly 
— regarded as the portrait of a Hellenic poet, 
merely came to the conclusion from the double 
herm that our portrait must also represent a 
Hellenic writer, because he is found to be 
joined with one. But this is certainly a com- 
pletely erroneous assumption — there is indeed 
at least one instance of a Roman and a Greek 
being joined in a double herm where the iden- 
tification is assured owing to the inscription 11 . 


• Cf. Bianca Maria Felletti Maj, Museo Nazionale 
Romano, I Ritratti, pp. 20 ff., N. 21. 

10 Cf. B. Strandman, The Pseudo-Seneca Problem, 
Konsthistorisk tidskrift XIX, 1950, pp. 53 ff. All the 
replicas are here noted down, and different possibili- 
ties of identification are discussed. 

11 The double herm of Socrates and Seneca in Ber- 
lin, J. J. Bernoulli, Romische Ikonographie I, pp. 
278 f., Taf. XXIV. 


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47 




Fig . 6. Fragment of head of the so- 
called Menander type. Marble. 
The Throne-Hoist Collection. 
Djursholm. 


But apart from this, the antithesis or the col- 
location of Roman and Greek in pairs was a 
popular motif in Roman art. We need only 
refer to Plutarch’s famous vitae parallelae , in 
which in fact famous Romans and Greeks are 
juxtaposed to form a kind of literary double 
herm. 

3. Studniczka was of the opinion that the por- 
trait belonged stylistically to the beginning of 
the third century and he looked for stylistic 


parallels in Lysippos’ Apoxyomenos, Agias and 
the portrait of Alexander and also in Polyeuk- 
tos’ statue of Demosthenes dating from 280. 
It is true that the portrait has Lysippan features, 
not least of the Alexander portrait. But on the 
other hand, it is a very personal and individua- 
lized portrait, difficult to imagine during such 
an early epoch. 

No one is likely to deny that these were 
amazingly weak arguments advanced by Stud- 


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niczka in support of his Menander designation, 
and nothing new has emerged since 1918 to 
support it. 

In the very same year in which Studniczka 
finally published his theory, opposition raised 
its head in the shape of an article by Georg 
Lippold 12 , who associated himself with the 
doubt earlier expressed by Adolf Furtwangler, 
who wanted to identify the so-called Menander 
as a Roman poet. Lippold guessed that it was 
Virgil and his views were followed up and 
further expanded in an article by J. F. Crome 13 . 
Crome’s arguments were mainly as follows: He 
judged the portrait on stylistic grounds to be 

“ Rom. Mitt. XXXin, 1918, pp. 1 ff. 

13 Reale Accademia Virgiliana di Mantova, Atti e 
Memorie, Nuova Sene Vol. XXIV, 1935, pp. 1 ff. 


a portrait of a Roman from the end of the 
Republic. In view of the large number of re- 
plicas — when Crome wrote there were thirty- 
eight of them — it must represent one of the 
most famous of the Roman poets. Lastly, it is 
collocated in a double herm with the so-called 
Apollonius of Tyana, which Crome — in com- 
mon with perhaps the majority of investigators 
— considered to be a portrait of Homer. No 
Roman poet was better fitted than the writer 
of the Aeneid to form the Latin counterpart of 
Homer. 

There are, as we see, large meshes also in 
this net. The discrepancy as regards the dating 
is naturally alarmingly great, and one wonders 
how such a divergence can be possible. But the 
so-called Menander portrait belongs to a tradi- 



ng. 7. The “Menander” head. Djursholm. 


Fig. 8. The “ Menander ” head. Djursholm. 


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49 


tion line in Hellenistic portrait art, which be- 
gins with the Alexander portrait by Lysippos 
and ends with the large group of Hellenistic 
portraits of Romans from the last century be- 
fore the Christian era. The portraits of the 
Diadochi belong to this line, the portrait of 
Cicero too. This is a portrait art distinguished 
by ideality and strong feeling in personal inter- 
pretation and by an often magnificent and effec- 
tive style. This trend is, on the whole, quite 
uniform throughout the Hellenistic Age, and 
it is not surprising that works belonging to 
it may be difficult to date. But although this 
line in the portrait art of the Hellenistic period 
has a fairly homogeneous character, it is not 
entirely uninfluenced by the changes in the 
interpretation of art and of persons, and even 
in those portraits which might justifiably be 
called ideal portraits the development tends to- 
wards psychological insight and individualiza- 
tion. From that point of view the portrait, as 
we have mentioned, is scarcely thinkable at the 
beginning of the third century but much more 
likely during the second half of the third cen- 
tury, a dating that has been suggested by 
L. Laurenzi 14 and V. Poulsen 15 . Hence Poulsen 
has wished to identify our unknown writer with 
the court poet Kallimachos of Alexandria, an 
attractive suggestion in many respects, but one 
that does not accord really well with the alto- 
gether unique popularity of our portrait during 
the whole time of the Roman Empire. 1 soon 
found when working with the Roman portraits 
from the end of the Republic that the so-called 
Menander portrait is readily believable as a 
work from that time 16 . We can cite many good 
stylistic parallels among private portraits during 
this time 17 and also have reason, like Rhys 

14 Ritratti Greci, pp. 139 ff. 

15 Kunstmuseets Arsskrift 1951, pp. 67 ff. 

19 Studien zur Kunstgeschichte der romischen Re- 
public p. 215. 

17 Cf. e.g. the replica in Korfu, Fig. 9, with the 
head in Delos, C. Michalowski, Les portraits hel- 
llnistiques, PI. XXI, or a head in the Museo Nazio- 
nale Romano, Felletti Maj, I Ritratti, 44. Cf. fur- 

50 


Carpenter, to consider the Hellenistic portrait 
of Augustus or rather Octavian, preserved in 
coin-types from the thirties 18 . It is a representa- 
tion of Octavian as omnipotent ruler, created 
in accordance with the tradition of the Alexan- 
der and Diadochi portraits. There is a strong 
resemblance in style between this coin-type and 
the so-called Menander, and we may note that 
the treatment of the hair is the same. What 
could be more natural than that the represen- 
tation of Virgil, the Augustan court poet and 
national bard, should follow the style of the 
Octavian portrait? The combination in a double 
herm with Apollonius of Tyana, irrespective of 
whether this portrait represents Homer or He- 
siod, is also, as B. M. Felletti Maj has pointed 
out 19 , a powerful argument in support of the 
Virgil hypothesis. 

I therefore still feel great sympathy for this 
idea, although I am fully aware that it has not 
been proved. A more thorough examination 
than has hitherto been made of all the replicas 
in an attempt to date the time of each replica 
would be of value. Perhaps they all belong to 
the time of the Roman Empire. The abundance 
of replicas cannot be due to chance but must 
be connected with the importance of the person 
portrayed. One thinks in this connection of the 
dominant influence exerted by Virgil on Roman 
educational life. This was primarily due to the 
schools, where he was studied already at the 
elementary stage and provided material for 
exercises in grammar and metrics. Study con- 
tinued in the higher classes and his importance 
was great in the schools of rhetoric 20 . Even 
Augustinus declares how living he still was in 
the minds of all educated people 21 . In schools, 
gymnasia and libraries his likeness was often 

ther R. Herbig, Zum Menander- Vergil Problem, Rom. 
Mitt. LIX, 1944-46, pp. 77 ff. 

18 A contribution to the Vergil-Menander contro- 
versy, Hesperia XX, 1951, pp. 34 ff. 

18 Felletti Maj, o.c., p. 21. 

“ Schanz-Hosius, Geschichte der romischen Lite- 
ratur II, pp. 98 ff. 

71 Civ. dei 1, 13. 


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Fig. 9. “Menander”. Marble. Museum of Corfu. 

to be seen 22 , and indeed nothing would be more 
natural than to find that his portrait in par- 
ticular has been preserved in an unusually large 
number of replicas. The new replica in Throne- 
Hoist’s collection to some extent supports the 
Virgil theory because it is so late. Menander, 
it is true, was popular throughout classical an- 
tiquity but owing to his language was not as 
highly valued by the Atticistic purists of the 
second century 28 . It is also rather uncommon 
for a Greek poet’s or philosopher’s portrait from 
late classical or Hellenistic times to be supple- 
mented in a copy from the time of the Roman 
Empire by the drilling and engraving of pupil 

“ Cf. Suetonius, Gaius Caligula 34, Iuvenalis sat. 
VII, 225 ff. 

n W. Schmid, Wilhelm von Christs Geschichte der 
griechiscben Literatur (6. Aufl.), pp. 45 f. 


and iris. In a copy of a Roman portrait from 
the early Empire period an addition of that 
kind would seem more natural. 

Now if the so-called Menander really is 
Virgil, then the portrait in the Ny Carlsberg 
Glyptotek recently named Virgil by Vagn Poul- 
sen cannot represent the same poet 24 . It is a 
portrait in four replicas, one of which is com- 
bined in a double herm with the so-called 
Pseudo-Seneca. But for the identification of 
this interesting portrait from the end of the 
Republic, to which Poulsen has drawn atten- 
tion, there are of course other possibilities, too. 
Suetonius’ characterization of Virgil’s appear- 
ance, that he had a countrified look, fits in to 
some extent with the Copenhagen portrait. But 
on the other hand, it is improbable that a 
sculptor would have stressed such a feature 
when he was creating the likeness of the na- 
tional bard. 

It is quite natural for us to pass on from the 
“Menander portrait” to one of the Roman por- 
traits in the collection, the one shown in figs. 
10—11. It is still full of living Hellenism and 
yet definitely belongs to a Roman milieu. It 
is one of the first acquisitions in the collection 
and was bought in 1937 from the Norwegian 
painter L. O. Ravensberg, who obtained it in 
Rome. 

This work is a head in natural size. Its height 
is 22.5 cm., the total height of the piece in- 
cluding the neck being 26.3 cm. It is executed 
in marble, which is white with very small 
crystals and has a light yellowish brown patina. 
The surface looks as though it were pitted with 
small corrosion holes in places, especially on 
the nose and brow and in the hair, which is 
hardly a natural condition for marble. On 
the left side of the crown of the head a lump 
has been corroded away or knocked off and 
there the marble seems flaky. The material has 
the character of marble closely related to lime- 

54 Meddelelser fra Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, 1958, 
pp. 1 ff. 


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51 





Fig. 12. Roman portrait. Marble. Museo Nazionale , 
Naples. 


Fig. 11. The head shown in Fig. 10. 


stone of, for instance, travertine type. The tip 
of the nose is fractured and the neck broken 
off - with a cut surface — at the base. A 
broken part at the back of the neck has a raised 
edge, indicating that there was originally a 
drapery here, probably of a toga. 

The back of the head is only coarsely carved 
with very slight hair marking. The crown is 
bald, framed by the curved, thick locks of hair 
at the temples. A few sparse locks at the back 
of the crown are combed forwards. Deep fur- 
rows in the cheeks frame the protruding mouth. 
The neck is quite scraggy, with pronounced 
tendons and Adam’s apple. 

The decisive effect, when confronted with 
this head, is its gentleness and melancholy, the 


sensitive form language which finds expression 
particularly in the almost femininely soft and 
well-shaped mouth. But it is also clear and 
simple in structure, with a sculptural purity 
and strength that puts it among works in the 
strong Hellenistic tradition of the final phase 
of the Republic. It has nothing of the exag- 
gerated illusionism characterizing the Flavian 
portrait, which also suggests itself perhaps 
when one at a first glance attempts to discover 
the time of this head. 

There are many closely related works in the 
Hellenistic group of Roman portraits from 
the last century B.C., both in the east and in 
the purely Roman milieu. A portrait in the 
British Museum from Rhodes 25 is an example 


Fig. 10. Roman portrait. Marble. The Throne- 
Hoist Collection , Djursholm. 


25 A. H. Smith, Catalogue of Sculpture III, 1965. 
R. Hinks, Greek and Roman Portrait-Sculpture, p. 15. 
Vessberg, Studien, p. 214, Taf. LI:2. 


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Fig. 13. Roman portrait. Marble. The Throne-Hoist Fig. 14. The head shown in Fig. 13. 
Collection , Djursholm. 




Fig. 15. Tombstone with busts of 
Pinarius Lanier os and Myrsine. 
Marble. Museo delle Terme , Rome- 


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from the east with the same sensitive, living 
surface and the same gentle contrast between 
the hair and the skin of the face. Among the 
Roman portraits of special note are a well- 
known portrait in Naples 26 (fig. 12) with a re- 
plica in the Louvre, one of the “great uniden- 
tified” who have been given different names, 
a head in the Lateran which A. Giuliano, in- 
terestingly enough, has compared with the 
Menander portrait 27 , and a head in the Vati- 
can 28 . A particularly striking parallel is a head 
in the Lateran 29 that once formed part of a 
historical relief from the middle of the last 
century B.C. Here there is agreement feature 
by feature: the treatment of the hair, the shape 
of the forehead and eyebrows, the drawing of 
the eye, and the soft drooping mouth. It should 
be pointed out that our head also has a con- 
nection with the Roman-realistic line in the 
portrait art of the end of the Republic 30 . The 
lean stringy throat particularly recalls portraits 
in this group, where it is often a strongly accen- 
tuated feature, not least in the portraits of 
Caesar from the middle of the century. Our 
portrait is also likely to belong to this time, 
c. 50 B.C. 

It is interesting to compare our Hellenized 
Roman with the prosaic workaday type exem- 
plified by the head in figs. 13—14. There is 
not much idealism or sentiment in these slightly 
trivial but surely sculptured features. This is a 
head in Italic marble with a yellow patina, 
broken right across the neck. The total height 
of the piece is 26 cm. The tip of the nose is 
fractured, but otherwise, as we see from the 
picture, the head is well preserved. 

*• Guida Ruesch, 1101. A. Hekler, Die Bildnis- 
kunst der Griechen und Romer, 148a. Vessberg, Stu- 
dien, pp. 212 f., Taf. L. 

27 A. Giuliano, Catalogo dei ritratti Romani del 
Museo Profano Lateranense, 6, Taw. 5—6. 

w G. Kaschnitz-Weinberg, Sculture del Magaz- 
zino del Museo Vaticano, Nr. 591, Taf. 95. Vessberg, 
Studien, p. 223, Taf. 60. 

*• A. J. B. Wace, P.B.S. HI, 1905, p. 287, PI. XXX, 
Fig. 3. Vessberg, Studien, p. 190, Taf. XXXII: 1. 

10 Cf. e.g. Vessberg, Studien, Taf. LXI. 


Again we have before us a “Republican” 
but of the soberly matter-of-fact Roman type. 
The only very roughly sketched hair, the well- 
defined protruding mouth and the shrivelled 
neck with its strongly marked tendons are 
characteristic features of this portrait, which 
has very close parallels particularly on the tomb 
reliefs from the end of the Republic. I will 
compare it especially with the portrait of Pina- 
rius Lanteros on a relief in the Museo delle 
Terme 31 (fig. 15). It shows a startling resem- 
blance to our head in both physiognomy and 
style. They are so much alike that we have 
every reason to assume that they are works 
of the same artist or workshop. Consequently, 
the head also goes with two other tomb reliefs 
which I have earlier put together with the 
above-mentioned relief in the Museo delle 
Terme to form a group, namely a relief in the 
Villa Colonna with portraits of Manlia Rufa 
and Manlius Stephanus 32 and another relief in 
the Museo delle Terme, previously located in 
the Villa Mattei, with busts of one man and 
two women 33 . All these reliefs certainly come 
from the same workshop. The male portraits 
on these reliefs are distinguished by rigidity 
and firmness of structure, and they exhibit the 
physiognomical affinity which throughout the 
centuries characterizes portraits from the same 
epoch. They are from the time of transition to 
the Empire period, the relief bearing the por- 
trait of Pinarius Lanteros, which corresponds 
so remarkably well with the head we are now 
considering, having earlier been dated by me 
to c. 30 B. C. 

The large bronze head in figs. 16—20 is un- 
doubtedly one of the most noteworthy acquisi- 
tions in Throne-Hoist’s collection. It was pur- 
chased in 1957 in Lucerne at a sale of objects 
from Jacob Hirsch’s collection. 


« Vessberg, Studien, p. 199, Taf. XXXVIII:3. 

88 Vessberg, Studien, pp. 198 ff., Taf. XXXVIII: 1. 
88 F. W. Goethert, Zur Kunst der rom. Republik, 
p. 49. Vessberg, Studien, pp. 198 f., Taf. XXXVIII:2. 

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I The head, which is broken off at the upper 
part of the neck, is of colossal size. Its height 
is 44 cm., the maximum width ert face being 
32 cm. and in profile 36.5 cm. The thickness 
of the sheet-bronze is 0.8— 1.0 cm. on the fore- 
head, 0.4— 0.8 cm. at the neck and 0.4— 1.0 
cm. in the hair. Most of the top of the head 
is missing. There is a crack about 20 cm. long 
on the left side of the head, behind the ear. 
There are also cracks and small holes in the 
whiskers on the left side of the head and a 
crack about 10 cm. long on the right side of 
the back of the head. The hair and beard on 
the right side are flattened, evidently as the 
result of a blow, and the nose has been bent 
by a blow, too. The left side of the face is 
jslightly worn or weathered, evidently by the 
action of water. There are numerous incrusta- 
tions in the hair. But as a whole this magnificent 
head is well preserved in all its splendour, 
which is specially brought out by the gilding, 
most of which remains. The gilding is par- 
ticularly well preserved in the hair, notably on 
the right side of the back of the head, and also 
on the forehead, eyes, cheeks nearest the nose, 
moustache, lips and chin-beard. 

The eyes have engraved irises and the pupils 
are executed as oval depressions. 

According to information supplied by Herr 
Paul Viktor Suppan of Vienna, to whose family 
the head belonged before it was acquired by 
Dr. Jacob Hirsch, it was found in the Tiber 
in Rome about 1770—1790 and was at first 
owned by the Cardinal Schonbora who was 
attached to the court of Ferdinand IV in 
Naples. 

The colossal size indicates that it is the 
portrait of an Emperor, and there is no doubt 
that it bears the features of Antoninus Pius, 
although when first weighing the possibilities 
one might also think of Hadrian or Septimius 
Severus. But the small tufts or small curls of 

16- Portrait of Antoninus Pius. Bronze. The 
Throne-Hoist Collection , Djursholm. 


hair, the bulging forehead and the very strong 
chin are essential traits in the image of Antoni- 
nus Pius that are not found in the others; the 
mild, sagacious and what might be described 
as commonplace look is also extremely charac- 
teristic. The portraits of Antoninus Pius have 
prominent thick front hair with two groups of 
locks particularly marked 34 . These may be 
given a highly significant form, almost like a 
crayfish’s claw 35 , as for instance in a portrait 
in the Museo Nazionale in Naples or the por- 
trait in the Sala a Croce Greca in the Vatican. 
But in our portrait the locks are modelled 
throughout as thick, entirely distinct “spiral 
rolls”, and this also applies to the frontal hair. 
This treatment of the hair is characteristic of 
a group of late Antoninus portraits which 
M. Wegner has brought together and which in 
their style are closely linked to the portraits 
of Marcus Aurelius 36 , particularly the portraits 
of the 160’s, to which the equestrian statue 
on the Capitol probably also belongs. There 
the type of hair has changed completely to 
small distinct spiral locks, a type of hair treat- 
ment wholly foreign to Hadrian’s time and not 
found either in the early portraits of Antoninus 
Pius. If we look at the coin-types we can see 
that the “spiral lock hair” first appears in the 
youthful effigies of Marcus Aurelius on Anto- 
ninus Pius’ coins 37 . In the portraits of Anto- 
ninus Pius which may reliably be dated to early 
coin-series, it does not however occur, but we 
find a tendency to a similar treatment of the 
hair in later coin-series, those issued after 
145 38 . 

It should be noted that the hair in small 
curls, the “spiral lock hair”, is also present in 

84 M. Wegner, Die Herrscherbildnisse in antoni- 
nischer Zeit, p. 25, Taf. 4b. 

85 Wegner, o.c., p. 22, Taf. 4a. 

86 Wegner, o.c., pp. 24 ff. 

87 Cf. e.g. H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman 
Empire in the British Museum IV, PI. 3, 17—20, 
aurei and denarii of 139 A.D. 

M Cf. e.g. Mattingly, o.c. IV, PI. 40:1—2, 41:1, 
42:10, 45:2. 


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Fig. 17. Antoninus Pius. Bronze. 
The Throne-Hoist Collection , 
Djursholm. 


the portraits of Septimius Severus. We can 
perhaps say that our bronze head has a certain 
general resemblance to the portraits of Severus. 
But the differences are fundamental and con- 
spicuous if we compare the coin-types 39 . The 
head of Septimius Severus is short and robust, 
that of Antoninus Pius long. The hair of the 
former has a bushier and more untidy form, 
also the beard, which in the case of Septimius 
Severus is divided into long tongues or tufts. 
If we compare with portraits of Severus sculp- 
tured in the round, the admirable bronze statue 

39 Cf. regarding the Severus portraits on coins 
Mattingly, o.c. V, PI. 5 ff. 


in Nicosia for instance 40 , we can see among 
other things that Septimius Severus has a 
weaker, narrower chin. His look also reveals 
an entirely different person. It is a little squint- 
ing and unsure, contrasting strongly with Anto- 
ninus Pius’ steady, sagacious look. 

We can therefore identify our bronze head 
with absolute certainty as a portrait of Anto- 
ninus Pius. In his treatment of the iconography 
of this Emperor, M. Wegner has divided the 
portraits of Antoninus into three chrono- 
logically distinct groups, where the treatment 

40 P. Dikaios, A Guide to the Cyprus Museum, p. 
111. S.C.E. IV:3, PL XXII. 


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of the hair was the determining factor 41 . Our 
bronze head comes nearest to the third of these 
groups, a group of late portraits in which the 
hair is entirely moulded as a “Lockenrollen- 
werk” without tongues or loose tufts. This is 
a hair style which bridges over to the time of 
Marcus Aurelius and which in itself shows that 
the group is late and belongs to the last years 
of Antoninus Pius’ reign or may possibly be 
posthumous. But, in addition, the portraits 
exhibit certain marked features of old age. This 
applies to some extent also to our bronze head. 
The furrows of the brow are more than usually 
accentuated and the face has something of the 
calm and resignation of an old man. 

The colossal size most probably indicates 
that the head was part of a statue, although of 
course a bust is also a possibility. The coins 
have preserved various statuary representations 
of Antoninus Pius. He is portrayed in armour 
with a lance in his hand 42 , sacrificing in the 
toga and with covered head 43 , in the toga with 
the terrestrial globe in his hand 44 , and on horse- 
back 45 . He is represented as divus enthroned 
with a sceptre in his left hand and a spray in 
his right 46 , and we also have on the coins a 
picture of the column surmounted by a statue 
which Marcus Aurelius erected to the memory 
of his predecessor 47 . He is there depicted hold- 
ing a sceptre and presumably togatus. Among 
these representations we look for a statuary 
motif in which the slight turn to the right would 
be particularly well justified. It is so especially 
in one, the albcutio motif. The raised right arm 
in oratorical pose makes a slight orientation of 
the head to the right quite natural. Among 
the statuary motifs that have been mentioned 
on the coins there is only one showing the 

41 Die Herrscherbildnisse in antoninischer Zeit, pp. 
21 ff. 

4 * Mattinlgy, o.c. IV, PI. 6:17-18. 

43 Mattingly, o.c. IV, PI. 13:10-11. 

44 Mattingly, o.c. IV, PI. 16:19. 

45 Mattingly, o.c. IV, PI. 16:6, 46:1. 

48 Mattingly, o.c. IV, PI. 54:16. 

47 Mattingly, o.c. IV, PI. 54:17. 


Emperor with the allocutio gesture and that is , 
the equestrian statue. The statue of Marcus 
Aurelius on the Capitol exhibits the same slight 
inclination to the right as our bronze head, 
an inclination motivated by the oratorical 
gesture with the right arm. 

The statue of Marcus Aurelius and our 
head come very close to each other in style, 
too, and there is a marked resemblance in 
the facture of the heads 48 . We should note 
especially the identical treatment of the hair 
in the form of “bosses”, divided by one or two 
furrows or grooves. Strikingly similar is the 
moulding of the eyebrows, which are done in 
relief, and the moustache. The eyebrows also 
have the same arched undulating line. The rich , 
plastic inflections of the surface with contrasting 
light and shade are repeated in both, although 
more moderately in the Antoninus Pius por- 
trait, which is more influenced by an older 
tradition. It seems probable to me that these 
two works come from the same workshop and 
they cannot be far distant from each other in 
time. An assumption of this kind is supported 
by the individual datings. We have found that 
the Antoninus Pius portrait was made during; 
the last years of the Emperor’s reign or pos- 
sibly after his death. The equestrian statue on 
the Capitol belongs without doubt to the earlier 
years of Marcus Aurelius’ reign and has been 
dated by Wegner to the period between 164 
and 166 40 . 

Whether the head of Antoninus Pius was 
part of an equestrian statue or an ordinary 
statue cannot be determined with certainty. In 
the latter case it may have been a statue in 
armour, a statue in a toga or perhaps most 
likely of all a heroizing statue in the nude with 

48 Cf. K. Kluge— K. Lehmann-Hartleben, Die 
antiken Grossbronzen III, Taf. XII. Wegner, o.c, 
Taf. 23. 

49 Wegner, o.c., p. 42. 

Fig. 21. Roman portrait bust. 3rd cent . A.D. Thti 
Throne-Hoist Collection , Djursholm . 


60 


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Fig. 22. Portrait of Claudius Gothicus . Medallion . Fig. 23. Portrait of Carinus. Medallion. 2:1 . Bede 

1.4:1. Vienna. 


mantle drapery as in the bronze statue with 
the head of Septimius Severus in Brussels 50 . 
Where in Rome the statue of Antoninus Pius 
was erected, when gleaming with gold it was 
completed about 160, is also uncertain. But 
the place of its finding in the Tiber permits a 
guess that it stood — in fact like the above- 
mentioned statue in Brussels — in Hadrian’s 
mausoleum, where Antoninus Pius’ tomb was 
also placed. Perhaps the head found its way 
into the Tiber already in the time of Justinian 
on the occasion when the Goths under Vitiges 
laid siege to Rome in 537 and stormed the 
moles Hadriani. Then the besieged defended 
themselves by hurling statues down onto the 
enemy. 

The male bust in fig. 21 is a most impressive 
representative of its epoch in the collection — 
both through its martial accessories and its 
gravity and tense expression. It is a portrait 


50 Kluge— Lehmann-Hartleben, o.c. Ill, Taf. XXX. 


of a middle-aged man with lean features and 
intense gaze, close-cut hair and beard and a 
coarse protruding mouth with thick lips. The 
bust is clad in armour with paludamentum, 
which is fastened with a button, decorated with 
a rosette, on the right shoulder. The breast part 
is hollowed out at the back and has a sculp- 
tured support. The material is marble, white 
with a yellow patina. It is rich in very small 
crystals and is likely to be of Italic origin. The 
total height of the bust is 64 cm., the height 
of the head being 25 cm. It was bought in 
1958 from a Swiss art-dealer. 

Here we have before us one of the third 
century generals, the paludamentum showing 
that he is a military commander. There is 
severity and something of impatience and ner- 
vous tension in his features that admirably 
illustrates the hectic pulse of the century. The 
hair encloses the skull like a calotte and is 
modelled in finely chiselled “strands”. At the 
back of the head it is more sketchily done, but 
it is nevertheless arranged with a distinct 
middle-parting. The pupils in the large eyes, 


62 


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rershadowed by powerful eyebrows, are drilled 
an-shaped. The fashion of the hair and 
tard, the lean features and the strong realism 
ing to mind particularly one of the third cen- 
iy’s Imperial effigies on coins, namely the 
>rtrait of Claudius Gothicus (fig. 22) 51 . The 
laracteristic, thick, bushy beard on the cheeks 
id under the chin is still more marked on the 

51 B. M. Felletti Maj, Iconografia Romana Im- 
riale da Severo Alessandro a M. Aurelio Carino, 
iv. XLIX:169. Here reproduced as fig. 22. 


coin-types of Carinus (fig. 23) 52 . This is a 
fashion in beards largely inherited from Gal- 
lienic times and characterizing many portraits 
from post-Gallienic times 53 . In consideration of 
the Emperor effigies here compared, of which 
the portrait of Claudius in particular seems to 
be the type-forming ruler portrait in this case, 
the bust should be dated to 265—285 A.D. 

“ Felletti Maj, o.c., Tav. LVII:201. Here re- 
produed as fig. 23. 

M H. P. L’Orange, Studien zur Geschichte des 
spatantiken Portrats, pp. 35 f. 


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63 



Photo: 

O. Ekberg, pp. 56, 58, 59 (Fig. 18). 

J. Felbermeyer, pp. 43—44 (Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, 
Rom, Neg. 42.59, 42.70). 

N. Lagergren, pp. 6—35, 48—49, 54 (Figs. 13—14), 

59 (Figs. 19-20). 

Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, p. 41. 

Drawings: 

B. Millberg. 


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THE MUSEUM OF MEDITERRANEAN AND NEAR EASTERN ANTIQUITIES 


MEDELHAVSMUSEET 


31 A ft r Uhl) Ub&AlI 

UtC 'SJ 1964 


BULLETIN 


Number 3 1963 


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CONTENTS 


Supplementary Notes on Finds from Ajia Irini in Cyprus 
EINAR GJERSTAD 3 

Kreta, Tiber und Stora Melldsa 

Bemerkungen zu zwei Bronze schwertem aus dem Tiber 

EVERT BAUDOU 41 

A Black-Figured Neck-Amphora of the Leagros Group 

TULLIA RONNE-LINDERS 54 

A Republican Portrait from the Sabina 

OLOF VESSBERG 67 


Editorial and Distribution Office: 

Medelhavsmuseet, Storgatan 41, Stockholm 0 , Sweden. 


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The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities 

MEDELHAVSMUSEET 


BULLETIN 

Number 3 1963 


Published by The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities (Medelhavsmuseet) 


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Published with the aid of a grant from Humanistiska Forskningsr&det. 
© 1963 Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm. 

Stockholm 1963 

Victor Pettersons Bokindustri AB 


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Supplementary Notes on Finds 
from Ajia Irini in Cyprus 


EINAR GJERSTAD 


Introduction 

The village of Ajia Irini is situated not far from 
the shore of the N.W. coast of Cyprus. A 
sanctuary close by this village was excavated by 
the Swedish Cyprus Expedition in 1929—1930. 
These excavations yielded results important for 
our knowledge of the history of Cypriote religion 
and the sculptural art of the island. The evidence 
bearing upon the history of religion has been 
studied by Erik Sjoqvist 1 , the architectural 
remains and the objects found are published in 
Swed. Cyp. Exp . II, pp. 642 If. In time the finds 
range from the final period of the Bronze Age, 
Late Cypriote III, to c. 500 B.C., i.e. a short 
time before the end of the Cypro-Archaic epoch, 
with the addition of an insignificant revival of 
the cult in the Hellenistic period after a com- 
plete interruption during the Cypro-Classical 
time. The cult practised in the sanctuary was 
from the beginning a fertility cult and the deity 
was conceived in the shape of a bull in the 
religious ideas of the worshippers. In Late 
Cypriote III (c. 1200—1050 B.C.) the sanctuary 
consisted of a complex of rectangular houses 
along the sides of a large, open court, with the 
central building as the cult house proper, where 

1 Arch.f. Rel. Wiss. XXX, 1932, pp. 308 ff. 


all the cult requisites were found. In the be- 
ginning of the Cypro-Geometric period, c. 
1050 B.C., this sanctuary was covered by a 
thick layer of sterile, red earth and on top of 
the same a sanctuary of quite another type was 
constructed: an open temenos of an irregularly 
oval shape, surrounded by a peribolos wall of 
red earth and with a low altar and a libation 
table, close by the altar, as a sacred centre. 
The majority of the ex votos consisted of terra- 
cotta bulls and from this we may infer that 
the cult remained a cult of fertility and that the 
deity was still conceived in the shape of a bull. 

This Geometric temenos lasted to the middle 
of Cypro-Geometric III, c. 775 B.C., when the 
sanctuary was subject to some modifications. 
The peribolos wall was heightened and the 
earlier altar was replaced by a new one in the 
shape of a rectangular pillar. The majority of 
the ex votos deposed in this new temenos 
consists of three classes of sculptures: bull 
statuettes, minotaurs, and human figures. The 
minotaurs are composed of a bull’s body and 
a human torso and head. They are represented 
as adorants of the deity worshipped, as his 
attendants. They indicate that for the strictly 
theriomorphous conception of the deity had 
been substituted an initial anthropomorphic 

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idea of the same, as also confirmed by the 
statuettes of human shape. They are the first ex 
votos of human sculptures at Ajia Irini and in 
the subsequent periods this new category of 
ex votos was developed into the great art sculp- 
ture of Cypro-Archaic I and II. Both in cult and 
art the anthropomorphic idea becomes pre- 
dominant. The great number of armed figures 
among the votive sculptures, the chariot sta- 
tuettes, etc. indicate that the deity was a god of 
war as well as a god of fertility, whose attributes, 
the thunderbolts (pp. 27, 40) show that his ca- 
pacity of fertility also included the fertilizing rain: 
in other words, he was a god of general protection 
for the society, a theos sosipolis. 

The particular importance of the votive 
sculptures of Ajia Irini for the elucidation of the 
history of Cypriote sculptural art during the 
Archaic period lies in the fact that these sculp- 
tures were found in stratigraphically distinct 
contexts*, so that, for their chronological deter- 
mination, we are not dependent solely on 
stylistic criteria but have also supplementary 
stratigraphical evidence. In the excavation re- 
port the art sculpture* has been classified in a 

* The stratification, as described in detail in the excava- 
tion report, op. cit. II, pp. 797 ff., was in the Cypro-Archaic 
period to a large extent formed by alluvial sand and gravel 
brought down by heavy winter rains flooding the open air 
sanctuary on several occasions: in the early part of Cypro- 
Archaic II, about the middle of that period and at the 
beginning of its final phase, in absolute figures, c. 560, 540, 
and 500 B.C. After the inundations of c. 560 and 540 B.C. 
the new floor of the sanctuary was levelled on top of the 
alluvial material but the earlier sculptures were left on 
their original level, and new sculptures were deposed on 
the each time raised level. The small statuettes standing on 
the floor inundated c. 560 B.C. were finally entirely covered 
by the alluvium and the larger sculptures almost entirely, 
or up to the breast, or waist etc. dependent on their height. 

8 In op. cit. p. 777, the various categories of sculptures 
represented at Ajia Irini have been distinguished: the ma- 
jority of the small and larger statuettes are pure idol 
plastic, i.e., they are not of an artistic, but only a sacred 
nature, not produced with artistic intentions, but only for 
religious purposes, to be used as votive offerings; only the 
sculptures bearing the impress of an incontestable and 
clearly artistic character may be classified as art sculpture, 
only these sculptures are stylistically determinable, if by 
style is meant an artistic norm producing an intended 
artistic shape; within the idol plastic no styles, only types 
can be distinguished; there are also several mixed speci- 
mens between these two categories (cf. pp. 36 f., 39). 


number of local styles and the stratified levels 
have been used to mark the sequence of the 
local periods. In the general classification of the 
material undertaken in Swed. Cyp. Exp . IV:2, 
these local styles have been grouped together 
into a number of general styles and for the local 
periods general chronological periods have been 
substituted. The general styles of the art sculp- 
ture in question are: First Proto-Cypriote, 
Second Proto-Cypriote, Neo-Cypriote, and Ar- 
chaic-Greek. 

For the interrelations of these local and general 
styles I refer to Swed. Cyp. Exp. IV :2, p. 93 4 . 
In this paper I shall use the terms of the general 
classification when dealing with the art sculpture 
but for the animal statuettes and the human 
figurines belonging to the category called idol pla- 
stic (pp. 38 f.) I shall use the terms of the minute 
classification of the different types of this plastic 
made in the excavation report, because these 
types are more confined to a specific locality 
than the styles of the art sculpture and the terms 
for denoting the types of the idol plastic in the 
general classification made in Swed. Cyp. Exp . 
IV :2* comprise necessarily too many varieties 
and cannot therefore be used to indicate pre- 
cisely one local variety. 

For the relation of the local Ajia Irini periods 
and those of the general chronology I refer to 
Swed. Cyp. Exp. IV:2, pp. 191, 197 f., 207*. It 
goes without saying that these periods overlap 
each other, the intervals of the local periods, as 
mentioned (n. 2), being dependent on the time 
of inundations caused by winter floods. In cases 

4 From the diagram, loc. cit., it can be seen that the Ajia 
Irini styles I and II correspond to the First Proto-Cypriote 
style, the Ajia Irini styles III and IV correspond to the 
Second Proto-Cypriote style, the Ajia Irini styles V and VI 
correspond to the Neo-Cypriote style, the Ajia Irini style 
VII corresponds to the Archaic Cypro-Greek style. 

4 Op. cit., pp. 125 ff. 

• It can be seen that the local Period 1 falls within Late 
Cypriote III, Period 2 covers Cypro-Geometric I, II and 
lasted until the middle of Cypro-Geometric III, Period 3 
from the latter date until about the middle of Cypro- 
Archaic I, i.e. c. 650 B.C., Period 4 from that date until the 
early phase of Cypro-Archaic II, or in absolute figures c. 
560 B.C., Period 5 from c. 560 to 540 B.C. and Period 6 
from c. 540 to 500 B.C. 


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where required for a chronological precision 
reference to the local periods will be made in 
this paper, otherwise the terms of the general 
chronology will be used. 

In accordance with the principles of the 
publication of the excavation reports of the 
Swedish Cyprus Expedition, the finds from the 
sanctuary at Ajia Irini were published when the 
fragmentary objects had been mended to such 
an extent that a material had been obtained 
that was considered to be sufficient to form a 
basis for the chronological and historical con- 
clusions. When the objects found on every ex- 
cavation site had been prepared for publication 
in this way there remained, however, consider- 
able fragments of pottery, sculptures, etc., 
which were brought to Sweden for studies and 
for further mending. It will take a long time 
before all this fragmentary material has been 
thoroughly examined and mended but it is work 
that is profitable from a scientific point of 
view and will also supply the Museum of Medi- 
terranean Antiquities with many valuable new 
acquisitions obtained from the material already 
existing in the museum. 

For some time Mr. Toulis Souidos has been 
systematically working on the fragments of 
terracottas from Ajia Irini for the purpose of 
putting together the still disjecta membra and 
the results of his efforts are very satisfactory 
from several points of view. When Dr. Vessberg 
invited me to publish a paper on these partly 
new, partly restored finds from Cyprus I accepted 
his invitation with pleasure as it offered me a 
desirable opportunity to return for a while to 
my old hunting grounds. A well known proverb 
says: ’’Love does not tarnish with age.” 

1 wish to emphasize that the sculptures dealt 
with here do not include all those from Ajia 
Irini restored by Mr. Souidos. The restored 
terracotta figures not considered here belong, 
however, entirely to the category of idol plastic 
which is already represented by many similar 
specimens and their restoration includes only 
minor details, falling within the sphere of 


museal preservation but of no particular scien- 
tific interest. On the other hand it should be 
noted that some interesting fragmentary sculp- 
tures have been left out of consideration in this 
paper, in the hope that the missing parts will 
be found in the course of continued restoration 
work. It is therefore not out of the question that 
there will be material for a second supplementary 
note on the Ajia Irini sculptures to be published 
on a later occasion. 

Surveying the scientific results of the res- 
toration work we can sum them up in the 
following way: no evidence has appeared in- 
consistent with the historical conclusions drawn 
from the material existing at the time of the 
publication of the excavation report but several 
interesting particulars have been added to our 
picture of the section of ancient life in Cyprus as 
revealed by the finds from Ajia Irini. These 
particulars will be summed up in the final 
chapter of this paper. 

During my work in preparing this paper Mr. 
Bror Millberg, draughtsman at the Museum of 
Mediterranean Antiquities, has rendered me 
invaluable service in many ways for which I 
wish to express my sincerest thanks to him, 
and it is also a pleasure to acknowledge a very 
instructive discussion with Mr. Tom Moller, 
sculptor and teacher at Konstfackskolan, Stock- 
holm, about some technical problems connected 
with the sculptures from Ajia Irini. 

Object register 

N. B. Clay and slip are described only when not men- 
tioned in the excavation report and measures are given 
only in case the parts added to the objects have changed 
their principal dimensions. 

POTTERY 

No. 2414 (Swed. Cyp. Exp . II, p. 763;. White 
Painted IV— V amphora; the second handle and 
parts of the shoulder and rim added; somewhat 
drooping rim; the vertical lines dividing the 
metope decoration on the shoulder are more 
or less rippled; the outer line of the concentric 
circles, both those on the shoulder and the 
neck, is often thicker than the others but there 

5 


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are also circles formed by concentric lines of 
uniform width; the bodies of the female figurines 
on the handles are modelled by hand but the 
heads are made in a mould, a variety of Type 7 
(op. tit. p. 788), with oval face, curved nose, 
thick lips, elliptic eyes and wig-shaped hair; the 
arms (in part broken off) were bent upwards 
with the hands below the breasts; dressed in a 
long tunic, painted red, with black border and 
black girdle across waist, shoes painted red with 
black top-border; hair black; traces of red paint 
on lips and ears, black on eyes. Incisions of 
signs indicating marks of capacity: :ZZZ11111111: 
The dots indicate the beginning and end of the 
marks of capacity and serve to prevent the 
additions of further signs (Fig. 1). 

BULL STATUETTES 
Type 1 

No. 2770 (op. cit. p. 774). Homs reconstructed 
from a fragment of a similar statuette with one 
hom entirely preserved (Fig. 2 b, right) found 
in Square D3; left hind leg added; lower part 
of right hind leg reconstructed (Fig. 2 a and 
b, left). 

Type 4 

No. 2034 (op. cit. p. 749). Right hom added and 
left hom reconstructed in plaster; traces of 
snake curling also from base of right foreleg 
up to neck; small part of back reconstructed 
in plaster as well as left hind leg and base of 
right hind leg (Fig. 3). 

No. 2045 (op. cit. p. 750 )+Suppl. No. 2809. To 
the bull's head. No. 2045, the body, Suppl. No. 
2809, has been added. This statuette was assigned 
to Type 4 in the excavation report owing to the 
fact that at the time of the publication of that 
report only the head of the statuette was known 
to exist and that is very similar to those of Type 
4. The discovery of fragments of the body 
joined to the head shows, however, that this 
statuette forms properly a type of its own, but 

Fig. 1. White Painted IV-V amphora , No. 2414 (a); one 
of the handles ( b ); incised signs of capacity (c). 


may also be considered as a variety of Type 4. 
The body is short and barrel-shaped without 
back-bone; cylindrical legs with somewhat 
widening base; forelegs with knees marked by 
projections; hind legs with ridges marking their 
bony structure; hole on buttock; tail missing, 
but must have been freely hanging; short neck 
with ridged top and brisket in front; triangular 
head with tubular mouth; prominent eyes; 
pointed pellet ears; curved horns; traces of 
black paint on mouth. Tail missing and parts of 
ridges on hind legs; left foreleg, parts of body 
and left hom restored in plaster. Brown clay; 
greenish grey-yellow slip. Length 25.3 cm.; 
height 33.0 cm. (Fig. 4). 

Type 5 

No. 2027 (op. cit. p. 749). Left hom added; 
upper part of right hom reconstructed in plas- 
ter; tail falling along left hind leg, instead of 
right hind leg, as stated erroneously in loc. cit. 
(Fig. 5). 

Type 7 

No. 2349 (op. cit. p. 761). Homs and left foreleg 
added; right foreleg reconstructed in plaster 
(Fig. 6). 

MINOTAUR STATUETTE 

No. 1775 (op. cit. p. 740). Tail falling along 
right hind leg; female breasts deflected aside 
beneath the arms and seen in profile; two holes, 
one on chest and one on buttock (correction of 
misprint in loc. cit.); traces of genitalia above 
front hole, similar to those of No. 2320 (op. cit. 
PI. CCXXVII:2); traces of two snakes (not one 
as stated in the excavation report) coiling on 
the sides of the animal’s body to human part 
of the body, passing the female breasts behind 
to the neck, perhaps lifted by the hands of the 
minotaur as on No. 2031+2361 (op. cit. PI. 
CCXXVII il), a minotaur figure that is very simi- 
lar to the one here in question; left arm added; 
left foreleg added; right hind leg reconstructed 
in plaster; in op. cit. PI. CCXXVII only the 
human part of the statuette reproduced (Fig. 7). 

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Fig. 3 . Bull statuette. No. 2034. 


Fig. 4. Bull statuette, No. 2045 +Suppl.No. 2809. 


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Fig. 5. Bull statuette , No. 2027. 


Fig. 6. Bull statuette , No. 2349 


Fig. 7 . Minotaur statuette. No. 1775 


Fig. 8. Rider statuette, Suppl.No. 2789. 


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RIDER 

Suppl. No. 2789. Fragment of rider statuette; 
the horse with flattened cylindrical body; peg- 
shaped legs; short, somewhat lifted tail; neck 
and head missing; horseman naked; upper part 
of body and left leg missing. Red-brown clay 
and brown slip. Hand-made. Length of horse 
(including tail) 19.0 cm. (Fig. 8). 

CHARIOTS 

No. 1998 (op. cit. p. 748). Front-cover and side- 
cover of the outer right horse added; left arm of 
warrior resting on shoulder of driver (Fig. 9). 
No. 249+115 (op. cit. p. 683). Front-covers of 
horses added; they are decorated with crescent 
ornament in relief and fringed border below; the 
two figures of which only traces were remained 
when op. cit. was published have been largely 
recovered: to the right is the driver, with lower 
part of arms missing; his head is moulded, 


similar to those of the female figurines on the 
amphora, No. 2414 (Fig. 1), and of the sphinx, 
No. 2331 (Fig. 52), with large leaf-shaped eyes, 
full lips, wig-shaped hair-dress, plain beard of 
which the point is broken off; to the left is the 
warrior; head missing; left arm advanced and 
hand resting on left front corner of chariot; 
traces of shield remain on front part of chariot; 
the right arm of warrior resting on back and 
right shoulder of driver; reins of left pair of 
horses and beam and yoke of right pair of 
horses restored in plaster (Fig. 10). 

No. 1123+ 789+1864+1971 (op. cit. p. 711). 
Behind the archer, something has been broken 
off on the chariot, probably remains of a quiver 
with arrows similar to those of No. 2000; body 
of chariot with somewhat concave flanks and 
front (Fig. 11). 

No. 1168 (op. cit. p. 714). The fragments of the 
chariot have been joined as far as possible 



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showing the body of the chariot with concave 
front, slightly curved flanks and open rear; 
plain wheels with projecting hubs; no remains 
of driver and warrior; four horses with short, 
thin bodies; peg-shaped legs; roughly shaped, 
plain front-covers; flattened necks; ’’bird’s” 
heads with bulging eyes; pellet ears. Beams, 
yokes, reins and parts of horses’ bodies missing, 
in part restored in plaster as also small missing 
parts of chariot. Red-brown clay; brown slip. 
Hand-made. Length 21.0 cm. (Fig. 12). 

Suppl. No. 2790. Fragments of a chariot with 
concave front, slightly curved flanks, and open 


rear; dome-shaped part excised in front and 
flanks; longitudinal partition wall in the chariot 
with an erect support ending in a loop at the 
rear; plain wheels, of which only fragment of 
one wheel remains, attached to the flanks of the 
chariot. Fragments of two figurines, one in each 
compartment: to the left a figurine with the left 
arm advanced; most of right arm missing; face 
damaged; pointed beard and pellet ears; to the 
right only cylindrical torso of figurine preserved 
and small part of left arm. No remains of 
horses. Brown clay and slip. Hand-made. 
Length 19.0 cm. (Fig. 13). 


Fig. 10. Chariot , No. 249+115. 



Fig. 12. Chariot , No. 1168. 


Fig. 11. Chariot , No. 1123 + 789+1864+1971 


Fig. 13. Chariot , Suppl. No. 2790. 


Fig. 14. Chariot , No. 25$$+Si/pp/.No. 2791 


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No. 2388 ( op . cit . p. 762)+Swpp/. Wo. 2791 . No. 
2388 includes only the charioteer; the rest 
(Suppl. No. 2791) is composed of fragments. 
The chariot is oval in shape, open in the rear; 
it rested by means of two cylindrical, low 
supports on the disc, which is now missing; 
the chariot has a longitudinal partition wall 
| ending in the rear with a loop-shaped, erect 
support; no wheels, only an axis projecting 
from the flanks of the chariot; finger-prints are 
preserved on the ends of the axes and also in 
part on the light slip showing that there had 
been no wheels broken off from the axes; either 
the wheels were indicated by paint on the flanks 
of the chariot (there are faint traces of black 
paint on the right flank) or were not indicated 
at all, the axis serving as pars pro toto ; in the 
left compartment the charioteer, No. 2388; four 
horses with short bodies; peg-shaped legs; 
wedge-shaped necks with flat front; narrow, 
long heads; incised mouth and nostrils; pellet 
ears; plain head-cover; nose-band; cheek-bands; 


front-covers with crescent-shaped ornament in 
relief; outer horse also with similar side-covers; 
tails attached to left legs; yokes across the necks 
and two beams from yokes to chariot; pieces 
missing and in part restored in plaster. Brown 
clay; light-coloured slip, mostly effaced. Hand- 
made. Length 24.5 cm. (Fig. 14). 

No. 804+944+1338 (op. cit. pp. 696, 702, 720). 
No. 804 refers to the warrior, No. 944 to the 
outer left horses and No. 1338 was described as 
fragments of a chariot. This is rectangular in 
shape and rests directly on the base plate; 
longitudinal partition wall with remains of 
support in the rear; plain wheels (only one 
preserved) with projecting hubs and attached to 
the flanks of the chariot; in the right compart- 
ment stands the driver with advanced arms; 
trunk-shaped body; pellet ears; pinched nose; 
pointed cap; in the left compartment is the 
warrior of similar type; arms missing; helmet 
with cheek-pieces; four horses with flattened 
bodies; peg-shaped legs; bodies united with 


Fig. 15. Chariot , No. 804 + 944+1338. 


13 



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Fig. 16. Group of ring dancers and 
musician , No. 1693 +2083. 


joined pieces of clay; cylindrical, flattened necks; 
plain front-cover; narrow, bird-like heads; eyes 
indicated by plain elevations; blinkers; neck- 
covers with plumes broken off; head- and neck- 
cover; neck-band with plain tassel in front; freely 
hanging tails, broken off; yokes, beams and 
reins missing as well as pieces of horses, in part 
restored in plaster. Red-brown clay; light- 
coloured slip, in part effaced. Hand-made. 
Length 24.0 cm. (Fig. 15). 

Suppl. No. 2792. Chariot, fragmentary; only 
base-plate and horses (part missing) preserved; 
the horses are of the type represented in the 
preceding group. Similar clay and slip. Height 
15.8 cm., length 26.5 cm. 

No. 1687 (op. cit. p. 735). When described in 
loc. cit. only part of the body was preserved and 
erroneously identified with that of a bull sta- 
tuette. The neck and head have now been joined 
to the body making the bull into a horse. This 
has formed part of a four in hand drawing a 
chariot. The body of the horse is cylindrical, 
short, peg-shaped legs; wedge-shaped neck with 
flattened front; narrow head with prominent 
eyes; head-cover; tail (restored partly in plaster) 

14 


attached to right hind leg; nose missing as well 
as left foreleg, both restored in plaster. Brown 
clay and slip. Hand-made. Length 15.5 cm. 
Suppl. No. 2793. Similar horse with nose pre- 
served, showing incised mouth and nostrils; left 
hind leg and lower part of right fore leg restored 
in plaster. Clay and slip as preceding. Hand- 
made. Length 15.4 cm. 

RING DANCERS 

No. 1693+2083 (op. cit. p. 735). Only three 
figurines had been identified when the descrip- 
tion was made in loc. cit. The group consists 
now of five figurines, two female and two male 
dancers standing opposite each other along the 
periphery of the disc plate; in the middle is a 
male musician wearing a strap around his left 
shoulder; this strap probably served to suspend 
a string instrument. The figurines are all made 
in the ”snow-man” technique, with trunk- 
shaped bodies; pellet female breasts; pellet ears 
and noses; the female dancers have long, plain 
hair falling behind; all the figurines have bands 
wound round the head; the dancers have their 
arms outstretched (parts missing). Red-brown 


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day and slip. Hand-made. Disc diam. 16.0 cm.; 
height of figurines 8.5— 9.5 cm. (Fig. 16). 

SCULPTURES OF THE FIRST PROTO- 
CYPRIOTE STYLE 

So. 1726 (op. cit. p. 737). The head is somewhat 
similar to No. 1 as stated in loc. cit. but shows 
several distinct features of its own. The eyes are 
evenly elliptical; the nose has been added and 
is rather thin and protruding as the lips; chin 
with rounded beard and moustache painted in 
black as iris of eyes and eye-brows; hair behind 
indicated as elevated surface, probably also 
painted black but all traces of paint are effaced; 
face and neck painted red; head and helmet made 
in one piece; helmet without cheek-pieces, with 
straight top, broken off; plain ears, in the left 
one fragment of pierced bronze ring, the right 
one with earring of terracotta of which also 
only a fragment is preserved. Brown clay; traces 
of wheel inside, but the facial features modelled 
by hand. (For the probable connexion of this 
head with the torso No. 1843, cf. pp. 35 f.). Height 
18.5 cm. (Fig. 17). 

Suppl. No. 2794. Fragment of head of statue, 
with the face fairly well preserved. The face 
is quite similar to those of Nos. 1 + 1618+ 
1619 and 1728+1740. Only small fragments of 
eyelids preserved but traces of them are visible 
all round the eye-balls; double-spiral incised 
below mouth; ear-rings of terracotta in the 
fairly carefully modelled ears; pointed beard, 
with converging, longitudinal grooves; end of 
beard missing; fragments of conical helmet; 
traces of black paint on beard. Red-brown clay; 
brown slip. Traces of wheel inside, but facial 
features made by hand. Height 20.2 cm. (Fig. 18). 
Suppl. No. 2795. Statuette composed of six 
fragments with joints at neck, waist, lower right 
arm, beneath hips and at ankles; standing on 
rectangular plaque with the left leg somewhat 
advanced; feet wearing shoes; tubular legs with 
tibia and knees indicated; narrow waist; some- 
what bulging chest; broad shoulders; arms 
vertical, stuck to body; plain hands; narrow, 


trapezoid face; plain, pointed beard; incised 
mouth; almost straight nose; prominent cheeks; 
long, lancet-shaped eye-balls and ridged brows; 
pellet ears; conical helmet with top falling along 
the back of head and neck; dressed in a jerkin, 
probably of leather, with short sleeves and a 
tunic with overlapping flaps, held by a plain 
band in relief around the waist indicating a 
girdle. Red-brown clay and slip. Hand-made. 
Height 34.5 cm. (Fig. 19). 

No. 1071 (op. cit. p. 708). Upper part of right 
arm and adjoining part of body added; lower 
part of body added and in part restored in 
plaster (Fig. 20). 

No. 1843 (op. cit. p. 743). Added vertical arms 
with slightly curved fingers and advanced thumb; 
erect collar ending the leather jerkin in front 
and at the back of neck; the head (cf. below) 
was attached separately. The jerkin was provided 
with side-flaps; no girdle indicated plastically but 
probably in paint now effaced; beneath this 
supposed girdle vertical folds grooved. Back- 
hole. Red-brown clay; jerkin covered with a 
light slip; arms and hands painted in red; part 
of fingers and thumb of right hand missing as 
well as part of fingers of left hand. Hand-made; 
upper part of body and neck-collar built up of 
superimposed strips. Height 42.0 cm. (Fig. 21; 
Fig. 22 shows the statue with the head, No. 1726, 
probably belonging to it; cf. pp. 35 f.). 

SCULPTURES OF THE SECOND PROTO- 
CYPRIOTE STYLE 

No. 1748+2053 (op. cit. pp. 739, 751). The head. 
No. 2053, has been joined to the torso, No. 1748. 
Added lower part of left arm. Red-brown clay; 
brown slip. Lower part of body wheel-made; 
upper part hand-made; head attached separately. 
Traces of black paint on hair and red on face. 
Height 35,0 cm. (Fig. 23). 

No. 1098 (op. cit. p. 1\0)+ Suppl. No. 2796. 
Body with two holes, one on each side near the 
base; lower part of body wheel-made; upper 
part hand-made, in the strip technique. Added 
part of head (Suppl. No. 2796), in part restored 

15 


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Figs. 17—22. Sculptures of the First Proto- 
Cypriote Style. 


Fig. 18. Head , Suppl.No. 2794 , front view (a) and pro- 
file (b). 


Fig. 17. Head . No. 1726. 





Fig. 19. Statuette, Suppl.No. 2795 . 
Fig. 20. Statuette, No. 1071. 


Fig. 21. Torso of statue, No. 1843. 

Fig. 22. Torso of statue, No. 1843, with the head, 
No. 1726, added. 


Digitized by 




18 


Digitized by 


Google 



Figs. 23—27. Sculptures of the Second Proto- 
Cypriote Style. 


Fig. 26. Statuette, No. 1276, 


Digitized by 




Fig. 28. Statuette, No. 1049 + 1054 + 1325+Suppl.No. 
2799. 

20 


in piaster, made in the same mould as the head 
of Nos. 936, 1724 and 1725 (op. cit. PI. CCIX 
1 - 4, 6); pendants in the ears. Right eye, righ 
and central parts of forehead and top of hea< 
missing. Black paint on hair, ears, and pendants 
Red-brown clay; buff grey-yellow slip. Heigh 
48.0 cm. (Fig. 24). 

Suppl. No. 2797. Head of statuette as that o 
No. 1 141 (op. cit. PI. CCXII: 3, 6, 7); around th. 
neck a string with a pendant indicating a woman 
beneath the pendant horizontally grooved fold 
of the dress; small part of hair with vertica 
narrow incisions visible beneath flat band ar 
ound the head; traces of black paint on the haii 
and the eye-brows. Red-brown, hard clay an< 
light slip. Moulded. Height 15.0 cm. (Fig. 25) 
No. 1276 (op. cit. p. 717). Added end of bearc 
with traces of the periphery of a round shield 
there are also traces of the shield on the right 
upper arm; from these traces the diameter o! 
the shield can be estimated at c. 8.0 cm.; the 
left hand of the figure has apparently seized the 
handle of the shield; the right hand has prob- 
ably had a spear of which there are traces in 
front beneath the strap in which the sword is 
hanging below the left arm. For the hole cut on 
top of the head mentioned in the excavation 
report, cf. p. 37. Red-brown clay and slip. 
Lower part of body wheel-made; chest hand- 
made; face moulded. Height 35.5 cm. (Fig. 26). 
Suppl. No. 2798. Head of life-size statue; face 
of trapezoidal shape with long beard tapering 
towards the straight-cut end, its hair indicated 
by small, close incisions, and continuing along 
the cheeks; protruding lips damaged; nose with 
somewhat upturned tip; bow-shaped, large eyes; 
eye-brows with narrow, vertical incisions; small 
part of hair with narrow, vertical incisions visible 
beneath remains of helmet or cap; roughly mo- 
delled ears with double earrings; parts missing, 
restored in plaster. Hand-made. Brown, sifted 
clay. Traces of black paint on face; red slip 
on face and helmet. Height 22.0 cm. (Fig. 27). 

Figs. 28—29. Sculptures of Neo-Cypriote Style. 


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Fig. 29. Fragment of head , No. 915. 


SCULPTURES OF NEO-CYPRIOTE STYLE 
No. 1049+1054+1325 (op. cit. pp. 706 f., 719) 
+ Suppl . No. 2799. To the upper part of the 
body, No. 1049, the lower part of the legs, 
No. 1054, the left arm. No. 1325, and the upper 
part of legs and the body below the waist, 
Suppl. No. 2799, have been added. The lower 
part of the legs join to their upper part and the 
body below the waist; that this part of the body 
belongs to the upper part is proved by the fact 
that the dimensions fit exactly and the clay is 
identical; that the left arm belongs to the 
statuette is indicated by the fact that the arm is 
marked by a roughly circular groove made when 
the clay was wet and that the same sign is found 
on the left side-flap, these signs evidently made 
by the artist in order to facilitate the association 
of the arm with the statuette after the firing, if 
that took place on different occasions or in 
different kilns which seems to have been the 


case to judge by the fact that the clay of the arm 
is more light-coloured than the rest of the statue; 
this difference in colour was counterbalanced 
with a reddish paint added to the surface of 
the exterior part of the arm while the interior 
part, being close by the body and not well 
visible, was left unpainted; of the same reddish 
paint there are traces on the rest of the statuette 
(cf. below). The upper part of body and lower 
parts of legs as described, loc. cit.; the left 
hand is adorned with a circular armlet and holds 
a circular object; the modelling of the lower 
apophysis of the cubit-bone is similar to that 
of the right arm and also the partition of the 
fingers by grooved lines and the careful modell- 
ing of the nail of the thumb are features charac- 
teristic of both arms forming additional evi- 
dence of their association. The part of the 
chiton on the lower part of the body is provided 
with side-flaps and a plain girdle at the waist; 
below that are grooved pendent folds; the chiton 
ends with a central flap between the thighs, 
proved by a border marked by a grooved line 
and continuing at the sides by vertical grooves 
to the side-flaps; the lower border of the left 
sleeve of the chiton is marked by clear traces 
and has been restored in plaster corresponding 
to the preserved border of the right arm; there 
are faint traces of black colour on the hair and 
on the brows and of a reddish colour both on 
the chiton where it may have formed a pattern 
and on the naked parts of the body, e. g. on the 
feet and on the ears. Height 98.0 cm. (Fig. 28). 
No. 915 (op. cit. p. 701). Not illustrated in 
op. cit. (Fig. 29). 

SCULPTURES OF CYPRO-GREEK STYLE 
No. 2502 (op. cit. p. 767). The parts described as 
missing in loc. cit. have been restored in plaster. 
The following details may be added to the 
description given in loc. cit. The chin is pointed; 
lips protruding and a concave modelling around 
the mouth emphasizes these features; traces of 
red upper border of the chiton in front and also 
of band decorated with ladder-pattern along 

21 


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Fig. 36 a. Head, No. 2469. 


Fig. 34. Statuette , No. 2497 + 2477 + 2478. profile (a) 
and front view (b). 


Figs. 30—38. Sculptures of Cypro-Greek Style 


Fig. 35 a. Statuette, No. 2467 +Suppl.No. 2802 


Fig. 30 b. Profile of head. 
No. 2502. 

Fig. 36 b. Profile of 
head , No. 2469. 

Fig. 32 b. Profile of Fig. 35 b. Profile of 
head, No. 2456. head, No. 2467. 



Digitized by CjOOQIc 



Fig . 37. Statuette , No. 2434+Suppl.No. 2803, front 
view (a), profile (b). 


Fig. 38. Statuette, No. 2446+2448. 




left side of body; ears and naked parts of arms 
with traces of red colour; traces of black colour 
on the hair which falls in a compact mass on 
the back of head, with slightly concave sides. 
Lower part of body wheel-made; upper part 
hand-made; head with traces of wheel inside, 
but facial features hand-made (Fig. 30). 

No. 2169+1603+2475 {op. cit. pp. 733, 755, 766). 
Added to the head, No. 2169, a fragment of the 
body, with the left arm, No. 1603, and the right 
arm with part of the body, No. 2475. The body 
is restored in plaster below. Lower part of body 
tubular, wheel-made; upper part is flattened with 
broad, sloping shoulders and built up by strips; 
arms vertical with closed hand; of fingers only 
thumb modelled; part of right thumb and of 
left hand missing. Brown clay; light-brown slip. 
Lower part of body wheel-made; upper part 

24 


built up of superimposed strips as also the head. 
Height 49.0 cm. (Fig. 31) 

No. 2456 (op. cit. p. 765)+ Suppl. No. 2800. To 
the statuette as described in loc. cit., the right 
arm and lower part of left arm have been added 
as well as small parts of the body, Suppl. No. 
2800; parts of the body below restored in plaster; 
dressed in a chiton with short sleeves indicated 
by shallow, grooved line on upper part of arms; 
below that the muscles of the arm roughly in- 
dicated by a concavity. Brown clay; buff-grey 
slip. Lower part of body wheel-made; upper 
part built up of superimposed strips as also the 
head. Height 53.0 cm., part added in plaster not 
included (Fig. 32). 

No. 2462 {op. cit. p. 765)+ Suppl. No. 2801. To 
the head. No 2462, described in loc. cit. the rest 
of the statuette has been added from fragments, 


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Suppl. No. 2801. Figure standing on a base 
tablet with almost isolinear feet, but left foot 
slightly advanced; feet with pointed shoes; 
ankles well indicated; lower part of body tubu- 
lar, wheel-made; upper part is built up by 
strips; female breasts and pellet nipples indicated; 
broad, sloping shoulders; vertical arms with 
closed hand; of the fingers only thumb modelled 
and nail indicated; dress with short sleeves 
indicated by ridges across upper arms; in front 
the dress ends somewhat above the instep; at the 
back it falls with side-flaps widening towards the 
ground and ending only a little above it; chin 
with an impressed dimple; traces of black lines 
indicating eyelids. Lower part of right arm and 
part of hand of left arm missing; parts of body 
restored in plaster. Brown clay; buff grey and 
grey-brown slip. Lower part of body wheel-made; 
upper part hand-made, built up of strips as also 
the head. Height 71.5 cm. (Fig. 33). 

No. 2497+2477+2478 (op. ext. p. 766). The 
arms, Nos. 2477 and 2478, have been added to 
the bust. No 2497. Two fingers of the right hand 
and part of all the fingers of the left hand are 
missing; lower part of body restored in plaster. 
Traces of red paint on arms. Baking holes in 
arms, back of body and back of head. Lower 
part of body probably tubular and wheel-made; 
upper part hand-made, built up of strips; head 
added separately and inside with traces of wheel, 
but features of face modelled by hand; helmet, 
with remains of ridged crest, added separately. 
Red-brown clay; buff-white slip; red paint on 
face. Height 51.0 cm. (Fig. 34). 

No. 2467 (op. cit. p. 165)+ Suppl. No. 2802. Two 
pieces of the right part of the bust have been 
added (Suppl. No. 2802). The preserved part of 
the bust and the head hand-made, in the strip 
technique. Dress painted with a reddish colour 
on which converging black lines and deep-red 
bands. Brown clay. Height 26.0 cm. (Fig. 35). 
No. 2469 (op. cit. p. 766). Head of statuette. Four 
small pieces have been added to the part de- 
scribed in loc. cit.: face of trapezoidal shape 
with pointed chin; protruding, smiling lips; 


concave part around mouth; prominent, straight 
and thin nose; bulging, almond-shaped eye- 
balls; ridged brows; roughly shaped, plain ears 
with double earrings; helmet or cap; neck below 
and right part of cap and small part at right 
temple restored in plaster. Brown clay; light buff- 
grey slip. Lower part wheel-made; upper part 
hand-made; features of face modelled by hand. 
Height 18.0 cm. (Fig. 36). 

No. 2434 (op. cit. p. 164)+ Suppl. No. 2803 . 
Fragments of the head, Suppl. No. 2803, have 
been added to the body, No. 2434. Lower part 
of body tubular, wheel-made; upper part flattened 
and hand-made; broad, sloping shoulders; verti- 
cal arms; hands closed with modelled fingers and 
straight thumb; long, tapering neck; almost tri- 
angular face; pointed chin; smiling, full lips; 
concave part around mouth; curved, thin nose; 
prominent, almond-shaped eyes; roughly shaped 
ears with double earrings; helmet or cap; hair 
falling at back of head and neck in a compact 
mass. Red-brown clay; light slip. Traces of wheel 
inside, but features of face hand-made. Height 
67.5 cm. (Fig. 37). 

No. 2446+2448 (op. cit. p. 765). Missing parts 
restored in plaster. This figure is a representative 
of the Cypro-Greek style in the idol version, 
corresponding to the large idols related to 
Proto-Cypriote and Neo-Cypriote styles (cf. p. 
37). Brown clay; light yellow slip. Hand-made 
(Fig. 38). 

SMALL HUMAN IDOLS 
Type 1 

Suppl. No. 2804. Female idol; cylindrical body 
splaying towards the plain base; breasts indicated 
by conical projections; arms uplifted; face 
roughly triangular with rounded chin; incised 
mouth; thick nose; circular pellet eyes; thick 
brows; flat, rectangular hair-dress, covered with 
black paint in front, hair indicated by vertical 
black lines behind; encircling black lines on 
body. Part of nose, of left arm and of body 
missing. Light-brown clay. Body wheel-made. 
Height 10.5 cm. (Fig. 39). 


25 


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Figs. 39—41. Small Human Idols. 


Fig. 39. Female idol , No. 2804 , front (a) and back- 
side (b). 


Fig. 41. Statuette, No. 1421 , profile (a), front view (b). 


Digitized by 



Type 3 

SuppL No. 2805. Statuette with tubular body; 
splayed base; arms once attached on shoulder 
but now missing; head of triangular shape; 
roughly shaped nose; large pellet eyes; heavy 
brows; narrow, tall helmet, similar to Nos. 1503, 
1994, 2363. Red-brown clay and slip. Wheel- 
made. Height 29.3 cm. (Fig. 40). 

Type 7 

No. 1421 (op. cit. p. 733). In the second diagram, 
op. cit. following p. 812, this statuette has been 
erroneously classified as ’’Large human idol”. 
It belongs instead to the category of ’’Small 
human idols”. Type 7 (op. cit. p. 788), i.e. idols 
with moulded heads, similar to those of the 
statuettes illustrated in op. cit. PI. CCXXXII: 
6-8. Red-brown clay and light yellow slip. 
Body wheel-made; face moulded (Fig. 41). 

LARGE HUMAN IDOLS 
Type 1 

No. 2316 (op. cit. p. 759). Added: upper part of 
both arms (Fig. 42). 

No. 2372 (op. cit. p. 762). Added: lower part of 
left arm; base restored in plaster (Fig. 43). 
Type 2—3 

No. 3+1773 (op. cit. pp. 675, 740). Head, No. 3, 
added to body No. 1773. Lower part of body 
wheel-made, upper part hand-made. Brown clay; 
buff, light-brown slip. Height 62.5 cm. (Fig. 44). 
Type 3 

No. 1017 (op. cit. p. 104)+ Suppl. No. 2806. The 
upper part of body, arms, and head, Suppl. No. 
2806, have been added to the lower part of body, 
No. 1017. Lower part of body wheel-made, 
upper part hand-made; head wheel-made but 
features of face modelled by hand. Body elliptical 
in section; flattened chest; sloping shoulders; 
vertical arms with closed hand; modelled fingers, 
straight thumb; long cylindrical neck; head trape- 
zoidal; pointed beard; incised mouth; thin nose; 
slightly elevated eye-balls; ridged brows; roughly 
shaped ears with earrings; hair in compact mass 
falling at the back of neck; conical helmet of 
which upper part missing. Back-hole. Dark-grey 


to brown clay; greenish-yellow to buff grey slip. 
Height 67.0 cm. (Fig. 45). 

No. 1065 (op. cit. p. 708). Added: right arm 
(Fig. 46). 

No. 1143 (op. cit. pp. 712 f.). Added: left arm 
(Fig. 47). 

No. 1643 (op. cit. p. 734). Added: lower part of 
left arm; part of both hands missing (Fig. 48). 
No. 1980 (op. cit. p. 747). Not illustrated in 
op. cit. (Fig. 49). 

Type 4 

No. 1021 (op. cit. pp. 704 f.). Not illustrated in 
op. cit. (Fig. 50). 

No. 909 (op. cit. p. 700). Not illustrated in 
op. cit. (Fig. 51). 

VARIOUS 

Lateral part of throne 
No. 2331 (op. cit. p. 760). Top of flanking side 
of throne reconstructed in plaster; not illustrated 
in op. cit. (Fig. 52). 

Flower 

Suppl. No. 2807. Four peripherical leaves and 
one central leaf, probably offered by votaries. 
Two specimens. Length 7.3 and 7.8 cm. Found 
in D 4 (Fig. 53). 

Thunderbolt 

Suppl. No. 2808. Spirally wound thunderbolts, 
four complete specimens and two fragments, 
one with preserved alternately red and black 
painted bands. One thunderbolt with bent shaft- 
hole and incised lines between ridges of the 
spiral windings and on the part of the thunder- 
bolt between the windings and the shaft-hole. 
Found in K-L 11. Length 16.0—19.3 cm. 
(Fig. 54). 

Detail 

Detail of ear of No. 1356 (op. cit. p. 720), show- 
ing ear pierced by four holes (Fig. 55). 

Vase 

Suppl. No. 2810. Vase in the shape of an astra- 
galos; neck broken off; fragment of handle from 
body to neck. Found in E 9. Brown clay; buff- 
yellow slip. Length 8.5 cm. (Fig. 56). 


27 


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Figs. 42—51. Large Human Idols. 



ft 

Fig. 42. Bisexual idol . Fig. 43. Statuette, No. 2372. Fig. 44. Statuette, No. 3+1773, profile (a), front 
No. 2316. view (b). 






Fig. 45. Statuette, No. 1017+Suppl.No. 2806, profile Fig. 46. Statuette, No. 1065, front view (a), profiled 
(a), front view ( b ). 

28 



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Digitized by ^jOOQle 


Remarks and conclusions 

The amphora, No. 2414, was in the excavation 
report (op. cit. p. 763) classified as White 
Painted IV— V. Such a classification is still 
warranted. Contact with Type IV is shown by 
the fairly similar shape of the Bichrome Red I 
(IV) amphora, op. cit. IV:2, Fig. XLII.7, but 
the amphora No. 2414 has a drooping rim and 
an angular biconical body, characteristic fea- 
tures of Type V, whereas the rim of the Bi- 
chrome Red I (IV) is flat and its body rounded 
biconical. The parts added to the body of the 
amphora No. 2414, as a result of the mending 
work, have increased the stylistic tendencies of 
Type V by the fact that the shape of the body 
can be proved to be angular-biconical. A date 
of about the middle of the 6th century B.C. is 
indicated on ceramic evidence and this is con- 
firmed by the style of the female figurines 
attached to the handles. Their moulded heads 
indicate the initial phase of the Neo-Cypriote 
style. We know that the stylistic features of the 
Proto-Cypriote faces were transformed and 
modified in the Neo-Cypriote style, which tends 
towards a canonic form, with less individual 
variations than before; the modelling is smooth 
and shallow, no details are accentuated, and 
the different parts of the face merge softly into 
one another. The transition between the last 
phase of the Second Proto-Cypriote and the 
initial phase of the Neo-Cypriote style is gradual 
and these phases of the two styles are in fact 
contemporary as shown by the find-contexts 7 . 
On the other hand the difference between the 
latest specimens of the Second Proto-Cypriote 
style and the earliest representatives of the Neo- 
Cypriote style is equally clear; it is instructive 
to compare the faces of the Neo-Cypriote 
figurines here in question with those of the 
Second Proto-Cypriote style illustrated in op. 


7 Op. cit. pp. 208 f.: the Second Proto-Cypriote style 
lasted from c. 600 to 540 B.C. and the Neo-Cypriote style 
from c. 560 to 520 B.C. 

32 


cit. II, PI. CCIX: the softly modelled faces of the 
Neo-Cypriote figurines, with the flabby cheeks, 
fleshy, round chin, full lips and narrow, leaf- 
shaped eyes contrast with the firmer structure of 
the Second Proto-Cypriote faces, with their 
wide, leaf-shaped or semi-lunar eyes and thin, 
straight lips. 

As mentioned above (p. 4), the initial date 
of the Neo-Cypriote style is c. 560 B.C. and the 
chronological evidence given by the style of the 
amphora, c. 550 B. C., is thus confirmed by its 
sculptural adornment. 

The capacity of the amphora can be calculated 
to have been between c. 38 and 41 1., the neck 
not included. The incised signs indicate the 
capacity of the contents, not the amphora itself, 
as there is nothing to show that this amphora 
served as a standard measure. What we know 
about the system of capacity of ancient Cyprus 
is very little and refers to late antiquity®. No 
doubt the Cypriote system of capacity formed 
part of those of Egypt and the Near East during 
the Archaic period when the Cypriote cultural 
relations were intimate with these regions of the 
Mediterranean*. The basic unit has therefore 
most probably been equivalent to the Egyptian 
Hin, the Phoenician-Hebrew Log, the Babylo- 
nian Ka, and to the Greek xestes (dikotyion), 
derived from this Oriental system of capacity 1 *, 
and if we identify this basic unit with that 
indicated by each single stroke, the higher unit 
of measure indicated by the Z-shaped sign must 
have been the Cypriote measure of capacity 
equivalent to the Greek hemiamphorion, be- 
cause the measure equivalent to a metretes 
would have resulted in a capacity very much 
exceeding that of the amphora, and a unit minor 
to that of a hemiamphorion would result in a 
capacity much too small for that of the amphora: 

« 

8 A survey of the literary evidence is given by Sakjel- 
larios, Ta Koicptaxa I, pp. 634 ff. 

• Swed. Cyp. Exp. IV:2, pp. 226 ff. 

10 Viedebantt, Forschungen zur Metrol. d. Altert. 
(Abh. phil.-hist. Kl. Kttnigl. Sfichs. Ges. Wiss. XXXIV, 
No. Ill, 1917), pp. 49, 60, 129, 131, 159 f. 


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it would be natural if the total measure indicated 
would have been somewhat, but not much, 
smaller than the capacity of the amphora. 
8 units equivalent to the xestes and 3 units 
equivalent to the hemiamphorion would yield a 
total amount of between 36 and 37 1., a total 
amount, which considering the approximate 
exactitude of the measures used and local 
differences prevailing, agrees well with both the 
capacity of the amphora and the probable 
system of capacity used in Cyprus during the 
Archaic period. 

Turning now to the sculptures we may first 
emphasize the fact that several sculptures have 
had their artistic value considerably increased 
by the restoration work. A bull statuette without 
legs and horns is a miserable sight; from an 
aesthetic point of view the look of the Late 
Cypriote m bull statuette. Fig. 2, has improved 
very much by the restoration of its horns and 
legs and the same holds good for the Cypro- 
Geometric (Figs. 3, 4) and Cypro- Archaic (Fig. 6) 
statuettes. If the reader is interested in the matter, 
she or he may compare Figs. 2—4, 6 with op. cit. 
Pis. CCXXTVil, 2; CCXXVrl, 3, 6 to see the 
difference between the present and earlier 
appearance of these bull statuettes. 

The bull statuette, Fig. 5, represents a new 
type or rather a variety of Type 4 (p. 7): the 
head is similar to those of Type 4, of Cypro- 
Geometric I— II, but the body put together from 
sherds is barrel-shaped, similar to that of No. 
2315 (op. cit. PL CCXXV:5) dating from Cypro- 
Archaic period. The bull statuette, Fig. 5, thus 
forms an intermediate specimen between the 
Cypro-Geometric I— II and the Cypro- Archaic I 
bull statuettes and would therefore probably 
date from Cypro-Geometric III. Such a date 
cannot be proved, nor is it contradicted by the 
find-contexts; the head and fragments of the 
body were all found in the lower foundation 
deposit around the altar erected at the beginning 
of the local Period 3, i. e. about the middle of 
Cypro-Geometric III; when this new altar was 
erected, ex votos originally placed around the 


earlier altar, which was in use from the be- 
ginning of Cypro-Geometric I to the middle of 
Cypro-Geometric III, were deposited around the 
new altar. The bull statuette in question forming 
part of the ex votos removed from the earlier 
to the new altar and being typologically more 
advanced than the Cypro-Geometric I— II 
statuettes would thus probably date from the 
early half of Cypro-Geometric III. 

The minotaur statuette, Fig. 7, has been re- 
published on account of the fact that its de- 
scription in the excavation report needs some 
correction in details and also because the animal 
part of the figure is not illustrated in that report 
(op. cit. PI. CCXXVII:6), although it is de- 
scribed in the Object Register of the report (op. 
cit. p. 740, No. 1775). Why only the human part 
of this minotaur was illustrated in the excavation 
report I am unable to explain and it is of very 
little interest, if any at all. Of greater interest is 
another fact, viz. that this minotaur statuette is 
similar to that of No. 2031+2361 (op. cit. PI. 
CCXXVII:1): the same shape of the head, the 
cylindrical human body with sharply marked 
top, the female breasts in profile beneath the 
arms. For typological reasons one would not 
date these two statuettes very far from each 
other. In view of that, it is interesting to examine 
their find-contexts: the statuette No. 1775 was 
found on the floor of the local Period 4, laid at 
about the middle of Cypro-Archaic I (p. 4, n. 6) 
and of the stauette No. 2031+2361, No. 2031 was 
found in the lower foundation deposit of the 
new altar (cf. p. 3) and No. 2361 in the waste 
deposit in Square K 6 on the floor of the local 
Period 4. An explanation of the seemingly con- 
flicting find-contexts of the latter statuette has 
been given in the excavation report (op. cit. pp. 
807 f.). Notwithstanding whether that explana- 
tion is accepted or not we must accept the find- 
context of No. 2031 as indicating the date of the 
statuette which thus cannot be later than the 
end of the local Period 2, i. e. about the middle 
of Cypro-Geometric III or c. 775 B.C. As regards 
the date of No. 1775 the fact that it was found 

33 


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on the floor of the local Period 4 may be con- 
sidered to indicate that it is assignable to the 
time when that floor was in use, i. e. from the 
middle of Cypro-Archaic I to the early phase of 
Cypro-Archaic II, or in absolute figures c. 
650— 560 B.C. (p. 4, n. 6), but there is evidence 
that several ex votos which originally had been 
placed on the floor of the local Period 3 were 
removed to the floor of the local Period 4 when 
the sanctuary of that period was constructed (op* 
cit. pp. 804 ff.). The local Period 3 dates from 
the middle of Cypro-Geometric III to the 
middle of Cypro-Archaic I, i.e. it covers the 
time between c. 775 and 650 B.C. (pp. 3, 4, n. 6, 
33). Thus it may happen that some objects found 
on the floor of the local Period 4 are as early as 
c. 775 B.C. and that may therefore be the date of 
No. 1775, which would bring it chronologically 
near the statuette No. 2031+2361. As empha- 
sized already in the excavation report (op. cit . 
pp. 804 ff.), ’’stratigraphy, like all methods, is 
one which must be used with discretion”. The 
stratigraphical method can be misused if applied 
mechanically. The actual case illustrates that 
fact and shows that the typological and stylistic 
criteria should not be overlooked. 

No complete group of dancers was represented 
among those available at the time when the 
excavation report was published. The three 
groups so far discovered at Ajia Irini are all of 
different composition; one, No. 123 (op. cit. PI. 
CCXXIII:6), consists of three ring dancers and 
one central figurine, probably the musician; the 
figurines, as far as preserved (the central figurine, 
one of the dancers and part of a second dancer) 
are female; the second group, No. 1169 (op. cit. 
p. 714), consists of two pair-dancers (not ring 
dancers as stated in loc. cit.); of three figurines 
the heads and parts of some of their arms are 
missing and the whole upper part of one of the 
fourth figurine is missing; the pairs are standing 
facing each other; on the two figurines of the 
one side so much of the beard is preserved that 
they can be identified as male; probably the 
opposite pair was female, although indisputable 

34 


female indications are missing; one figurine has 
however, the neck preserved up to the chii 
without any trace of beard. The third group 
here illustrated in its restored condition. Fig. 1< 
(No. 1693+2083), consists of four ring dancers 
two female and two male, the dancers of different 
sex facing each other, and a fifth figurine, the 
musician, in the centre. The three groups ol 
dancers thus represent female ring dancers, 
ring dancers of both sexes, and pair dancers. 
The groups of ring dancers are attached to a 
circular base, those of the pair dancers to a 
roughly trapezoidal base. The groups of ring 
dancers are provided with a central figurine 
acting as a musician 11 . 

Statuettes of riders are not particularly com- 
mon among the finds from Ajia Irini. So far 
only three specimens are known and they are 
all of a small size (Nos. 921, 922, 1366; op. cit. 
pp. 701, 721; PI. CCXXIV:1). The fragmentary 
statuette here illustrated. Fig. 8, is interesting 
as the only specimen of a rider of a larger size 
and of a more elaborate, though still conven- 
tionalized modelling, of the same type as repre- 
sented at Idalion (op. cit. PI. CLXXXII:10) and 
elsewhere. 

Some of the chariots have been restored in 
details (Figs. 9—11), others have been put to- 
gether from various fragments (Figs. 12—15). 
Artistically they range from fairly well modelled 
specimens with details of wheels, horse-trappings 
etc. minutely indicated and the heads of the 
charioteer and warrior made in moulds of the 
Second Proto-Cypriote style (Figs. 9, 10), via 
specimens with particulars less carefully executed 
and with the human figurines made in the 
”snow-man” technique (Figs. 11 — 13) to fairly 
roughly and summarily shaped specimens (Figs. 
14, 15); in Figs. 11 — 13 the wheels are plain, the 
horses and horse-trappings are modelled in 

11 Similar groups of ring dancers are illustrated in Ohne- 
falsch-richter, K.B.H. PI. CXXVII:5 (three female ring 
dancers and a female flute player), 6 (ring dancers of both 
sexes and tambourine players). Pair dancers seem to be 
less commonly represented in sculpture. I do not remem- 
ber of any other specimen than that mentioned here. 


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a diagrammatic maimer and in Fig. 14 there are 
no wheels at all but only an axis projecting from 
the flanks of the chariot; in Fig. 15, finally, the 
chariot rests directly on the ground and huge 
plain wheels were attached to the flanks of the 
chariot, the top of which was below the hubs 
of the wheels, which are therefore without 
functional connection with the chariot. 

Of particular technical interest is the evidence 
given by some of these statuettes for the con- 
struction of the coach-body of the chariot. The 
oval, rounded shape of Fig. 14, the somewhat 
concave front and flanks of Fig. 11, the concave 
front and slightly curved flanks of Figs. 12 and 
13, the latter coach-body with dome-shaped 
excisions both in the front and the flanks, all 
these characteristics seem to indicate a con- 
struction of bendable wood and plaited work for 
the coach-bodies mentioned and that connects 
them technically with the Homeric xa/mvAov 
or kyxvXov 5 Another type represented 
among the chariots found at Ajia Irini is that 
with straight front and flanks. That such a type 
seems to be represented in Fig. 15 is not con- 
clusive owing to the rough and summary 
modelling of this chariot, but the fact that this 
type is also represented by Figs. 9 and 10 must 
be considered to prove the case in view of the 
careful modelling of these chariots. Both types 
are of Oriental derivations, the first type con- 
nected with the light Egyptian chariot and the 
second type with the more heavy Assyrian 
chariot 13 . 

In connection with the chariots some words 
may be said on the arms and armour represented 
by the Ajia Irini sculptures. About helmets, 
shields, swords, and arrows there are sufficient 
notes published already in the excavation report, 
but some remarks may here be added on one 

“ Homer, //. V, 231; VI, 39. 

u For these types of chariots, cf. Nuoffer, Der Renn- 
wagen im Altertum, Diss. Leipzig 1904; Mercklin, Der 
Rennwagen in Griechenland, Diss. Leipzig 1909; Nachod, 
Der Rennwagen bei den Italikern, Diss. Leipzig 1909; 
Lorimer, Homer and the Monum., pp. 307 ff.; Wace- 
Stubbings, A Companion to Homer, pp. 521 f., 540 f. 


offensive weapon, the spear, and one defensive, 
the leather cuirass, both illustrated by the 
sculptures here considered. Fig. 26 (No. 1276) 
shows a warrior of the Second Proto-Cypriote 
style, wearing a sword, a shield and a spear of 
which there are traces, as it seems, in front 
below the strap of the sword; the spear, if this 
interpretation is right, has been held by the hand 
of the right lifted arm. On a sculpture of small 
size as that of Fig. 26 (No. 1276), the spear 
could easily be of terracotta, but on sculptures 
of larger size this could hardly have been the 
case on account of the excessive fragility of a 
long spear of terracotta; it is therefore likely 
that the spears of the warrior statues of large 
size were of wood. There are some sculptures 
showing the right hand in such a position that 
it may be supposed to have held a spear, e.g. 
Nos. 1385+1530 (op. cit . PI. CXCIV:2), 1070+ 
1072+1073+1075, 1189 (op. cit. pp. 708, 715). 
For the helmet (now missing) of this figure, see 
p. 37. 

A leather jerkin provided with a neck-collar 
is worn by Fig. 21 (No. 1843). The head of this 
torso, as mentioned in the description (p. 15) 
was joined separately and was probably that of 
Fig. 17 (No. 1726). The joining part is missing, 
but the head was found only 0.45 m. from the 
torso and on the same level (both in Square K 8, 
at a level of 94.4, resp. 94.9), the dimensions of 
the head fit to those of the torso, the clay is the 
same, both belong to the First Proto-Cypriote 
style, and no other head without association 
with a body and of dimensions fitting the torso 
in question was found in Square K 8. Fig. 22 is 
intended to show the reader how this statue may 
have looked originally and, if the head against 
all probability does not belong, the impression 
of the reconstruction must still be principally 
right, since the head must be that of a warrior 
assignable to the first Proto-Cypriote style. The 
neck-collar of the leather jerkin is unique, but a 
jerkin of that material is also clearly represented 
on other sculptures, although not pointed out in 
the excavation report. Thus the jerkins of e.g. 

35 


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Nos. 2106+2103 (op. cit. PL CXQ and 1728+ 
1740 (op. cit. Pl. CXCI:2, 3) arc clearly indicated 
to have been of leather as shown by their stiff 
contour, ridged seams, and the widening 
openings of the sleeves in order to enable an 
easier movement of the arms. Jerkins of leather 
(and sometimes also of linen) were in use, as we 
know, in Egypt and the Near East 14 and similar 
leather jerkins are also known from Greece 1 *. 
The Oriental corslets were sometimes provided 
with a collar, although there is no exact parallel 
to the Cypriote specimen here in question 14 . 
For the time being I must limit myself to the 
observation that the Ajia Irini sculptures prove 
the existence of leather jerkins in the Archaic 
period and that these jerkins sometimes were 
provided with that particular neck-cover shown 
by Fig. 22. I wish, however, to point out that a 
study of the Cypriote sculptures, both those 
found at Ajia Irini and elsewhere, will show 
many varieties of the jerkins or corslets 17 . Such 
a general study of Cypriote armour is out of 
place here and must be postponed to a later 
occasion. 

Apart from the torso and head just discussed 
the most interesting specimen of the First Proto- 
Cypriote style obtained by the restoration work 
is the head, Fig. 18 (No. 2794). The general 
shape of this head, the eyes, nose, mouth, and 
beard are so closely similar to those of Nos. 
1 + 1618+1619 (op. cit. Pl. CXCI:1) and 1728+ 
1740 (op. cit. Pl. CXCI:2, 3) that these sculptures 
must have been made by the same artist: the 
only detail distinguishing No. 2794 from the 

14 Bonnet, Die Waffen der V61ker d. alt. Orients, pp. 
209 ff.; Lorimer, op. cit., pp. 1% ff. For Cypriote lamellar 
armours and their Oriental connections, see Swed. Cyp. 
Exp. IV:2, pp. 379 f. 

15 Lorimer, op. cit. pp. 134, 153, 196 ff. 

14 Bonnet, op. cit. p. 213, Fig. 106; Lorimer, op. cit. 
p. 198, Figs. 16, 17. 

17 Just one example: the armour of e.g. op. cit. n. Pis. 
CXCL1, CXCIV-.2, CXCVUI, CC:1, 2etc. with the leath- 
er jerkin ending at the waist and the chiton appearing 
below that around the hips and upper part of thighs have 
striking parallels in the equipment of the soldiers on the 
warrior stele from Mycenae and on the warrior vase from 
that place (cf. Lorimer, op. cit. Pis. II, 2; III, la, b.). 


36 


two others is the incised double spiral indicating 
the part of the beard below the mouth, whereas 
that part of the beard is indicated by a small 
protuberance on the other two sculptures 
mentioned. No. 2106+2103 (op. cit. CXC, 
CXCII:1) has perhaps not been made by the 
same artist as the sculptures mentioned but by 
a member of the same school of art and the 
relief double spiral indicating a hair lock below 
the helmet of No. 2106+2103 is a characteristic 
detail associating this sculpture with No. 2794, 
with its incised double spiral of a hair tuft 
below the mouth. 

Fig. 19, No. 2795, is unique among the Ajia 
Irini sculptures in that it represents a small-sized 
figure made in the manner of the large sculptures. 
It has its nearest parallels in the later group of 
the First Proto-Cypriote style corresponding to 
the local style II at Ajia Irini (p. 4, n. 4), as shown 
by a comparison with one of the leading sculp- 
tures of that style, No. 1763+1845 (op. cit. Pl. 
CXCVI1I): as the helmet of this statue is missing 
we do not know how far it was similar to that 
of No. 2795, but the tubular legs, the narrow 
waist, the shape of the head, nose, and beard, 
etc. are quite similar. 

Proceeding now to the sculptures of the 
Second Proto-Cypriote style we may first point 
out that the figure. Fig. 23 (No. 1748+2053), 
represents a group of sculptures forming an 
intermediate stage between the idol plastic and 
the art sculpture (p. 4, n. 3). 

The head. Fig. 27 (No. 2798), belongs to a 
life-size statue and was modelled entirely by 
hand. It has no exact parallel among the other 
Ajia Irini sculptures of the Second Proto- 
Cyptriote style but several features connect it 
with various representatives of that style: the 
protruding lips correspond to those of e.g. No. 
1767 (op. cit. Pl. CCVI:5) and No. 2072+2075 
(op. cit. Pl. CCX), the eyes are similar to those 
of the latter statue but even still more to those 
of No. 2021 (op. cit. Pl. CCVI:4) with their 
bow-shaped lids; the brows with their narrow, 
vertical incisions and the beard with its hair 


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indicated by small, close incisions have striking 
parallels shown by a head in the Metropolitan 
Museum of Art, New York (Cesnola, Atlas II, 
PI. XVn: 129). 

Many heads of the smaller sculptures are cast 
in moulds (Figs. 24— 26). The head of the 
statuette. Fig. 24 (No. 1098+2796) has many 
parallels among the moulded heads of the local 
Style III at Ajia Irini, e.g. Nos. 936, 1037+2454, 
1724, 1725 (Swed. Cyp. Exp. II PI. CCIX) and the 
head. Fig. 25 (No. 2797) is made in the same 
mould as that of the statuette No. 1 141 (op. cit. 
PI. CCXII:3, 6, 7) belonging to the local Style IV 
at Ajia Irini. The head of the statuette, Fig. 26 
(No. 1276) mentioned above (p. 20), shows a 
technical peculiarity: on top of the skull there 
is a roughly oval-shaped hole cut when the clay 
was still unbaked; this hole was evidently inten- 
ded for receiving a separately made helmet. The 
moulded face is 20% larger than that of No. 2384 
(op. cit. PI. CCXXXII:15), which is stylistically 
akin to No. 1276 and may represent a second 
’’Abformung” of that prototype 1 *. 

The sculptures of the Neo-Cypriote style com- 
prise two specimens: one fragment of a head. 
Fig. 28 (No. 915) and one entire statue. Fig. 29 
(No. 1054+1325+2799), both artistic products 
of excellent quality. 

The fragment No. 915 shows a strong stylistic 
similarity to the helmeted Neo-Cypriote head 
from Salamis, in fragmentary condition illu- 
strated in Joum. Hell. Stud. XII, 1891, p. 149, 
Fig. 7 and in restored condition in Swed. Cyp. 
Exp. IV:2, PI. IX, below, facing p. 108. The 
eye-brows and helmet of No. 915 are plain, 
whereas the brows of the Salamis head are 
’’feathered” and the helmet decorated with 
circular incisions but otherwise the part pre- 
served of the face of No. 915 is almost identical 
with the corresponding part of the Salamis head. 

The statue No. 1054+1325+2799 represents 
the Neo-Cypriote version of the terracotta 
sculptures with modelled legs of which the First 

“ Cf. Opusc. arch. II, pp. 1 ff. 


Proto-Cypriote version is represented e.g. by 
Nos. 1 + 1618+1619, 1728+1740 (op. cit. II, PI. 
CXCI), 1385+1530 (op. cit. PI. CXCIV:2), 
1763+1845 (op. cit. PI. CXCVIII), 2102 (op. cit. 
PI. CCII) and the Second Proto-Cypriote version 
by No. 1767 (op. cit. Pis. CCV:1; CCVI:1). 
No. 947 (op. cit. p. 702) forms another instance 
of a similar Neo-Cypriote sculpture with 
modelled legs, uncovered by the dress, but the 
upper part of that statue has not yet been iden- 
tified. It can thus be seen that sculptures with 
modelled legs were fairly rare at Ajia Irini after 
the time of the First Proto-Cypriote style and, 
as shown below, this type of body is, so 
far, altogether without representatives among 
the Ajia Irini sculptures of the Cypro-Greek 
style. The Neo-Cypriote body of the sculpture 
here in question and that of No. 947 differ in a 
characteristic way from that of the Proto- 
Cypriote style by its slender structure and the 
delicate, subtle refinement of the details, a 
stylistic feature that is typical of the correspond- 
ing stone sculptures of the Neo-Cypriote style 
(op. cit. IV:2, p. 108). 

Among the sculptures assignable to the 
Archaic Cypro-Greek style there are two figures. 
Figs. 37 and 38 (Nos. 2434 and 2446+2448), 
which are intermediate specimens between idol 
plastic and art sculpture. No. 2434 approching 
closer to the category of art sculpture than No. 
2446 +2448. 

The body of the Cypro-Greek sculptures, as 
far as preserved, is tubular or oval in section 
and there is only one instance, the female 
statue. Fig. 33 (No. 2462+2801), with modelled 
feet wearing pointed shoes protruding below the 
chiton. There is no evidence of moulds having 
been used for making the faces, which seem 
to have been modelled altogether by hand. The 
moulding technique was apparently not used at 
Ajia Irini by the artists working in the First 
Proto-Cypriote and the Cypro-Greek styles, but 
only by those working in the Second Proto- 
Cypriote and Neo-Cypriote styles (cf. above and 
op. cit. IV:2, pp. 99, 105, 107). The individual 

37 


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traits of the Cypro-Greek sculptures from Ajia 
Irini are very distinct and the characteristics of 
each artist are quite clear. The profile of the 
faces of Figs. 30 (No. 2502) and 36 (No. 2469) 
are exactly similar and also their front views, 
although the face of No. 2469 is broader than 
that of No. 2502. The similarity of the facial 
features is so great that we must suppose that 
these two sculptures were made by the same 
artist. The same holds good for the figures of 
Figs. 32, 33 and 35 (Nos. 2456+2800, 2462+ 
2801, 2467+2802); the thick, fleshy nose, the 
prominent, large eyes, and the protruding lips 
are identical as can be best seen from the profile 
photos of the faces; the base of helmets of the 
male figures. Figs. 32 and 35 (Nos. 2456 +2800 
and 2467+2802), ends at the hair falling on the 
back of the head and in the ears of all the three 
figures there are earrings of exactly the same 
type. The dimple on the chin of the female 
figure, Fig. 33, and the seemingly more protruding 
chin of the male faces to mark the beard have of 
course no artistic bearing. These details as well as 
other differences in hair-dress etc. serve to indi- 
cate the different sexes, and the fact that the eyes 
of the male figure No. 2467+2802 are not 
plastically indicated, but only painted, does not 
effect the style but is only a question of artistic 
technique. It cannot therefore be doubted that 
these three sculptures are the work of the same 
artist. In discussing the sculptures of the Proto- 
Cypriote style we have seen that some of them 
are also assignable to one and the same artist 
or at least the same school (p. 36). During my 
studies on the Ajia Irini sculptures in connection 
with the presentation of the material here 
published I have made several observations bear- 
ing upon the attribution of groups of sculptures 
to the same artists, but I cannot tackle this 
problem in this context, as it requires a complete 
consideration of the whole sculptural material 
from Ajia Irini. This problem I intend to discuss 
on another occasion. 

Among the small human figurines of idol 
plastic the female idol, Fig. 39 (No. 2804), 

38 


attracts particular interest, in part because it is 
one of the few female figures represented among 
the sculptures from Ajia Irini 1 *, in part because 
it is one of the earliest statuettes in human 
shape found at Ajia Irini. This type of statuette 
may be as early as Cypro-Geometric I — II* 0 , 
but the similar statuettes found in the sanctua- 
ries of Ajios Jakovos” and Idalion” cannot be 
proved to be earlier than Cypro-Geometric III, 
though they may in fact have been that, and the 
earliest date of the Ajia Irini statuette, although 
unfortunately without known find context, 
seems also to be Cypro-Geometric III or, at 
the latest, the early phase of Cypro-Archaic*: 
for typological reasons a later date is quite 
unlikely. 

The statuette, Fig. 40, belongs to Type 3; 
the specimens of this type with known find 
context belong to Cypro- Archaic I; the statuettes 
of this type are, however, so few that it cannot 
be determined whether they are restricted to 
that period alone or not. The statuette. Fig. 40, 
is of a crude workmanship: its thick brows and 
large pellet eyes resemble very much those of the 


“ In Arch. Rel. Wiss. XXX, 1932, pp. 342 f. Sjdqvist 
mentions only two exceptions from the rule that the sculp- 
tures are male, the moulded figure (op. cit. II, PI. CCXXX 
III :5) and a figurine seated on a throne (op. cit. Pi. CC 
XX XIII : 10, 11). Although the exceptions are still few, we 
may add: the female dancers (op. cit. PI. CCXXXI1I:6), 
the female partners in the group of ring-dancers published 
here. Fig. 16; the female idol. No. 2362 (op. cit. PI. CC 
XXIX:2), the female idol here discussed (Fig. 39); the 
Cypro-Greek sculpture (Fig. 33) and, probably, the head 
of the Second Proto-Cypriote style (Fig. 25) on account of 
its wearing a pendant on a neck-string (p. 20). Whether 
its counter-part (op. cit. PI. CCXII:3, 6, 7) is also female 
is uncertain as it wears no female attributes. 

*° Similar, though not identical, statuettes have been 
found in Tomb 415 and 419 at Lapithos dating from 
Cypro-Geometric II, resp. I (op. cit. I, PI. XLIX:4, 5). 

11 Op. cit. pp. 361 ff., PI. LX VIII :6, 44. 

” Op. cit. II, p. 587, Female figures. Type 2, assignable 
to the local Period 4 at Idalion (op. cit. p. 616; PI. CL 
XXXII: 14); this period dates from Geometric III and the 
early phase of Cypro-Archaic I, although it may have in- 
cluded also some poor remains of Cypro-Geometric I -11 
(op. cit. p. 624). 

** The earliest sculptures of a human shape found at 
Ajia Irini belong to the local period 3, covering the later 
half of Cypro-Geometric III and the first half of Cypro- 
Archaic I (cf. p. 34). 


Digitized by t^iOOQLe 



female statuette, Fig. 39, and for typological 
reasons the statuette, Fig. 40, may thus be 
assigned to Cypro-Geometric III. Unfortunately 
the fragments of which it has been put together 
are without known find context. 

The statuette. Fig. 41, of Type 7, can be 
associated with the late phase of the First Proto- 
Cypriote style, on the evidence of the features 
of its face* 4 , and it can therefore be assigned to 
the early phase of Cypro-Archaic II (op. cit. 
IV:2, p. 208). 

Among the large human figurines of idol 
plastic the statuette, Fig. 42 (No. 2316), is a large- 
sized adorant idol, a counterpart to the statu- 
ette, Fig. 39, mentioned above, but it is bisexual, 
as indicated by the female breasts and the beard; 
further, the snake curling along the back of the 
figure associates it with the adorant bisexual 
Minotaur figures: in fact, this idol represents an 
intermediate stage between the theriomorph, or 
semi-theriomorph, and human shape of the 
votive figures. It can be assigned to Cypro-Geo- 
metric III or the early phase of Cypro-Archaic I 
(cf. below), and it shows that the decisive step 
towards a conception of the deity itself in human 
shape was taken in the period mentioned. This 
is further indicated by the fact that the first 
human figures without bisexual or theriomorph 
association with the time past begin to appear in 
this period, as proved by the small statuette, 
Fig. 39, and the larger statuette. Fig. 43 (No. 
2372), which together with the bisexual figure 
mentioned and the statuette No. 2321 form the 
three specimens of large-sized human figurines 
assignable to the local Period 3 at Ajia Irini 
(op. cit. II, p. 814), as we know covering the 
later part of Cypro-Geometric III and the early 
phase of Cypro-Archaic I (cf. p. 34). 

The other large-sized statuettes (Figs. 44—51) 
are normal representatives of idol plastic con- 
temporary with the art sculpture of the First 
and Second Proto-Cypriote styles. Some of 
these statuettes reflect vaguely, others more 

*Cf. e.g. op. cit . Pis. CXCVIII, CCI. 


closely, the style of the contemporary art sculp- 
ture, as already pointed out in the excavation 
report (op. cit. pp. 790 f.) and in the general 
classification made in op. cit. IV:2, p. 127. In 
the course of time stylistic qualities mark more 
and more this idol plastic, so that it is often 
impossible to make a distinction between these 
categories, idol plastic and art sculpture, as also 
shown by the intermediate specimens mentioned 
above in the sections dealing with the Second 
Proto-Cyptriote and the Cypro-Greek styles 
(pp. 36 f.). 

Some remarks have to be added on a few 
objects of various character (Figs. 52—56). 

It is instructive to compare the sphinx forming 
part of a throne, Fig. 52, with the sphinxes 
flanking a throne of a similar kind upon which 
a female figurine is seated (op. cit. II, PI. 
CCXXXIII:10, 11). The latter throne is assign- 
able to the local Period 3 at Ajia Irini (for the 
interesting conditions of finds, cf. op. cit. pp. 
806 f.), and dates therefore from the later part 
of Cypro-Geometric III or, more likely for 
stylistic reasons, the early part of Cypro- 
Archaic I: the facial features of the sphinx 
approach those characteristic of the First Proto- 
Cypriote style. The facial features of the sphinx, 
Fig. 52, are clearly Neo-Cypriote and these 
stylistic criteria are confirmed by the find con- 
texts: the fragment was found in Square L 6 at a 
level of 97.7—98.7, i.e. it belongs to the local 
Period 5 at Ajia Irini, c. 560— 540 B.C., a period 
in which the Neo-Cypriote style flourished. 

The stylized flowers, Fig. 53, have of course 
been held by one or two votive statues, most 
probably female. 

The thunderbolts, Fig. 54, on the other hand, 
must have been attributes of a statue of the god 
worshipped, confirming that he was a weather 
god. No sculpture that can be proved to repre- 
sent this god has yet been identified but among 
the sculptural fragments there are some which 
look promising for such an identification. More 
fragments must, however, be found to ascertain 
the matter. The thunderbolts to the right on Fig. 

39 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



54 have the lower terminals of the same shape 
as the flowers (Fig. 53), intended for being 
inserted into a hand. The thunderbolt, Fig. 54, 
to the left, cannot have been inserted directly 
into a hand but must have been fixed to a shaft. 
Sjdqvist has shown that the god worshipped at 
Ajia Irini has been related to the Near Eastern 
fertility and weather god, in the religious 
imagination of the worshippers conceived in 
the shape of a bull, and if we study the repre- 
sentations of the various types of thunderbolts 
associated with these Near Eastern gods we find 
that besides the double-ended thunderbolts of 
three or more rays, the single-ended thunderbolts 
with one, two or three rays are also represented 
and the thunderbolt with bent shaft-hole may 
well have formed part of such an one-sided 
thunderbolt with two or three rays*. 

Fig. 55 shows one ear of a statuette pierced by 

“For these various types of thunderbolts associated 
with the Near Eastern fertility and weather god, cf. Jahrb. 
deutsch. arch . Inst. XLffl, 1928, pp. 101 ft. Figs. 12, 
14—27, 32—38. Sometimes these thunderbolts are held by 
the god, sometimes fixed on the back of the bull. 


four holes, probably used for fastening an ear- 
ornament of which no specimens have been 
found so far, but is often represented on the 
sculptures* and is usually called ear-cap. 

Finally, Fig. 56, the vase In the shape of an 
astragalos. Its date is not later than the early 
phase of Cypro- Archaic II, because it was found 
in a layer containing potsherds of Types IV and 
V, corresponding to those found in the layer 
of the local Period 4 at Ajia Irini, covering the 
time between c. 650 and 560 B.C. We know that 
astragaloi, both real ones and imitated in 
various materials, were used as votive offerings 
in the sanctuaries and given as tombgifts to the 
deceased; they were also used as adornment on 
earrings and necklaces and as amulets. Further, 
they were used as weights and as vases, in Greece 
fairly often represented by Black Glazed 
pottery* 7 . 

“ Swed. Cyp . Exp. IV:2, Pis. 11:3; Vff:l, 2; VUI:2. 

17 For a recent survey of the material in question see 
Hampe, Die Stele aus Pharsalos im Louvre (107. Winckel- 
mannsprogramm, Berlin 1951, pp. 12 f., nn. 3 — 11). 


40 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Kreta, Tiber und Stora Mellosa. 
Bemerkungen zu zwei Bronzeschwertem 
aus dem Tiber 

EVERT BAUDOU 


Die zwei Bronzeschwerter Abb. 1—4 sind im 
Jahre 1960 in Rom im Antiquitatenhandel er- 
worben. Hierbei gegebenen Auskiinften zufolge 
sind die beiden Schwerter, zusammen mit 
einer bedeutend jungeren Bronzeschale, nach 
einer Ueberschwemmung im Strandlager am 
Tiber oberhalb von Rom einige Tage vor der 
Erwerbung gefunden 1 . Die Fundangaben schei- 
nen glaubwiirdig zu sein, auch wenn sie nicht 
naher kontrolliert werden kdnnen. In diesem 
Aufsatz gehe ich davon aus, dass der Fundort 
richtig angegeben ist. 

Beide Schwerter gehoren zu der grossen 
Gruppe der Griffzungenschwerter. Ueber den 
Ursprung dieser Schwerter ist seit langem viel 
diskutiert worden. Durch ihre grosse Verbreitung 
vom ostlichen Mittelmeergebiet und Kleinasien 
iiber Griechenland und Italien, Mittel- und 
Westeuropa bis hinauf nach Mittelskandinavien 
erhalt die Frage nach dem Aufkommen und 
nach der Entwicklung der Gruppe grosse Be- 
deutung. Kaum irgendeine andere so relativ ein- 
heitliche Form vorgeschichtlicher Metalldenk- 

1 Die Schwerter (und die Bronzeschale) sind ein Ge- 
schenk S.M. Kdnig Gustav VI. Adolfs an das Medel- 
havsmuseet, Stockholm. Inv. Nr. MM 1960:25 (Abb. 2) 
und MM 1960:26 (Abb. 1). Ich danke Professor Axel 
Bo€thius, Rom, fur die Provenienzangaben. 


maler zeigt eine so weite Verbreitung. Die Ein- 
heitlichkeit ist indessen zu einem gewissen Grade 
triigerisch. Eine genaue Priifung zeigt, dass es 
zahlreiche Varianten mit lokaler, begrenzter 
Ausbreitung gibt. Ebenso muss man damit 
rechnen, dass das organische Material aus Horn, 
Knochen Oder Holz, das die Griifzunge beklei- 
dete, eine etwas ungleiche Ausformung innerhalb 
der verschiedenen Gebiete hatte. Die Ahnlich- 
keit der Griffzungenschwerter liber grosse Teile 
Europas ist somit teilweise nur scheinbar. Es ist 
daher von grosstem Gewicht, die kleinen Unter- 
schiede, die vorkommen, im Detail nachzuweisen 
und die Zeitstellung der verschiedenen Varianten 
festzulegen. 

Die grundlegenden Arbeiten fur das Studium 
der Griffzungenschwerter sind von Naue, Sprock- 
hoff und Cowen geschrieben 1 . Naues Publikation 
erschien 1903 und seine Typeneinteilung ist 
nicht genau genug, um heutigen Anspriichen zu 
geniigen. Sprockhoffs Arbeit von 1931 und die 
von Cowen von 1956 haben die Forschung einen 

*J. Naue, Die vorrbmischen Schwerter aus Kupfer, 
Bronze und Eisen, 1903. — E. Sprockhoff, Die germa- 
nischen Griffzungenschwerter, 1931. — J. D. Cowen, 
Eine Einflihrung in die Geschichte der bronzenen Griff- 
zungenschwerter in SUddeutschland und den angrenzen- 
den Gebieten, 36. Ber.d.R5m.-Germ. Komm. 1955, 1956. 

41 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



grossen Schritt weitergefiihrt. SprockhofT be- 
handelt die Griffzungenschwerter in Nord- 
europa und Cowen dieselbe Schwertergruppe in 
Siiddeutschland und den angrenzenden Gebieten. 
Eine ebenso voilstandige Durcharbeitung der 
Griffzungenschwerter im Mittelmeerraum gibt 
es noch nicht. Die grosse Gruppe friiher Griff- 
zungenschwerter in Nordeuropa (SprockhofT 
Typ la und lb) mit mindestens ca. 200 Exempla- 
ren gehort zu Montelius’ Periode llb-c. In der 
mitteleuropaischen Chronologie entspricht das 
Reineckes Bronzezeit C sowie moglicherweise 
teilweise Bronzezeit D. Aus Siiddeutschland 
und den angrenzenden Gebieten verzeichnet 
Cowen 32 Exemplare derselben Form. Er datiert 
sie in die Bronzezeit C. Reinecke hat nach- 
gewiesen, dass zumindest Sprockhoffs Typ la 
mit ausgebuchteter Zunge von Schwertem des 
Keszthely (Boiu)-Typs in Ungaro hergeleitet 
werden kann 3 . Hingegen ist noch nicht klar- 
gelegt, wie Typ lb mit gerader Zunge entstanden 
ist. In der Bz D und in der friihen Hallstattzeit A 
kommen in Mitteleuropa Sprockhoffs Griff- 
zungenschwerter „vom gewdhnlichen Typ” vor, 
die — zum Unterschied von der Mehrzahl derer 
vom Typ la und lb — mehrere Nieten in der 
Zunge sowie schr&ge Schultem haben. Cowen 
nennt diese Form den „Nenzinger Typ”. Im 
Jahre 1931 kannte SprockhofT ca. 350 solche 
Schwerter in Nordeuropa, wo sie Montelius’ 
Periode III zugehdren, und Cowen im Jahre 1956 
ca. 50 Exemplare in Siiddeutschland und den an- 
grenzenden Gebieten. Dieser Typ ist von alien 
Griffzungenschwertem der am weitesten verbrei- 
tete. Seit langem ist er auch in einer kleineren 
Zahl aus Griechenland und aus dem dstlichen 
Mittelmeerraum bekannt. Es ist die erste Form 
von Griffzungenschwertem, die sowohl in Mittel- 
europa wie im dstlichen Mittelmeergebiet vor- 
kommt. Mehrere Archdologen, u. a. Childe, 
haben die Idee der mitteleuropaischen Griff- 
zungenschwerter aus dem dstlichen Mittelmeer- 

* P. Reinecke, Zur Geschichte der Griffzungenschwer- 
ter, Germania 15, 1931, 217 ff. 

42 


raum herleiten wollen 4 . Der Nenzinger Typ hat 
indessen in Mitteleuropa die reiche Entwicklung 
von Sprockhoffs Typ I als Hintergrund und 
ihnliche Voraussetzungen kdnnen im ag&ischen 
Gebiet Oder in Kleinasien nicht nachgewiesen 
werden 1 . Eine andere Sache ist es, dass es dort 
friihe Griffzungenschwerter gibt, die jedoch 
nicht mit den mitteleuropaischen Formen ver- 
kniipft werden kdnnen. Soviel wir jetzt sehen 
kdnnen, so diirfte es am richtigsten sein, mit 
einer mitteleuropaischen Entwicklung von Griff- 
zungenschwertem zu rechnen, die von dem 
ungarischen Boiu Typ ausgehen, und mit einer 
hiervon ganzlich getrennten Entwicklung im 
dstlichen Mittelmeerraum, einer Entwicklung, 
die noch nicht vdllig untersucht ist. In der Ha 
A-Periode treffen sich somit in der agaischen 
Welt die urspriinghch aus dem Mittelmeerraum 
herstammenden und die mitteleuropaischen Ty- 
pen, die als Import eingeffihrt werden oder als lo- 
kale Nachbildungen entstehen. Das gilt nicht nur 
fur die Griffzungenschwerter sondero auch fur 
andere Bronzeformen, wie Lanzenspitzen und 
Messer. Man kann zur gleichen Zeit mitteleuro- 
p&ische Typen im dstlichen Mittelmeergebiet 
aufspiiren und Impulse und Importstiicke aus 
Griechenland ndrdlich liber den Balkan nach 
dem dstlichen Mitteleuropa und westlich iiber 
das Mittelmeer nach Westeuropa hin nach- 
weisen. In diesem Aufsatz soli untersucht wer- 
den, wie sich die zwei Tiberschwerter in diesen 
Zusammenhang einfugen. 

Das wohlerhaltene Schwert Abb. 1 und 3 ist 
61,1 cm lang. Die Zunge ist in der Mitte schwach 
ausgebuchtet und das Heft hat V-Form. Die 
Zunge wird von niedrigen R&ndem begrenzt 
1,0 bis 1,1 cm hoch, die in ihrem obersten Teil 
ausgesprochene Hdraer haben. Am Knaufende 

4 V. G. Childe, The Final Bronze Age in the Near 
East and in Temperate Europe. Proc. of the Prehist. Soc. 
N.S. XIV, 1948, 183 ff. - Vgl. auch H. W. Catling, 
Bronze Cut-and-Thrust Swords in the Eastern Medi- 
terranean. Proc. of the Prehist. Soc. N.S. XXII, 1956, 
102 ff., der jedoch ganz von Naues alter Einteilung aus- 
geht. 

4 Cowen, 1956, 68 f. 


Digitized by LjOOQle 




4 ! ' 


Abb. 3-4. MM 1960:26 und 25. Detail. M. ca. 1:2. 


Abb. 1—2. Am Tiber gefundene Schwerter, MM 1960:26 
und 25. Medelha vsmuseet, Stockholm. Etwas kleiner als 
1:4. 


des Griffes befindet sich ein 3,2 cm langer 
spatenformiger Zungenfortsatz. Die Zunge weist 
4 und das Heft 2x3 Nietlocher auf. Das erste 
und das dritte Nietloch ist grob von derselben 
Seite her eingeschlagen, das zweite und vierte 
von der entgegengesetzten Seite. Die Nietlocher 
im Heft sind samtlich von der gleichen Seite her 
eingeschlagen ausser dem untersten links auf 
Abb. 3. Die Zunge ist 0,45 cm dick. Der Ueber- 
gang vom Heft zur Klinge ist weich geschwungen. 
Die Klinge ist breit und nach unten zu ausge- 
buchtet, d. h. blattformig. An ihrer breitesten 
Stelle ist sie 4,1 cm und am schmaleren oberen 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


Teil untcr dem Heft 3,5 cm breit. Die Klinge 
hat nahezu rhombischen Querschnitt, der untere 
Teil ist jedoch flacher. Die Schneide ist vom 
Rucken der Klinge durch eine scharfe Kante 
abgesetzt. Die Patina ist abgeschliffen ausser auf 
der Zunge und auf Teilen der Schneide. Die 
erhaltene Patina ist blauschwarz. 

Das zweite Schwert, Abb. 2 und 4, ist 72,3 cm 
lang. Auch dieses ist wohlerhalten. Die Zunge 
buchtet im unteren Teil aus. Die Ausbuchtung 
ist gut markiert und viel deutlicher als bei dem 
ersten Schwert. Das Heft hat nahezu U-Form. 
Die Zunge wird von niedrigen R&ndem begrenzt, 
0,9— 1,0 cm hoch, die in ihrem oberen Teil in 
ausgesprochene Horner auslaufen. Die Zunge 
hat eine 3,8 cm lange Verlangerung. Im unteren 
Teil der Zunge befindet sich ein Nietloch und 
im unteren Teil des Heftes 2 x 1 Nietldcher. Die 
Nietldcher sind gut gearbeitet und abgeschliffen. 
Die Zunge ist 0,45 cm dick. Der Uebergang 
zwischen Heft und Klinge geschieht in sch&rfe- 
rem Winkel als beim Schwert Abb. 1. Die Klinge 
ist blattformig, an ihrer breitesten Stelle 3,7 cm 
und amschmaleren oberen Teil 3,1 cm breit. Die 
ganze Klinge hat deutlich rhombischen Quer- 
schnitt. Die Schneide ist vom Rucken durch eine 
schwach markierte Kante abgesetzt. Das Schwert 
ist mit gleichfbrmiger, blauschwarzer Patina von 
gleicher Art wie beim ersten Schwert belegt. Auf 
der abgebildeten Seite, Abb. 4, sieht man die 
Grenze fur den Heftbelag. 

Cowens Arbeit iiber die siiddeutschen Griff- 
zungenschwerter kann zum Ausgangspunkt fur 
die Diskussion dienen. Beide italische Schwerter 
gehdren zur Hauptgruppe unverzierte Griff- 
zungenschwerter mit blattfbrmigen Klingen*. 
Diese Schwerter werden in drei Typen eingeteilt, 
den Erbenheimer Typ (20 Exemplare und eine 
Gussform), den Lettener Typ (9 Exemplare) und 
den Hemigkofener Typ (49 Exemplare). Vom 
Erbenheimer Typ weist Cowen auch eine 
Variante nach, die Ennsdorfer Variante (3 
Exemplare). Der Erbenheimer und Lettener 

• Cowen, 1956, 72 ff. 

44 


Typ hat einen markierten Griffzungenfortsatz 
geradeso wie die zwei hier besprochenen ita- 
lischen Schwerter. Das Schwert Abb. 1 gehort 
zum Lettener Typ, der durch eine sehr schwach 
ausbuchtende Zunge mit 3—5 Nieten und 4-6 
Nieten am Heft gekennzeichnet ist (Abb. 5—6). 
Die L&nge variiert zwischen 62,4 und 59,5 cm. 
Das italische Schwert fiigt sich sehr gut hier ein. 

Kein Schwert vom Lettener Typ ist in einem 
datierbaren Zusammenhang gefunden worden. 
Die grosse Ahnlichkeit mit dem Hemigkofener 
Typ (Abb. 8-10) einerseits und dem Erben- 
heimer Typ andererseits l&sst, nach Cowen, ver- 
muten dass der Lettener Typ eine Hybridform 
zwischen diesen beiden darstellt. Da beide Haupt- 
formen mittels datierbarer Grabfunde zur Ha A 
gerechnet werden kdnnen, ist eine Datierung 
des Lettener Typs in die gleiche Zeit durchaus 
glaublich. Cowen versucht den Erbenheimer 
Typ in die „frtihe Ha A”-Periode zu begrenzen 
und teilt hierdurch auch den Lettener Typ der 
fruhen Ha A-Periode zu. Diese Begrenzung 
dtirfte nicht m&glich sein, da der eine der beiden 
Grabfunde vom Erbenheimer Typ (Erbenheim 
bei Wiesbaden) in die friihe Ha A-Zeit (Ha A 1) 
und der andere (Wollmesheim in der Rhein- 
pfalz) in die sp&te Ha A-Periode (Ha A 2) 
gehort. 

Das Schwert Abb. 2 kommt dem Erbenheimer 
Typ am nichsten (Abb. 11 — 13). Bezeichnend 
ist eine in der Mitte weich ausbuchtende Zunge 
mit zahlreichen Nietldchem sowohl am Griff 
wie am Heft. Das Heft hat nahezu U-Form. Die 
Klinge hat einen flachen rautenfbrmigen Quer- 
schnitt, ist lang und elegant geschwungen. Die 
LSnge ist zwischen 74,5 und 64,5 cm, im Durch- 
schnitt 69,0 cm. Das italische Schwert unter- 
scheidet sich von den tibrigen durch eine un- 
gewdhnlich kleine Anzahl Nieten, nur drei, und 
dadurch, dass die Ausbuchtung der Zunge tiefer 
als normal liegt. Die U-Form des Heftes ist 
ebenfalls deutlicher als bei den von Cowen ab- 
gebildeten Schwertern. Wie erwfihnt wird der 
Erbenheimer Typ in die Ha A-Periode datiert. 

Ein Verzeichnis von in Italien gefundenen 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 





Abb. 5—7. Lettener Typ. Fundorte : Basel; Birsfelden bei Abb. 8—10. Hemigkofener Typ. Fundorte: Zihlkanal , 

Basel; Rouen. M. etwas grosser als 1:4. Nach Cowen 1956. Schweiz; Venlo , Holland; Boppard, Rheinprovinz. M. etwas 

grosser als 1:4. Nach Cowen 1956. 


45 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



11 




13 


Schwertem aus dcr Bronzezeit ist 1926 vor 
Rcllini vcrdffcntlicht und 1942 von Caprino er 
g&nzt wordcn 7 . Die Vcrzeichnisse enthaltet 
alles in allem 332 Schwerter, von denen 12C 
auf dem Festland, 23 auf Sizilien und 189 aui 
Sardinien gefunden sind. Selbst wenn nocfc 
einige weiterc Schwerter in kleineren Samm- 
lungen erhalten sind, so ist man berechtigt, die 
grosse Menge der von Rellini-Caprino publi- 
zierten Schwerter als reprasentativ fur den 
Gesamtbestand anzusehen. Folgende Schwerter 
gehdren dem Lettener Typ an oder nahern sich 
ihm: 

1. Am Trasimenischen See , Umbria. Lange 75 
cm, gerade Klinge. Schwach U-formiges Heft 
4+ 2 x2 Nietldcher. Jetzt in unbekannter Samm- 
lung. — A. Ancona, Le armi, le fibule e qualche 
alio cimelio della sua collezione archeologica, 
1886. Nr. 44 (Foto). Naue 1903, Taf. VII,2 
(Zeichnung). Abb. 14 in diesem Aufsatz. Von 
Rellini-Caprino nicht aufgefiihrt. 

2. Alerona , Umbria. Lange 64 cm, gerade 
Klinge. V-formiges Heft. 5+2x2 Nietlocher. 
Mus. Preist. di Roma. — Montelius, La civil, 
prim, en ltalie 11,1, 1904, PI. 126,11. Rellim 
1926, Nr. 77. 

3. Am Tiber , n&rdlich von Rom , Lazio. Schwert 
Abb. 1 und 3 in diesem Aufsatz. 

4. Fucino , Abruzzi. Lange 62 cm. Gerade oder 
blattfdrmige Klinge? V-formiges Heft. 4+2x3 
Nietlocher. Mus. Preist. di Roma. — Monte- 
lius 1904, PI. 142,9 (nur Oberteil). Rellini 1926, 
Nr. 87. 

5. Fucino , Abruzzi. Lange 63 cm. Gerade oder 
blattformige Klinge? V-fbrmiges Heft. 2—2x2 

7 U. Rellini, Per lo studio delle spade di bronzo 
scoperte in Italia, Bull, di Paletn. It. XLVI, 1926, 73 ff.- 
C. Caprino, Spada trovata presso Ienne (Arsoli), Bull, 
di Paletn. It. N.S. V-VI, 1941-42, 198 ff. - Vgl. 
K. R. Maxwell-Hyslop, Notes on some distinctive 
types of Bronzes from Populonia, Etruria. Proc. of the 
Prehist. Soc. N.S. XII, 1956, 127. Anm. 1. 


Abb. 11 — i 3. Erbenheimer Typ. Fundorte: Steinamager 
Urgarn; Bonnigheim , Wiirttemberg ; Heilbronrt , Wurttem- 
berg. M. et was grosser als 1:4. Nach Cowen 1956. 


Digitized by LjOOQle 


Karte 1. Verbreitung des Let tetter 
Typs and nahestehender Variante 
mit gerader Klinge in Italien. 



Nietldcher. Mus. Preist. di Roma. — Montelius 
1904, PI. 142,10 (nur Oberteil). Rellini 1926, 
Nr. 88. 

6. Colie Brignile di S . Benedetto in Per illis, 
Abruzzi. Dinge 65 cm. Gerade oder blattformige 
Klinge? 10 Nietlocher. Keine Abbildung publi- 
ziert, aber Rellinis Beschreibung ist so genau, 
dass das Schwert trotzdem mit grosser Wahr- 
scheinlichkeit dieser Gruppe zugeteilt werden 
kann: „Spada a codolo piatto munito di 10 fori 
pei chiodi, 6 rimasti; in capo linguetta verticale 
fra due brevi appendici divergenti.” Als Typ 
gibt Rellini Montelius 1904, PI. 142,10, d. h. das 
oben erwahnte Schwert Nr. 5, an. Mus. Preist. 
di Roma. — Rellini 1926, Nr. 89. 

7. Puglie . Lange 61 cm, gerade Klinge, V-for- 
miges Heft. 3+2x3 Nietlocher. Jetzt in un- 
bekannter Sammlung. — Naue 1903, Taf. VII, 6, 
Abb. 15 in diesem Aufsatz. Bei Rellini-Caprino 
nicht aufgefuhrt. 

Folgende Gussform und zwei Schwerter ge- 


horen am ehesten dem Erbenheimer Typ an: 

1. Piverone bei Ivrea , Piemonte . Gussform aus 
Steatit in zwei Halften, Lange 83 cm. Fur 
Schwerter in drei Langen: 75, 72 und 65 cm. 
Blattformige Klinge. Das Heft beinahe U-fdrmig. 
Die Form gibt keine Nietlocher an. Wurde 1942 
in der Chiesa Parrochiale aufbewahrt. — P. 
Barocelli, Bullet. Paletn. di It. N.S. II, 1938, 
130 f. Caprino 1942, Nr. 5. Cowen 1956, 131, 
Nr. 13. 

2. Casale , Veneto . Lange nach der angege- 
benen Skala ca. 44 cm, (ist das moglich?). 
Schwach blattformige Klinge. Heft schwach 
U-formig. 4+2x2 Nietlocher. Museo Civico 
di Treviso. — R. Battaglia, Bull. Paletn. di It., 
Vol. fuori serie 67-68, 1958-59, 284, Abb. 
98 b. Von Rellini-Caprino nicht genannt. 

3. Am Tiber , nordlich von Rom , Lazio . Schwert 
Abb. 2 und 4 in diesem Aufsatz. 

Aus Fucino , Abruzzi liegt ein weiteres Schwert 
vor, das die Kennzeichen des Erbenheimer Typs 

47 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 





zeigt, die in der Mitte ausbuchtende Zunge, 
zahlreiche Nietldcher (3+2x2), lange ge- 
schwungene Klinge (Montelius 1904, PI. 142,5. 
Rellini 1926, Nr. 86). Die L&nge betragt nach 
der Abbildungsskala 69 cm, d. h. genau die 
Lange, die fur den Durchschnitt des Typs an- 
gegeben wird. Die Klinge buchtet nur schwach 
aus, wie bei dem Exemplar vom Tiber Abb. 1. 
Die einzige Abweichung besteht darin, dass der 
Griffzungenfortsatz fehlt. Dieses Exemplar ist 
die Ennsdorfer Variante, von der Cowen nur 
drei Exemplare angibt, eines aus Osterreich 
(Ennsdorf, Grab aus Ha A), eines aus der 
Tschechoslowakei (Karpathorussland) und eines 
aus Polen (Galizien) 8 . Diese Form ist so selten 
und so zerstreut, dass sie kaum verdient als 
eigene Variante bezeichnet zu werden. Es ist 
eine rein zufallige Form, die hier und da einmal 
innerhalb oder ausserhalb der Grenzen des Ver- 
breitungsgebietes des Erbenheimer Typs vor- 
kommt. 

Nichts ist iiber die naheren Fundumstande 
aller dieser Schwerter bekannt. Nichts in datier- 
barem Zusammanhang liegt vor. Mit Vorbehalt 
fur eine kleinere zeitliche Verschiebung kann 
man fur die italischen Schwerter dieselbe Ge- 
brauchszeit annehmen wie fur die mitteleuro- 
paischen, d. h. Ha A. In absoluten Jahreszahlen 
wiirde dies, nach Miiller-Karpe, das 12—11. 
Jahrhundert v. Chr. bedeuten und in italischer 
Periodenbezeichnung die altere „Protovillanova- 
Periode”. 

Mit Ausnahme des Schwertes von Puglie liegt 
die erste Gruppe gut in Mittelitalien gesammelt 
(Karte 1). Auch ihrem Typ nach gehdrt sie 
eng zusammen. Einige haben jedoch gerade 
Klinge, wahrend eines oder einige die fur den 
Lettener Typ charakteristische Blattform zeigt. 
In Nordueropa gibt es ebenfalls eine kleine 
Schwertgruppe, die dem Lettener Typ nahesteht 
aber durch eine gerade Klinge gekennzeichnet 
ist. Mindestens vier Schwerter gehoren hierhin, 
darunter eines von Stora Mellosa in Narke in 

1 Cowen 1956, 76 ff. 


Mittelschweden (Abb. 16) und eines aus Spandau 
bei Berlin (Abb. 17) 9 . Sowohl Sprockhoff wie 
Cowen halten es fur das wahrscheinlichste, dass 
die nordische Gruppe einer einheimischen Werk- 
statt entstammt. Cowen nimmt an, dass diese 
Schwerter einheimische Abwandlungen impor- 
tierter Beispiele des Erbenheimer Typs sind 
(Schwerter von Parum in Mecklenburg und 
Bremen). 

Die nordeuropaische und die mittelitalische 
Gruppe sind auffallend ahnlich, was darauf 
beruht, dass diese Varianten unter gleichen Vor- 
aussetzungen entstanden sind, trotzihresgrossen 
geographischen Abstandes. Die fur grosse 
Teile Europas gemeinsamme Schwertform wah- 
rend Bz D und friiher Ha A-Zeit ist, wie erwahnt, 
das Griffzungenschwert von Cowens Nenzinger 
Typ. Die Zunge ist sehr schwach ausgebuchtet, 
ohne Fortsatz, aber oft mit kleinen Hornera 
versehen. Der Uebergang zwischen Heft und 
Klinge ist weich und gerade. In ltalien gibt es 
mindestens 8 Exemplare, von denen die Mehr- 
zahl in Mittelitalien liegt 10 . Irgendwo in Mittel- 
europa, vielleicht in Suddeutschland, entsteht 
in der friihen Ha A-Periode eine Tendenz, diese 
Schwerter mit einer blattformigen Klinge aus- 
zuformen, eine Tendenz, die im Norden w§hrend 
Ha A nicht durchschl&gt und die eine sehr 
geringe Rolle in Mittelitalien gespielt zu haben 
scheint. In Mitteleuropa entsteht derHemigko- 
fener Typ (Abb. 8—10), wovon man in ltalien 
nur schwache Spuren findet. Ein Schwert von 
Montegiorgio , Ascoli-Piceno , in Mittelitalien ist 
eine Variante dieses Typs (Montelius 1904, PI. 
131,13; Rellini 1926, Nr. 64). 

Fiir das Aussehen des Schwertes kann es 

• Sprockhoff 1931, 21 ff. und 95 f. Die restlichen zwei 
Schwerter sind von Bevensen, Kr. Ulzen, Hannover und 
vom Goplo-See, Polen. 

10 1. Cherasco y Piemonte. Caprino 1942, Nr. 4. — 2. 
Casale , Veneto . Battaglia 1958—59, Abb. 98 c. — 3—5. 
Belverde di Cetona , Toscana. Caprino 1942, Nr. 13 — 15. — 
6. Am Trasimenischen See, Umbria, Rellini 1926, Nr. 74. 
Hier Abb. 18. — 7. Sulmona, Abruzzi. Naue 1903, Taf. 
VII, 1. Hier Abb. 19. — 8. Poggio Berni , Forli, Emilia. 
Hortfund, Ha A. Tosi, Bull, di Paletn. It. N.S. 3, 1939, 
51 ff., Abb. 1, h, m. 


49 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



keine Rolle gespielt haben, ob die Schwertzunge 
einen Fortsatz hatte oder nicht. Die funktionelle 
Aufgabe des Zungenfortsatzes war, dem Schwert- 
knauf eine Stiitze zu geben. Wenn auch den 
meisten Schwertem ein solcher Fortsatz fehlt, 
so hat man doch keinen Anlass, einen wesent- 
lich anderen Knauf anzunehmen. Was dieses 
Detail betrifft, so konnen die Schwerter in un- 
beschadigtem Zustand durchaus gleichartig aus- 
gesehen haben. Einen wesentlichen Unterschied 
zwischen den Typen stellt indessen die kraftig 
blattformige Klinge, verglichen mit der geraden, 
dar. Der Zungenfortsatz kann als eine tech- 
nische Verbesserung fur eine bessere Befestigung 
des Schwertknaufes angesehen werden. Durch 
Angabe einiger Ziffem kann gezeigt werden, 
welche Rolle dieses Detail innerhalb der ver- 
schiedenen Gebiete gespielt hat. Von den ca. 
375 von Sprockhoff aufgefuhrten nordeurop&i- 
schen Ha A-Schwertera mit Griffzunge haben 
9 Zungenfortsatz, von den ca. 135 von Cowen 
angegebenen Ha A-Schwertem mit Griffzunge aus 
Mitteleuropa (einschliesslich zweier hier nicht 
genannter Typen) haben 29 Zungenfortsatz und 
von den in diesem Aufsatz aufgezahlten ca. 20 
italischen Ha A-Schwertem mit Griffzunge haben 
9 (und eine Gussform) Zungenfortsatz. 

Die mittelitalische Gruppe von Schwertem 
mit Zungenfortsatz kann auf ahnliche Weise 
wie die nordische betrachtet werden. Die Schwer- 
ter mit gerader Klinge sind von lokaler Her- 
stellung, wahrend das Tiber-Schwert mit seiner 
leicht geschwungenen Klinge am wahrschein- 
lichsten ein mitteleurop&isches Produkt ist. 
Cowen bildet zwei fast gleiche Schwerter ab, 
das eine aus Birsfelden bei Basel (hier Abb. 6) 
und das andere aus Rouen (hier Abb. 7). Damit 
kann man drei Gruppen von sehr gleichartigen 
und nahe verwandten Schwertem unterscheiden: 

1. Lettener Typ mit blattformiger Klinge im 
eigentlichen Verbreitungsgebiet des Erbenheimer 
Typs in Mittel- und Westeuropa; 

2. Die nordeuropaische Gruppe mit gerader 
Klinge ausserhalb des eigentlichen Verbreitungs- 
gebietes des Erbenheimer Typs; 

50 


3. Die mittelitalische Gruppe mit gerade 
Klinge ausserhalb des eigentlichen Verbreitungj 
gebietes des Erbenheimer Typs. 

Der Erbenheimer Typ hat seinen Schwerpunl 
am Rhein, vor allem im mittleren Teile d< 
Flussgebietes 11 . Von den 8 Exemplaren de 
Lettener Typs mit bekanntem Fundort liege 
drei in der Schweiz am obersten Lauf des Rhein© 
zwei in Suddeutschland, zwei in Frankreich a 
der Seine und eines in Belgien. Die mitte 
italischen Griffzungenschwerter mit Zungenfor 
satz kniipfen iiber das mittlere Alpengebiet a 
das obere Rheintal an. Die italische Gruppe voi 
Nenzinger Typ gehort mit Mitteleuropa ii 
weiteren Sinne zusammen. 

Aus Griechenland ist noch eine kleine Grup] 
publiziert worden, die mit Erbenheim-Letu 
in Zusammenhang steht. Drei Griffzunge 
schwerter von Kreta, eines von Patras auf d 
Peloponnes und eines aus Phokis haben Zunge 
fortsatz 1 *. Das Schwert von Anthea bei Pair 
und mindestens eines der kretensischen Schwei 
sind vom Lettener Typ (Abb. 20) u . Ausserdc 
gibt es noch einige Schwerter vom Nenzinj 
Typ sowie einige Bruchstiicke von Griffzunge 
schwertem von nicht n&her bestimmban 
Typ 14 . Einige Schwerter von Nenzinger T 
sind, worauf Milojcic hingewiesen hat, etw 


11 Cowen 1956, 77, Karte C. Es gibt noch ein p 
weitere hierhergehbrige Schwerter auf osteuropaisch 
Gebiet, aber das Kartenbild wird nicht wesentlich % 
ftndert. 

11 V. MiLOjfod, Einige „mitteleurop&ische” Fretndlb 
auf Kreta, Jahrb. d. Rdm.-Germ. Zentralmus. Maim 
1955, 159 ff.. Abb. 3:1, 4 und 21. - N. Kyparbs 
Praktika 1938, 118 f. (Anthea bei Patras). — X. Tsoi 
tas, Ephemeris Arch. 1897, 110, Abb. 1 (Phokis). 

14 S. A. Xanthoudides, Ephemeris Arch. 1904, 45- 
Abb. 11. — G. Maraghiannis, Antiquitds ergtoises 
1912, PI. XXXV, 4. 

14 H. W. Catling 1956, 109 ff. - J. Naue, Die Brona 
zeit in Oberbayem, 1894, Abb. 13 (Bruchstiick 
Korinth). — P. Reinecke 1931, 220 Anm. 12 (Ithaka) 
Pendlebury, Brit. School at Athens, Ann. 38, 1937- 
Pl. 29 No. 500 (Bruchstiick aus Karphi auf Kreta). 
Das Schwert von Kallithea, Catling 1956, 112, No 
hat eine kleine Spitze zwischen den zwei Hdmem. B 
hier nicht zu den Schwertem mit Zungefortsatz gered 
worden. Abgebildet von N. Yalouris, Ath. MitteiL 
1960 (1962), Beil. 31. 


Digitized by t^OOQle 




' *! 

!* J. 

J 

20 v 

>466. 20—21 . Fundorte: Mouliam , Kreta; Schist e , Phokis. 
M. Nr. 20 ca. 1:3 , Nr. 27 e/wos kleiner als 1:2. Nr. 20 nach 
Maraghiannis 1912 , Nr. 27 /wc6 Tsountas 1897. 


zierlicher und leichter als die mitteleuropaischen. 
Das kann darauf hindeuten, dass es sich dabei 
um lokale Produkte handelt, die durch Ein- 
fliisse von den mitteleuropaischen Formen her 
entstanden sind. In diesem Zusammenhang ist es 
ausreichend zu konstatieren, dass mindestens 
zwei Griffzungenschwerter vom Lettener Typ 
sind und dadurch nahe Verbindung mit Mittel- 
europa bezeugen. Anscheinend sind sie in 
Mitteleuropa hergestellt. Ein wahrscheinlich 
lokal verfertigtes, nur 45 cm langes Schwert ist 
bei Enkomi auf Cypem gefunden 15 . 

Das zweite Schwert vom Tiber, Abb. 2 und 4, 
kommt dem Erbenheimer Typ am nachsten. Es 
unterscheidet sich von den ganz typischen 
Schwertem dieses Typus durch eine geringere 
Anzahl Nieten, durch die Ausbuchtung der 
Zunge unterhalb der Mitte und durch die deut- 
lichere U-Form des Heftes. Unter den von 
Cowen abgebildeten Schwertern findet sich 
nicht eines was in diesen Details mit dem Tiber- 
Schwert iibereinstimmt. Naher kommt das 
Schwert aus Phokis mit kleiner Anzahl Nieten, 
U-formigem Heft und der etwas unterhalb der 
Mitte ausbuchtenden Zunge (Abb. 21). Die 
Klinge des griechischen Schwertes ist nicht 
abgebildet, wird jedoch im Text als gerade an- 
gegeben 16 . Die Klinge unterscheidet sich hierin 
vom Tiber-Schwert. Wo die beiden Schwerter 
hergestellt sind, kann nicht entschieden werden. 
Beide konnen lokale Produkte darstellen. Selbst 
wenn sie aus lokalen Werkstatten herstammen, 
so zeigen sie durch ihre Form eine innere Zu- 
sammengehorigkeit und nahe Ankniipfung zum 
Erbenheimer Typ in Mitteleuropa. 

Die mittelitalische Gruppe von Griffzungen- 
schwertem mit Zungenfortsatz liegt innerhalb 

14 Catling 1956, 115, PI. XI, 1. Die Lange des Schwer- 
tes wird S. 115 mit 45 cm angegeben, im Text zur Tafel 
mit 42 cm. 

1# H. Peake, The Bronze Age and the Celtic World, 
1922, PI. XII, 3 bildet ein Schwert ab, das aus Levadeia, 
Griechenland, herstammen soil. Der obere Teil des 
Schwertes is genau gleich Tsountas 1897, 110, Abb. 1, 
und die Klinge ist gerade. Es scheint eine Verwechslung 
stattgefunden zu haben. Vgl. Catling 1956, 113, No. 10. 

51 


Digitized by LiOOQle 


des zentralen Gebietes der apenninischen Kultur 
w&hrend der , , Pro to viliano va-Zei t’ ’ , und die 
Schwertcr vom Nenzinger Typ liegen teilweise 
im gleichen Raum. Wie schon Lange bekannt, 
ist das italische Bronzehandwerk auf dem Fest- 
land zu dieser Zeit in hohem Grade unselbst&n- 
dig und wird von mitteleurop&ischen Vorbildem 
gepr&gt. Zu den mitteleurop&ischen Formen aus 
derselben Zeit wie das Tiber-Schwert gehdren 
z. B. jiingere Violinbogenfibeln, Blattbiigel- 
fibeln, Griffzungenmesser vom Matreier Typ 
und mittelst&ndige Lappenbeile 17 . Ohne genaue 
Untersuchungen ist es unmdglich, in Italien ver- 
fertigte Bronzegegenst&nde von importierten zu 
unterscheiden. Solange solche Untersuchungen 
nicht in grdsserem Masstab ausgefuhrt worden 
sind, fehlt es an Unterlagen fur Theorien dar- 
iiber, wie dieser starke mitteleurop&ische Ein- 
fluss zustandegekommen ist, ob er Vdlker- 
wanderungen mit kriegerischen Eroberungen 
Oder friedliche Landnahme, die T&tigkeit wan- 
demder Metallgiesser, entwickelte Handelsver- 
bindungen Oder eine [Combination dieser Fak- 
toren wiederspiegelt. 

Auch in Griechenland gibt es eine Reihe von 
Funden derselben Gegenstandstypen, die in 
Italien als mitteleurop&isch bezeichnet worden 
sind. Ueber sie ist eine lebhafte Diskussion 
gefuhrt und verschiedene Ursprungsmdglich- 
keiten sind angegeben worden. Zumindest ein 
Teil dieser Gegenst&nde ist seinem Ursprung 
nach zweifellos mitteleurop&isch, w&hrend es 
sich bei anderen um &g&ische Umformungen 
mitteleurop&ischer Typen handelt 18 . Gewdhnlich 
wird der Weg iiber den Balkan fur diesen mittel- 
europaischen Einfluss angefiihrt. Vor kurzem 
wies Sp. Marinatos mit neueren Funden aus 
dem Mittelmeerraum als Ausgangspunkt auf 
einen anderen wichtigen Weg hin 19 . Er hebt 

17 H. MOller-Karpe, Beitrdge zur Chronologic der 
Urnenfelderzeit ndrdlich undsUdlich der Alpen, 1959, 191, 
Abb. 26. 

ls Milqi£i£ 1955, 153 ff. 

19 Sp. Marinatos, The Minoan and Mycenaean Civi- 
lization and its Influence on the Mediterranean and on 
Europe. Atti del VI congresso intemazionale delle 

52 


Lipari mit sehr reichen Wohnplatzf unden als 
Station auf dem Wege nach dem westlichen 
Mittelmeer und nach Westeuropa hervor. Von 
Lipari kommt man leicht nach Sardinien und 
den Balearen oder nordw&rts zum Golf von 
Neapel. Es ist sicher kein Zufall, sagt Marinatos, 
dass man mykenische Spuren gerade auf Ischia 
und bei Vivara findet. Milojfic hat betont, dass 
die auf Kreta gefundenen Peschiera-Dolche ihre 
n&chstverwandte Analogic in Norditalien ha ben. 
Nach Marinatos erh&lt diese Beobachtung ihre 
Erklarung durch den angegebenen Seeweg via 
Ischia - Lipari — Griechenland". Man muss aber 
auch die Verbindung iiber Puglie beachten. 
Auf dem Wohnplatz bei Scoglio del Tonno bei 
Tarent wurden unter anderem sp&tmykenische 
Vasenscherben, Bronzen in Typen vom dstlichen 
Mittelmeergebiet und Bronzen vom gleichen 
mitteleurop&ischen Typ gefunden, wie man ihn 
in Griechenland findet* 1 . Unter den Bronzen 
war auch ein Peschiera-Dolch. 

Die griechische Gruppe von Griflzungen- 
schwertem mit Zungenfortsatz erh&lt auf gleiche 
Weise ihre Erklarung, wenn man eine direkte 
Seewegverbindung zwischen der mittelitalischen, 
apenninischen Gruppe und hierdurch indirekt 
mit dem Hauptgebiet des Typs im westlichen 
Mitteleuropa annimmt. Ein auflallender Zug in 
der Verbreitung der Schwertformen in der 
Ha A-Zeit ist, dass die Vollgriffschwerter im 
dstlichen Mitteleuropa und die Griffzungen- 
schwerter im westlichen Mitteleuropa domi- 
nieren**. In Mittelitalien oder auf dem siidlichen 
Balkan sind keine Vollgriffschwerter vom Ha 
A-Typ gefunden. Dieser Umstand gibt dem 
westlichen Weg fur die griechischen Griff- 
zungenschwerter mit Zungenfortsatz eine noch 
grdssere Wahrscheinlichkeit. Hierdurch erhilt 
man auch eine Erkl&rung fur die Ahnlichkeit 
des Tiber-Schwertes Abb. 2 mit dem Schwert 

scienze preistoriche e protoistoricbe, 1962, 161 ff. 

99 Milgj£i£ 1955, 158. - Marinatos 1962, 170. 

91 MOller-Karpe 1959, 30 ff., Taf. 13. 

99 H. MOller-Karpe, Die Vollgriffschwerter der 
Urnenfelderzeit aus Bayern, 1961, 86 f . , Karte 1 —4. 


Digitized by LjOOQle 



aus Phokis Abb. 21. Die erwahnten Messer vom 
Matreier Typ, die in Griechenland nicht unge- 
wdhnlich sind, haben die gleiche westliche Ver- 
breitung. Nach Miiller-Karpe kommen sie in 
Bayern, Tirol, Schweiz und in Ober- und Mittel- 
italien, aber nicht im ostlichen Mitteleuropa vor 28 . 
Hier geht es nicht um die Frage, ob oder wie die 
verschiedenen agaischen Typen einschneidiger 
Messer entstanden sind, ebensowenig wie es 
sich friiher um die Entstehung der friihesten 
Grifizungenschwerter gehandelt hat. 

Selbst wenn wir mit dem hier skizzierten Weg 
des mitteleuropaischen Einflusses iiber Mittel- 
Italien nach Griechenland rechnen konnen, so 
spielt doch natiirlich auch der ndrdliche Weg 
iiber den Balkan nach Griechenland eine wich- 
tige Rolle. Es war meine Absicht, auf eine 
bisher wenig beachtete Moglichkeit hinzuweisen. 
Die beiden Bronzeschwerter vom Tiber gliedem 

“Muller-Karpe 1961, 41. — Vgl. N. K. Sandars, 
The Antiquity of the One-edged Bronze Knife in the 
Aegean, Proc. of the Prehist. Soc. N.S. XXI, 1955, 174 ff. 


sich daher in einen wichtigen Zusammenhang 
ein. Mit dem Ausgangspunkt von verschiedenen 
Varianten von Griffzungenschwertem mit Zung- 
enfortsatz erhalt man eine Andeutung eines 
Einflusses vom westlichen Mitteleuropa iiber 
die Alpen nach Mittelitalien und von dort 
weiter iiber die westliche Kiiste Mittelitaliens 
oder iiber Puglie auf dem Seewege nach Grie- 
chenland. Die west-mitteleuropaischen Impulse 
erreichen gleichzeitig den Norden und spiegeln 
sich in Mittelschweden im Schwerte von Stora 
Mellosa wieder. Ein Grabfund aus Hovby in 
Schonen, der einen cyprischen Griflangeldolch 
mit geraden Schultem und mit durchlochter 
Angel, einen Peschiera-Dolch, ein nordisches 
Miniaturmesser und eine nordische Fibel aus 
der friihen Periode III der nordischen Bronze- 
zeit enthielt, deutet denselben Weg zwischen 
dem dstlichen Mittelmeer und Nordeuropa an 24 . 

14 O. Monteuus, Minnen friLn vkr fomtid, 1917, Abb. 
885, 886, 922, 1024. — E. Sprockhoff, Ein Peschiera- 
dolch aus Niedersachsen, Germania 20, 1936, Taf. 33,2. 


Digitized by LjOOQle 


53 



A Black-Figured Neck-Amphora of the 
Leagros Group 


TULLIA RONNE-LINDERS 


The vase here published 1 II , Figs. 1-7,20,21, 
which was presented to Medeihavsmuseet by His 
Majesty the King, was acquired in Rome, in 1961 . 
Nothing was then known of its provenance. In 
shape it is a neck-amphora, the height being 
0.408 m. It is unbroken and very well preserved, 
except for slight dents in the surface in places. 
There is no repainting. 

As will be explained below, this is AB K, p. 374, 
no. 197. 

A. Apollo in a chariot drawn by four horses, 
accompanied by Artemis and Hermes. 

A young man stands in a light chariot with 
two wheels (of which one only is seen) drawn by 
four horses, holding the reins of the horses. His 
head overlaps into the tongue-pattern above the 
picture. He has a short beard, is dressed in a 
himation and wears a fillet round his head. The 


1 Inv. no. MM 1962:7. My thanks are due to Dr. O. 
Vessberg, Director of Medeihavsmuseet, for permission 
to publish this vase. 1 have also to thank the Staatliche 
Museen, Antikenabteilung, West-Berlin, the British Mu- 
seum, Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 
London, the Direktion der Antikensammlungen, Munich, 

II Soprintendente alle Antichiti, Naples, the Royal On- 
tario Museum, Toronto, and the Martin von Wagner 
Museum, Wurzburg, which sent photographs of their 
vases and allowed me to publish them, and Sir John 
Beazley for information concerning the Stockholm vase. 

54 


horses have all four hooves on the ground, yet 
give the impression of moving. They bend their 
heads in various ways so that three of them are 
clearly seen, while the ear is all that shows of the 
fourth, behind the head of the third. On the 
further side of the horses a woman turns to- 
wards the charioteer, lifting her right hand in a 
gesture of sorrow or greeting. She wears a long 
chiton and a mantle over her shoulders, a fillet 
is tied round her head. At the horses’ heads and 
half-hidden by them Hermes walks to the right 
but turns round looking at the charioteer. He is 
dressed, in the usual way, in a short chiton, 
cloak, winged boots tied with string, and a 
peaked petasos; his long plait of hair is tied up 
by means of a ribbon. The head of Hermes cuts 
into the palmette of the handle-ornament. - 
Underneath the horses a small deer grazes. 

Neither the charioteer nor the woman have any 
attributes to identify them with certainty. Since, 
however, the deer is an animal sacred to Artemis, 
it seems most likely that the woman is to be 
identified with her. The man to whom she bids 
farewell is then most probably her brother, 
Apollo. — In fact, the deer is also his sacred 
animal so that this too points to Apollo as the 
charioteer; again, the woman is Artemis (or 
possibly his mother). One notes that the similar 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Fig. 1 . Neck-amphora, Medelhavs - 
museet, Stockholm, MM 1962:7 . 


scenes referred to below, are all taken from the 
sphere of the gods and heroes. 

There is red in Apollo’s beard and fillet and 
on Artemis’s fillet; Apollo’s himation is de- 
corated with red dots and Hermes’s cloak with 
red borders; further, there are red strokes along 
the horses’ manes and tails. 

White was used for the face of Artemis, but 
this has for the most part faded. 

B. Dionysus and Ariadne with two Satyrs. 

Dionysus is seated on a folding-chair with 


animals’ feet, with Ariadne on his hither side. 
Both are dressed in long chitons and big mantles 
and wear wreaths of ivy; Dionysus has a long 
beard. He holds the kantharos in his left hand, 
the vine in his right (though this is not rendered 
in a wholly clear manner). At either side of 
them, a Satyr prances; both dance away from 
them but turn round and look at them. The Satyr 
to the right shouts or sings (his mouth is half 
open); he wears a panther’s skin knotted around 
his shoulders, the panther’s head showing above 

55 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 








Fig. 3. MM 1962:7 . 


Fig. 4. MM 1962:7. 


his left shoulder. The vine, with bunches of grapes, 
spreads out at both sides in the background of 
the picture. 

Since the woman is crowned with ivy and is 
accompanied by Satyrs, she is more probably 
Ariadne than, for instance, Semele (cf. ABV, 
p. 374, no. 197). 

Incision is used for the stars decorating the 
garments of Dionysus and Ariadne and for the 
short strokes on the panther's skin. 

Red is used in the hair and beards of the male 
figures and for the decorative dots and borders 
of the garments; further for the tenons of the 
chair. 

White was used for the face, hands, and feet 
Fig. 2. MM 1962:7. 


of Ariadne. This has mostly faded so that her 
figure is now a little difficult to distinguish. 

Further decoration: On the neck, a lotus-and- 
palmette-omament with much incision and red 
detail. On the shoulder, a tongue-pattern with 
alternating black and red tongues; a break is 
made in it under each handle, i. e. it was painted 
after the handles were attached. Below the 
handles, a scroll of conventional type, painted 
without incision. This was evidently painted 
after the pictures. It is indicated for instance by 
the manner in which Hermes conceals part of 
it (Figs. 3, 6); further (Figs. 4, 5), by the fact that 
the palmette, on the other side of the vase, makes 
allowances for the wheel of the chariot, and, 
especially, by another feature of the same scroll. 
Thus, the upper right hand palmette shows 

57 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


only the tip of a tendril, above the shoulder of 
the charioteer, as if the rest were hidden behind 
him. This is, however, done so that it clearly 
shows that the charioteer was there before the 
scroll and that the artist had to take it into 
account. 

Below the figure zone, which is bordered 
underneath by a black line, forming a ground 
line for the figures, there is a chain of lotus 
buds, with dots, and below that, a zone of rays. 

The foot is black, except for the ridge and a 
narrow band at the bottom. The lip of the vase 
is also black, inside and out, except for the 
upper side. The inside of the vase is black as far 
down as the shoulder. The triple handles are 
painted black on the outside. 

The black paint has smeared in places, e.g. 
on one of the handle-ornaments and on the 
vine on B; there is further a blot of black paint 
on A, below the horses’ reins. 

The black glaze has misfired and turned into 
red on A on the right-hand Satyr and handle, 
and on B on Hermes and in a large area on and 
around the other handle (where it shows on the 
photographs). 

On the underside of the foot there are two 
graffiti, an arrow-like shape and another which 
is probably a ligature of A and H\ see Fig. 21. 

It is at once clear that the vase here published, 
although made by very competent and skilful 
craftsmen, is not the work of any of the great 
artists. Further, its style shows it to belong to 
the later Black-figure,, towards the end of the 
sixth century. The closest stylistic affinities are 
found within the Leagros Group* and, more 
especially, among those vases which J. D. Beaz- 
ley has assembled under the name of the Group 
of Wurzburg 210*. The question arises whether 
this vase, the previous fortunes of which are un- 
known, is not identical with the neck-amphora 
listed by Beazley in ABV , p. 374 as no. 197 of 

* Beazley, ABV, pp. 354 ff., where references to the ear- 
lier literature are given. Cf. also Rumpf, Malerei u. 
Zeichn., p. 77 with note 2. 

* Pp. 354, 357 f. 


the Leagros Group. It has the caption “Roman 
Market” and is defined as being “near the Group 
of Wurzburg 210”; the description, although 
not quite complete, seems to point to this. 
Sir John Beazley has kindly confirmed by letter 
that it “is indeed the same vase”. Thus, the 
present study will not bring forward much that 
is new. I take the opportunity, however, to 
discuss a little known group of vases, some of 
which have never been reproduced before, and 
to show, I hope, that the neck-amphora now in 
Stockholm, is not merely “near the Group of 
WUrzburg 210”, but a proper member of it. 

The Group of Wurzburg 210 comprises four- 
teen vases. The majority are neck-amphorae, like 
the one here published, two are Panathenaic 
in shape. On four of them, namely Wurzburg 210 
and 214 4 , Toronto 927.39.3* and London B 206 
(Panathenaic) 6 , Figs. 8, 10— 12, the motif on the 
main side is a god or hero setting out in a chariot, 
accompanied by other mythical figures. On the 
first of these vases the charioteer is Herakles 
with Iolaos beside him, on the others Dionysus, 
in one case, on the Toronto vase, with Ariadne 
at his side.— In general, the composition is 
strikingly similar to that of the corresponding 
picture on our vase. Further, the general render- 
ing as well as many details of the latter vase are 
identical with those of the others. Thus, the 
charioteers on the five vases, whether they re- 
present Iolaos and Herakles, Dionysus and 
Ariadne, or Apollo, have exactly the same 
stance and drapery; the horses correspond 
closely in the rendering of anatomical details and 
in their bearing (note especially the heads). 
Hermes on the Stockholm vase recurs almost 
exactly on the one in Toronto. The deer present 
in two of the pictures, beside our own, are all 
very like each other. 

4 ABV, p. 373, nos. 178, 179, Lanolotz, Griech. Vascn 
in WUrzburg, pis. 52 and 58; our Figs. 8 — 10. 

4 ABV, p. 373, no. 180, Robinson and Harcum, Cat. of 
Greek Vases in the Royal Ontario Mus. of Arch., Toronto, 
no. 306, pi. 41, our Fig. 11. 

• ABV, p. 369, no. 120, CV British Mus. 4, in He pi. 46, 
our Figs. 12—13. 


58 


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Fig. 5. MM 1962:7. 


Fig . 6. MM 1962:7. 


Fig. 7. MM 1962:7. 




.UV*'>v 


Fig. 9. Wurzburg , Martin von Wagner Museum , neck- 
amphora K 210. 


Fig. 8. Wurzburg , Martin von Wagner Museum , /i€cA:- 
amphora K 210. 


Fig. 10. Wurzburg, Martin von Wagner Museum, neck 
amphora K 214. 


Fig. 11. Toronto, Royal Ontario Museum , neck- 
amphora 927.39.3. 


Digitized by 


• . /.A 1 


jS 1 

■IsPilL ■ 





The second picture on the Stockholm vase, 
Dionysus holding kantharos and vine, with 
Ariadne, flanked by two Satyrs, recurs in a 
similar form on two of the vases just described, 
Wurzburg 210 and London B 206, Figs. 9 and 
13. On the latter, Dionysus and Ariadne sit side 
by side on a folding-chair, as on our vase, while 
the Satyrs and Maenads dance along. On WUrz- 
burg 210, however, Dionysus stands upright 
between two Satyrs, with a man-headed goat at 
his side. This motif of the god standing motion- 
less between Satyrs, or Satyrs and Maenads, 
is further represented on five other vases of the 
group, namely the neck-amphorae Berlin F 1845 7 , 
Fig. 15, Munich 1568 8 * , Fig. 16, Vogell 61®, 
New York 41.162.179 10 11 * and the Panathenaic 
amphora Munich SL 459 u , Fig. 19. In spite of 
the difference in Dionysus’s position, the resem- 
blance to our picture is apparent in the compo- 
sition, the stance of the figures, the drapery, 
and a number of details. Note, for instance, 
the Satyrs. Those of Munich 1568, and still 
more those on the New York vase, are extremely 
like the Stockholm Satyrs. 

These pictures are further closely intercon- 
nected by other details. Thus, the goat on Wurz- 
burg 210 is also found on the Vogell and on the 
New York vase and on Munich SL 459. On 
these four vases and on the one in Berlin, 
Dionysus holds the vine, which spreads to both 
sides in a decorative way. In most other pictures 
of this group, including our own, Dionysus 
does in fact hold the vine, although the design 
does not give as decorative and pleasing an 
effect. 

The four neck-amphorae which Beazley “com- 


7 ABV, p. 370, no. 136, our Figs. 14-15. 

• ABV, p. 371, no. 145, our Fig. 16. 

•ABV, p. 372, no. 155. Gerhard, Auserlesene griech. 
Vasenbilder, pi. 32; [Boehlau] Griech. Altertumer aus 
dem Besitze des Herm A. Vogell, Karlsruhe: Cassel 26— 
30 Mai 1908, pi. 2,8. 

“ABV, p. 373, no. 174, Gaz. Arch. 1875, pi. 29, CV 
Gallatin Coll., pi. 38,2. 

11 ABV, p. 369, no. 121. Severing, Bronzen, Terra- 

kotten, Vasen der Samml. Loeb, pi. 40; our Figs. 18 — 19. 


pares” with the Group of Wurzburg 210“ and 
to which he adds our vase as a fifth, all have 
similar scenes in which Dionysus is the centre. 
The similarities in composition, stance, drapery, 
etc., between them and those around Wurzburg 
210, are apparent. In fact it is easier to define the 
common features than to explain the differences, 
although these too are apparent. The four vases 
are, moreover, not all connected with the main 
Group of Wurzburg 210 in exactly the same way. 
Two, Villa Giulia M. 486 and Vatican 393, seem 
to me to be closer to each other than to the 
rest. On both, the outlines are less distinct 
than on the vases just discussed. Compare, for 
instance, the goats in both pictures 18 ; if set side 
by side with the rather magnificent goats on 
Wurzburg 210, Munich SL459 (Figs. 9 and 19) 
and New York 41.162.179 14 , it is at once clear 
that the quality of the first two is inferior and 
that they are very alike. — It is further evident 
that the Stockholm vase does not resemble 
these, nor in fact the other two. 

Of the other two, Naples Stg. 148, Fig. 17, is 
said by Beazley to “recall the Group of Wurz- 
burg 210 and the Acheloos Painter” 18 , while 
about the other. Villa Giulia 50619, he says 
“B is very like the Acheloos Painter, A recalls 
the Group of Wurzburg 210” 18 . An example of 
these connections with the Acheloos Painter is 
the picture of revellers on the latter vase. It 
recalls, for instance, the komos by the Acheloos 
Painter on an amphora in New York 17 . 


“Naples Stg. 148, ABV, p. 371, no. 141, our Fig. 17. 
Villa Giulia (M. 486), ABV, p. 373, no. 184, Mingazzini, 
Vasi della Coll. Castellani, no. 486, pi. 77,2 (wrongly given 
as 77,1 in the text), pis. 69,4 and 71,3 (A). Vatican 393, 
ABV, p. 374, no. 191, Mus. etr. Greg. 2, pi. 35,2; Albiz- 
zati, Vasi ant. dipinti del Vaticano, fasc. 6, pi. 56. Villa 
Giulia 50619, ABV 374, no. 193, Mingazzini, op. cit., no. 
497, pis. 77,1 (wrongly given in the text as 67,1) and 74,8 
(komos). 

18 Mingazzini, pi. 77,2 and albizzati, pi. 56. 

14 See above, note 10. 

18 ABV, p. 371, no. 141. 

18 ABV, p. 374, no. 193. 

17 Kevorkian Coll. ABV, p. 383, no. 10, Beazley, 
Development of Attic B.-f., pi. 43,1, Cat. Christie March 
26 1953, pi. 2. 


61 


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Fig. 12. British Museum , Panathenaic amphora B 206. 


Fig. 13. British Museum , Panathenaic amphora B 206. 




Fig. 15. West-Berlin , Staatliche Museen, neck-amphora 
F 1845 . 


Fig. 14. West-Berlin , Staatliche Museen , neck-amphora 
F 1845. 


This brings up the question of the connections 
between this vase-painter 18 and the Group of 
Wurzburg 210. In fact, two of the vases dis- 
cussed earlier, belonging to the main group, are 
still nearer the Acheloos Painter, namely the 
neck-amphora Berlin 1845 and the Panathenaic 
Munich SL 459, Figs. 14-15, 18-19. On both, 
Herakles is represented on the main side be- 
tween Athena and Hermes, about to mount a 
platform holding a kithara, while on the other 
side Dionysus stands in the midst of his followers. 

18 For the works of the Acheloos Painter, see ABV, pp. 
354, 382 ff., with references. 

62 


According to Beazley, the latter was made by 
the Acheloos Painter himself, while the former 
is “near” him 18 . Certainly the Munich Panathe- 
naic is a very fine work, finer than the other 
vases in the group— the difference is, however, 
only slight— and finer than its companion in 
Berlin, although this too is of high quality. The 
resemblance to the works of the Acheloos 
Painter is borne out for instance by his amphora 
Louvre F 272*°, which has the same motif. On 
the other hand, the scenes with Dionysus on 

18 ABV, p. 369, no. 121 and p. 370, no. 136. 

10 ABV, p. 383, no. 6, CV Louvre 5, III He pi. 56,4. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 





Fig. 16 - Munich , Museum antiker Kleinkunst, neck - Fig. 17. Naples, Museo Nazionale , neck-amphora Sant - 

amphora 1568. angelo 148. 



» W ip. 4 


Fi£. 75. Munich , Museum antiker Kleinkunst, Pan - Fig. 19. Munich, Museum antiker Kleinkunst, Pan - 
athenaic amphora SL 459. athenaic amphora SL 459. 


63 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


the Munich and Berlin vases are not to be 
separated from the other works in the Group 
of WUrzburg 210, in the same way as Naples 
Stg. 148 and Villa Giulia 50619, mentioned 
above, recall this group. The fact is that, if 
one goes through the works of the Acheloos 
Painter, the general resemblance between them 
and those of our group is striking. It may be 
that the figures of the latter are in general a 
little less vigorous and fleshy than those of the 
Acheloos Painter. If one compares the pictures 
with revellers of, or like, him, mentioned above, 
with the same motif on New York 41.162.179“, 
one may perceive something of this; in any 
case, the rendering of the folds seems not quite 
so voluminous. It should be stressed, however, 
that the difference is very small. Further, the 
most characteristic works of the Acheloos Pain- 
ter show a drastic sense of humour and a 
boisterousness” which the pictures of our group 
seem to lack. On the other hand, many of his 
works lack these features just as much as do 
those of our group. Thus, through all this 
Beazley’s words are borne out, “The fact is that 
the two groups are sometimes indistinguish- 
able”” 

Indeed, it seems easier to define the difference 
between them in terms of subject than of style. 
Characteristic motifs of the Acheloos Painter 
are the exploits of Herakles, and revellers, 
while Dionysus is the favourite subject of the 
Group of WUrzburg 210. It is probably also 
typical that, when the subjects of the former, for 
instance Herakles playing the kithara, or re- 
vellers, are found on works of our group, then 
the resemblance between the groups is especially 
evident. — One may ask oneself whether the 
pictures of Dionysus and those that go with 
them were painted by an artist, or artists, who 
had studied the style of the Acheloos Painter so 
closely as to be almost indistinguishable from 

“ See above, note 10. 

" Cf. e.g. Beazley, Development p. 86. 

“ ABV, p. 369, no. 121. 


him; or whether the Acheloos Painter made 
them himself, but at those moments when he 
was not quite at his highest level. 

Be that as it may, the neck-amphora of Medel- 
havsmuseet 1962:7 is a characteristic work o 
the Group of WUrzburg 210, its nearest com- 
panions being the two neck-amphorae in Wurz- 
burg, the one in Toronto, and the Panathenaic 
amphora in London. 

The shape of the vase Medelhavsmuseet 1962:7 
is a neck-amphora of standard type, with 
comparatively straight shoulders and body 
tapering to a narrow base (Fig. 20). Its general 
type points to the late sixth century and may 
be compared, roughly, with Richter & Milne. 
Shapes and names of Athenian vases. Fig. 14, 
and Caskey, Geometry of Greek vases, nos. 10 
and 11“ 

“ The neck-amphora Richter and Milne Fig. 14, dated 
to the end of the sixth century, is a little more slender than 
our vase. Caskey nos. 10 and 1 1 have more similar pro- 
portions; no. 11, Boston 89.238, is a work of the Anti- 
menes Painter, Beazley, ABV p. 276 no. 5 (above), and 
thus roughly contemporary with our vase. 



64 


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Fig. 21. Medelhavsmuseet 1962:7 , graffiti . Fig. 22. Naples , Museo Nazionale, Santangelo 148 , 

graffiti. 


The development of the neck-amphora, as 
well as of the amphora and the hydria, in the 
late sixth century has been traced by Hansjdrg 
Bloesch* 5 . He summarizes the development 
down to ca. 510 as a tendency to change stout 
forms into slender ones; at that time a renewed 
preference for stoutness arises which is again 
followed by a tendency towards lighter and more 
refined forms. He further isolates the works of 
three individual potters or groups of potters 
among the late Archaic neck-amphorae, in the 
main through the characteristic shapes of the 
feet and lips of the vases, namely the Group of 
Lea-neck-amphorae, the Club-foot Potter and 
the Canoe Potter. 

The shapes of pots can only be studied with 
profit on the pots themselves or from drawings 
and photographs taken so as to render the shape 

“JHS71 1951pp. 29 ff. 


without distortions* 6 . The material of this sort 
available to me is slight, yet it seems to me that 
the Stockholm vase is not to be attributed to 
any of these potters. Thus, the Club-foot Potter 
is excluded on account of the different feet of 
his vases. This is interesting since the name- 
piece of our group, Wurzburg 210, is one of 
his works* 7 . Further, the Lea-neck-amphorae, 
and those of the Canoe Potter, although they 
have more in common with our vase, yet differ 
too much in shapes and profiles. It is to be 
noted that Wurzburg 214, another member of 
our group, is attributed to the Lea-neck-am- 
phorae 28 . It is probably significant that the 

26 The requirements are defined by Bloesch, op. cit. p. 
29 note 2. 

* 7 Bloesch, p. 38 and p. 33, Fig. 17 (profiles). 

M The Lea-neck-amphorae, Bloesch, p. 38, with exam- 
ples of profiles, p. 33, Fig. 16. The Canoe Potter, p. 38, 
with typical profiles, p. 33, Figs. 18—20, and shapes, pi. 
19 d, e, f. 


65 


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Stockholm vase, as regards the shape, has more 
in common with the vases placed at the be- 
ginning of the three groups than with the later 
ones* 9 . Further, the foot and, to some extent 
the lip, has a counterpart in, for instance, the 
neck-amphora Munich 1486, dated around 510 
B.C., which in its turn is very like Munich 
1480 A, in this respect, of the preceding decade 90 . 
I would suggest that the potter of the Stockholm 
neck-amphora used forms like these as his 
models'; he varied them a little but in a more 
moderate way than the potters studied by 
Bloesch. 

It has already been noted that two of the 
vases of the Group of Wurzburg 210 have been 
identified as the works of two different potters. 
Even if my theory concerning the Stockholm 
vase should be wrong— so that it belongs to, 
let us say, the Lea-neck-amphorae 91 -one must 
admit the possibility that one or more of the 
unattributed members is the work of some 
other potter. Thus, the vases of the Group of 
Wurzburg 210, so few and so closely inter- 
connected, were made by at least two potters, 
probably three and more. While our knowledge 
of the vase-paintings and their artists has been 
brought nearly to perfection in later years, we 
know far less about the potters. A study of 
their work and of the co-operation between 
them and the painters would be of great 
interest 9 *. 

The graffiti on the underside of the vase (Fig. 
21) are carelessly drawn: one notes that in the 
ligature the stylus has slipped; they were probably 
engraved after firing. Both figures found on the 

*• Cf. e.g. WUrzburg 214, no. 1 of the Lea-neck-am- 
phorae, Wiirzburg 210, no. 2 of the Club-foot Potter, and 
London B 220, no. 1 of the Canoe Potter, CV British Mus. 
4, III He pi. 53,4, Bloesch, pi. 19 d. 

90 Bloesch, p. 37; the profiles of Munich 1486 are seen 
on p. 33, Fig. 15, and those of Munich 1480A on Fig. 13. 

91 The Club-foot Potter seems to be excluded, on ac- 
count of the widely different profiles of his feet. 

99 This has often been stressed, see e.g. Bloesch, op. cit. 
p. 29.— An interesting picture of the work in an Athenian 
pottery is given by Beazley in Potter and painter in ancient 
Athens, pp. 25 ff. 


Stockholm vase occur also on two other vases 
of the Group of Wiirzburg 210, namely the 
neck-amphorae Naples Stg. 148 (Fig. 22) and 
Wiirzburg 21 4 s9 . They have been discussed by 
Hackl in Merkantile Inschriften auf attischen 
Vasen, who lists thirty-six instances of the ligature 
and twenty-one of the “arrow” 94 ; the latter is in 
every case but one combined with the ligature. 
Hackl put forward the theory that the ligatures 
and other signs, of the same type as on our 
vase, were in general made by, or on behalf of, 
the traders. He suggested that they were usually 
put on one vase in every ordered lot, to serve as 
a reminder for the maker, or as a sort of address. 
A certain number of the marks may further 
have been made by the potter, for his own or his 
colleagues’ benefit 99 . 

While there seems no ground to doubt that 
Hackl’s theories are essentially correct, a 
renewed study of the graffiti would probably 
add much of interest. Thus, the material now 
available is more extensive; the chronology of 
the Attic vases is securely established, through 
the study of the vase-paintings; our knowledge 
of ancient industry and trade has increased. 
Through all this a comprehensive study of the 
graffiti would probably be more profitable now 
than it was at the beginning of the century. 
Greek vases are in fact— beside their importance 
for the history of art — a source of information 
about practices in industry and trade, probably 
also about social and economic conditions in 
the ancient world. 

99 The graffiti of WUrzburg 214 are illustrated in Lang- 
lotz, Griech. Vasen in WUrzburg, p. 174. — Three more 
vases of this group have graffiti of a different shape, namely 
WUrzburg 210, Langlotz, p. 174, Berlin F 1845, Furt- 
wangler, Beschr. der Vasensamml. im Antiquarium, 
pi. 1, and Munich SL 459, a carelessly engraved alpha 
(information from the museum). 

94 Hackl’s work was published in MUnchener arch. 
Studien dem Andenken Adolf Furtw&nglers gewidmet, in 
1909. The graffiti here discussed are listed on pp. 39 f. and 
46 f., the WUrzburg vase under nos. 393 and 526, the Na- 
ples vase, possibly, under 402 and 532. (WUrzburg 210 is 
no. 508 and Berlin 1845 no. 509.) 

99 Op. cit., pp. 94 f. A summary is given by Richter, 
Attic red-fig. vases, pp. 19 ff. 


66 


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A Republican Portrait from the Sabina 


OLOF VESSBERG 


The portrait that is reproduced in Figures 1 — 3, 
a gift to Medelhavsmuseet from His Majesty the 
King, was bought in Rome in November 1960. 
It arrived in Stockholm in February 1961 and 
its accession number is MM 1961:2. 

The portrait is executed in a white, fine-crys- 
talline, very hard marble, presumably Grecian. 
It has a narrow portion of the bust and was 
probably inserted in a statue 1 . Naturally it is 
also conceivable that it was mounted as a bust 
also in classical times. Its height is 32 cm. This 
head is extraordinarily well preserved and has 
only a few minor injuries: the nose-tip is missing 
as well as pieces of the shells of the ears, especi- 
ally in the case of the right ear. While the surface 
of the left half of the face is quite fresh, the 
right side is slightly abraded by water or sand 
erosion. 

The portrait represents what one would call 
a true Roman, depicted in the unadorned man- 
ner that was fashionable in Roman portraiture 
in the time of Pompey and Caesar. It is the 
image of an elderly but still vigorous man with 


1 Such small busts with rather unevenly hewn rims are 
common during the last century B.C. Cf. O. Vessberg, 
Studien zur Kunstgesehichte der rdmischen Republik, 
Taf. LVI:2, LX, LXX:2, LXXXIVrl, 2, LXXXVI. 


grim features which nevertheless leave room for 
a certain good-naturedness. The face is lean with 
strong jaws and prominent cheek-bones. The 
mouth with the thin, tight lips is framed by 
deep furrows. The nose, unusually well pre- 
served despite the missing tip, is broad and 
fleshy, and has a swelling at the side of the left 
nostril. The eyes are overhung by shaggy, jutting 
eyebrows curving outwards. The wrinkles of the 
forehead are carefully noted and the V-shaped 
vein in the middle of the brow makes an effective 
crown-piece to the architecture of the head. 
Realistically rendered are also the veins at the 
temple. A bunch of wrinkles radiates from the 
corners of the eyes and two long, parallel 
wrinkles define the cheek in relation to the ear. 
The neck is scraggy with several horizontal 
wrinkles and sharply marked tendons. The hair 
is faintly marked like a hood, which only just 
rises above the skin of the face. The surface of 
the hair is roughly carved with shallow chisel 
cuts and grooves. Here it is quite clear that the 
hair must have been painted. 

This is, as we see, a face depicted with great 
realism in detail, but the details are put together 
with the firm intention of giving a synthesis of 
the personality. Indeed, he comes to us life-like 
and very much alive, this grim old man with a 

67 


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glint of goodness and humour in the slightly 
screwed-up eyes. Now what is his time? 

To begin with, it is easy to see where his 
closest stylistic counterparts are. Among many 
possibilities I will mention as particularly strik- 
ing examples the following: two busts in the 
Museo Nazionale in Naples 2 , two heads in the 
Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen 2 , one 
portrait head, probably from a tomb relief, in 
the Museo Nuovo in Rome 4 (Fig. 4), one head 
from Palestrina in the Museo delle Terme in 
Rome 5 , and one head from a tomb relief in the 
Villa Colonna in Rome 6 (Fig. 5). These are exam- 
ples of Late Republican verism in its original 
form. For the broad structure of the face with the 
powerful jaws the two busts in Naples provide 
particularly good parallels. Note the drawing of 
the wrinkles on the head in Glyptoteket 561 
(especially of the furrows in the cheek) and on the 
head from Palestrina in the Museo delle Terme, 
and compare particularly the treatment of the 
hair on the Glyptoteket head 564: “flat hood, 
whose details would be rendered by painting” (F. 
Poulsen). This hair type in the form of a hood 
with the hair almost graphically sketched, is very 
characteristic of Late Republican portraiture and 
indicates that painting was a fundamental element 
in these portraits. 

The above-cited parallels to the Medelhavs- 
museet’s most recent portrait acquisition are 
Late Republican works from the closing decades 
of the Republic. The two portrait busts in 

* A. Ruesch, Guida illustrata del Museo Nazionale 
di Napoli, No. 1104; Vessberg, Studien, Taf. LXIII:2 
and 3— 4. 

* F. Poulsen, Katalog over antike skulpturer, Nos. 561 
and 564; V. Poulsen, Les portraits Romains I (Public- 
ations de la Glyptoth6que Ny Carlsberg No. 7), Nos. 20 
and 22; Vessberg, Studien, Taf. LXVIIrl -2, 3-4. 

4 H. Stuart Jones, The Sculptures of the Palazzo dei 
Conservatori, p. 233, No. 17; D. Mustilli, II Museo 
Mussolini, p. 5, No. 5; Vessberg, Studien, Taf. LXIX. 

5 B. M. Felletti Maj, Museo Nazionale Romano, 
I Ritratti, No. 59; Vessberg, Studien, Taf. LXXXII:4; 
E. Buschor, Das hellenistische Bildnis, p. 63. 

* Fr. Matz— F. v. Duhn, Antike Bildwerke in Rom 
mit Ausschluss der grosseren Sammlungen, No. 3816; 
Vessberg, Studien, Taf. XXXVIII:!. 


68 


Naples represent an earlier group characterized 
by a less rigid modelling, a less emphasized bony 
framework and a strong link with the purely 
Hellenistic line in contemporary portrait art, 
while the two heads 561 and 564 in the Glyptotek 
in Copenhagen belong to a later line of evolution 
that is characterized by a drier and somehow 
harder verism. It is to this line that our portrait 
belongs. 

The portrait stems from the Sabina. It was o 
interest to us to clarify its provenance, and Axel 
Boethius— who first saw the head in Rome— and 
the author of these lines made a little trip to- 
gether in the autumn of 1961 to the earlier home 
of the portrait, the little town of Montopoli di 
Sabina. We could there verify the facts given 
by the art-dealer in Rome about the place where 
the head had been kept before he acquired it 
It had previously been located in a villino outside 
Montopoli, built in 1831 and belonging to the 
Torlonia family. There, together with other 
heads, it had stood on the balustrade of a 
terrace. Socles and postaments for the heads 
still exist and metal rods for fixing them. But 
the heads themselves were removed after an 
attempted theft about fifteen or twenty years ago. 
The terrace borders the road and was passed by 
the peasants from Montopoli when they went 
out to their fields. Legends seem to have grown 
up round the heads. An octogenarian in Monto- 
poli relates that // calvo, as he called our portrait, 
represented un gran signore , govematore della 
Sabina , who was surrounded by il suo consiglio 7 . 
Thus, the head stood for a long time in this 
position and may perhaps have been part of the 
original decoration of the house. After the 
attempted theft the head was kept inside the 

7 For information I am very grateful to Axel Boethius, 
who on a subsequent visit to Montopoli di Sabina 
learned more about the earlier history of our head. 


Fig. 1. Roman male portrait , MM 1961:2. Medelhavs - 
museet, Stockholm. 


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Fig. 2. MM 1961:2. 


Fig. 3. MM 1961:2. 


villino in the care of one of the two families who 
live in the house and it was sold by this family 
to the Roman art-dealer from whom it passed 
into the possession of our Museum. Of the 
other sculptures that were on the terrace before 
the attempted theft, there remain two herms, 
which are still kept inside the house 8 . 

Naturally, there is much to suggest that the 
portrait was found in this district. It is a natural 
find-site for a work of this kind. The veristic 
Late Republican portraiture has in Italy a very 
uniform distribution throughout Latium and 
Etruria, while in the rest of the country, espe- 
cially in the south of Italy, its occurrence is rare. 
A group of portrait statues in Chiusi provide 
some parallels, locally quite close 9 , and they also 

•Greek portrait types with prototypes from the 4th 
century B.C., perhaps from the library of some Roman 
villa in the Sabine Mountains (A. Boethius). 

• Vessberg, Studien, Taf. LX XXV. 

70 


give certain suggestions with regard to the dating. 
For judging by the toga types they are from 
the time of transition to the Imperial sculpture 
and at all events belong to the second half of 
the last century B.C. 10 

The most striking parallel, however, is the 
above-mentioned portrait on a relief in the Villa 
Colonna in Rome. This relief is made up of 
two parts, one comprising two portrait busts, a 
woman named Manlia Rufa and a man, Manlius 
Stephanus, the other consisting of the bust of an 
elderly man without inscription. This latter por- 
trait comes remarkably close to our head. The 
powerful structure of the head with the empha- 
sized breadth across the cheek-bones, which 
gives the face an almost Mongol look, is the 


10 O.c., pp. 240 f. 


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same in both. We may further compare the 
form of the mouth with the enclosing curved 
furrows and the powerfully marked jaws, the 
narrow and quite small eyes with thin lids 
overhung by strong brows, the arrangement of 
the hair in a thin hood with roughly hewn 
surface. The strongly marked wrinkles of the 
neck are also a feature common to both portraits, 
which is particularly characteristic of the style 
of the time. 

1 have earlier dated the portrait in the Villa 
Colonna to c. 40 B.C. 11 The basis of the chrono- 
logical system lies at this time to an exceptional 
degree in the coin-types. They show that the 
Late Republican realism in portraiture reaches 
its height in the middle of the century, particular 
support for this being provided by the coin- 
types of Postumius Albinus 12 , Antius Restio 13 , 
Pompey 14 and Caesar 15 . With regard to the first 
three of these, one has to reckon with an interval 
between the time of the original prototype and 
that of the coin-type which may, at most, run to 
three or four decades 16 . Consequently, the 
portraits of Caesar are of paramount impor- 
tance. A large group of these constitute the 
first example of Roman coin portraits that are 
not posthumous, and where on the whole there 
is identity of time between the original proto- 
type and the coin-type. They provide the reliable 
evidence for the development of Caesar’s por- 
trait from the last year of his life and the decades 
immediately after his death. They not only 
reflect the changed opinion about Caesar but 
also the stylistic evolution in the important 
period, also from the art historian’s point of view, 

11 Vessberg, Studien, pp. 198 ff. 

w H. A. Grueber, Coins of the Roman Republic in 
the British Museum I, pp. 507 ff.; E. A. Sydenham, The 
Coinage of the Roman Republic, p. 158; Vessberg, 
Studien, pp. 132 ff. 

“Grueber, o. c. I, p. 521; Sydenham, o. c., p. 162; 
Vessberg, Studien, p. 134. 

14 Grueber, o. c. II, pp. 366 f., 560 f., 564 f., 370 ff; 
Sydenham, o. c., pp. 171 ff.; Vessberg, Studien, pp. 135 ff. 

“Grueber, o. c. I, pp. 542 ff.; Sydenham, o. c., pp. 
176 ff.; Vessberg, Studien, pp. 138 ff. 

16 Cf. Vessberg, Studien, pp. 132 ff. 


Fig. 4. Roman male portrait. Museo Nuovo, Rome. 


Fig. 5. Tomb relei f in the Villa Colonna, Rome. Detail. 

71 


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of the Second Triumvirate. They span Republi- 
can to Augustan portraiture. However, they are 
not alone in this function, being supported by a 
number of other important coin portraits from 
the Second Triumvirate, and thus we have an 
unusually clear picture of the portrait art of 
this period. 

The most realistic group of coin-types with 
Caesar, mainly belonging to the issues of coinage 
from 44 and 43 B.C., continue in their plain 
rendering of the dictator’s prematurely aged 
countenance the tradition of the portraits of 
Postumius Albinus and Antius Restio. But they 
also mark the end of a style, for at the same time 
there already appears on the coins struck by 
Flaminius Chilo 17 a portrait of Caesar in which 
the realism has been toned down and sub- 
ordinated to a firmer and more synthetic form. 
Our portrait from Montopoli, like the portrait 
in the Villa Colonna and the stylistically very 
similar portrait in the Museo Nuovo, is probably 
at the same stage in the evolution, and all three 
might suitably be grouped with Chilo’s image of 

17 Grueber, o. c. I, pp. 565 f.; Sydenham, o. c., p. 180; 
Vessberg, Studien, p. 142. 


Caesar 18 . A dating of our head to the beginning 
of the Second Triumvirate, to c. 40 B.C., would 
therefore seem natural. 

However, as, inter alia , the series of tomb 
reliefs shows 19 , the late Republican realism con- 
tinues for a long time side by side with the classi- 
cism, and if all external criteria for dating, such 
as form of the bust, dress, inscription and so 
forth, are lacking in identifying a portrait, then 
one must exercise a certain caution. It is dangerous 
to regard the Republican realism as an exclusi- 
vely Republican style. 

Hence I think we have to reckon with a 
certain margin for the date of our head. 

Our association of il calvo with the relief in 
the Villa Colonna, which in all probability was 
found in or near Rome, and with the head in the 
Museo Nuovo, which is undoubtedly of Roman 
provenance, makes it perhaps most likely that 
our portrait was also a Roman find, which by 
way of the Torlonia collections came to be 
placed in that family’s villino at Montopoli di 
Sabina. 

u Cf. Vessberg, Studien, pp. 199 f. 

19 Cf. Vessberg, Studien, pp. 201 ff. 


72 


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Photos: 

O. Ekberg, pp. 11, 18 (Fig. 24a), 28 (Fig. 45b), 29 (Figs. 47a, 
49b), 55 —59, 69—70, and photo on the cover. 

N. Lagergren, pp. 6-10, 12-17, 18 (Figs. 23, 24b, 25), 19 -26, 
28-29 (except Figs. 45b, 47a, 49b), 30-31, 43, 65 (Fig. 21). 

Drawing: 

B. Millberg, p. 64. 


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Price: 20 Sw. crowns 


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Google 



Oc JL 
5 73 ' 

THE MUSEUM OF MEDITERRANEAN AND NEAR EASTERN a) 


JAN I? 


"Hun 


MEDELH AVSMU SEE 




BULLETIN 



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Digitized by 



The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities 

ME DELHAVSMUSEET 


BULLETIN 

Number 4 1964 


Published by The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities (Medelhavsmuseet) 


Digitized by UiOOQle 




CONTENTS 


Vier Stelen und cine Opfertafel aus Deir cl-Mcdinch 

STHN V. wAnGSTEDT 3 

Two Royal Heads from Amama 

BENGT JULIUS PETERSON 13 

An Italic Iron Age Hut Urn 

ARVID AM>r£n 30 

An Italic Iron Age Belt Plate 

arvid andr£n 38 

Vaso d’impasto a decorazione graffita con teoria di animali fantastici 

anna mura 42 

A Horseman from Asia Minor 

Are AkerstrOm 49 

A New Variant of the Helena Myth 

OLOF VESSBERG 54 


Published with the aid of a grant from Humanistislca Forskningsr&det 

© 1963 Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm 
Editorial and Distribution Office: 

Medelhavsmuseet, Storgatan 41, Stockholm 0, Sweden 

Stockholm 1965 

Victor Pettersons Bokindustri AB 


Digitized by ^jooole 



Vier Stelen und eine Opfertafel aus Deir 
el-Medineh 


STEN V. WANGSTEDT 


Im Jahr 1961 erhielt die agyptische Sammlung 
des Medelhavsmuseet einen sehr wertvollen 
Zuschuss durch den Erwerb von drei Grabstelen, 
alle aus Deir el-Medineh. Den Stelen sind in dem 
Inventarverzeichnis des Museums die Nm. MM 
18565, MM 18566 und MM 18567 gegeben 
worden. Zwei der Stelen, Nr. 18565 und Nr. 
18566, sind nahezu unbeschadigt, wahrend von 
der dritten. Nr. 18567, nur die rechte Halfte er- 
halten ist. 

Der Erwerb dieser Stelen war insofern wert- 
voll, als das Museum bisher nur zwei aus Deir 
el-Medineh stammende Denkmaler, eine Stele 
MM 32000 und eine Opfertafel MM 32001, 
besass 1 * * . 

Von den drei Stelen, welche vor dem Erwerb 
einem Privatsammler gehdrten*, war nur eine, 
Nr. 18565, vorher bekannt. Diese Stele ist von 

1 Frtther im Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, NME 28 
und NME 20 (J. D. C. Lieblein, Katalog dfver egyptiska 
fornlemningar i National-Museum, Stockholm 1868, S. 
24 und S. 21). Die beiden DenkmSIer, welche dem im Jahr 

1928 gegriindeten Agyptischen Museum als Deposition 

ubertragen wurde, sind von Maria Mogensen publiziert 
worden (Stales 6gyptiennes au Mus6e National de Stock- 
holm, Copenhague 1919, S. 45 f. und S. 30.). Da die 
Denkmaler in der angefiihrten Arbeit etwas summarisch 
behandelt sind, scheint mir eine emeute Verdffentlichung 
begrtindet zu sein. 

* Branddirektor Sven Arwidsson, Lidingd. 


dem russischen Agyptologen Boris Turaieff ver- 
offentlicht und nach einer Zeichnung aus einem 
handschriftlichen Katalog iiber agyptische Anti- 
quitaten wiedergegeben worden*. Der Katalog, 
den Turaieff in dem Rumjantseff-Museum in 
Moskau gefunden hatte, war auf Franzdsisch 
und rubriziert „Cette collection a appartenu a 
Ms Lidman, ministre du culte protestant, qui 
voyagea en Egypte 1815”. Da es von grossem 
Interesse ist, von diesem Katalog Kenntnis zu 
nehmen, sind in Moskau Nachforschungen un- 
temommen, welche aber bis heute erfolglos ge- 
blieben sind 4 . 

Der Besitzer der Kollektion ist mit dem schwe- 
dischen Theologen und Orientalisten Sven Fred- 
rik Lidman identisch, der von etwa 1811 bis 1817 
als Prediger bei der Schwedischen Gesandt- 
schaft in Konstantinopel angestellt war. Wah- 
rend seiner Reisen im Vorderen Orient hatte er 
eine erhebliche Sammlung von Antiquitaten, 
u.a. agyptischen, zusammenbringen konnen, die 


s Zapiski Klassitsheskogs Otdelenia Imperatorskogo 
Russkogs Arkheologitcheskogo Obshtchestva, Vol. 2, 
Petersburg 1913, S. 17 ff. 

4 Herm Dr. Staffan Dahl von der Kdniglichen Biblio- 
thek in Stockholm, der es giitig ubemahm zu versuchen, 
den Katalog aufzuspUren, bin ich zu grossem Dank ver- 
pflichtet. 


3 


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aber im Jahr 1818 in Konstantinopel zum grdss- 
tcn Teil durch Feucr vcraichtct wurdc. 

Wann und wohcr dcr obcn gcnanntc Privat- 
sammler die Stelen erworben hat, ist mir un- 
bekannt. Ebenso dunkel ist das Schicksal der 
linken HSlfte der Stele Nr. 18567. 

Ober die beiden Denkmller MM 32000 und 
MM 32001 liegen nur sehr durftige Notizen vor. 
Im Jahr 1826 wurde die §gyptische Sammlung 
des damaligen Kdniglichen Museums durch eine 
Stiftung des schwedischen Vizekonsuls in Ale- 
xandria, Giovanni d’Anastasy gegriindet. Kein 
erforderliche Aufschliisse enthaltendes Verzeich- 
nis iiber die erhaltenen AntiquitHten scheint aber 
angelegt worden zu sein. Dasselbe gilt auch fiir 
die Stiftung des ehemaligen schwedischen Bot- 
schafters beim Ottomanischen Tor, Nils Gustaf 
Palin, im Jahr 1833 gemacht®, sowie fiir spfitere 
Schenkungen 9 . Es diirfte aber nicht ganz un- 
wahrscheinlich sein, dass die beiden Denkm§ler 
schon 1826 dem Museum iibergeben worden 
sind 6 7 . 

Stele (Abb. 1) 

MM 18565®. Material: Kalkstein. Grdsse: 34 x 
x 22,5x5 cm. 

Datierung: 19. Dynastie. Herkunft: Deir el- 
Medineh. 

Die oben gerundete Stele ist in zwei wage- 
rechte, haupts&chlich bemalte Darstellungen tra- 
gende Register eingeteilt. Vor der Farbengebung 
der v erpchiedenen Darstellungen ist die Fl&che 


6 In einem Kdniglichen Brief vom 24. Aug. 1833 wird 
von dieser Stiftung nur gesagt, dass dem Museum eine 
grosse Menge agyptischer Antiquitaten verehrt wurde. 

• Die Schenkung eines Schiflsreeders Polack sowie 
wiederholte Schenkungen von G. d’Anastasy. 

7 Aus einem Kdniglichen Brief vom 31. Aug. 1826 geht 
hervor, dass die Stiftung u.a. „Tolf fyrkantiga Kalkstens- 
Pilastrar af Atskilliga storlekar, forestallande, i upphojdt 
arbete. oflerscener, samt dessutom prydde med hiero- 
glyphiskeinhuggningar”enthielt. Die Bezeichnung „Kalk- 
stens-Pilastrar” bezieht sich aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach 
auf „Grabstelen”, worauf auch die begleitende Beschrei- 
bung hindeutet. 

g Berta Porter & Rosalind Moss, Topographical 
Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, 
Reliefs and Paintings, 1:2, Oxford 1964, S. 734. 


der Stele mit einer gelblichen Grundfarbe iiber- 
zogen worden. 

Das obere Register zeigt in Flachrelief und 
gegeneinandergewandt den Ibiskdpfigen Mond- 
gott Iah* und die als Schlange wiedergegebene 
Erntegdttin Renenut 10 . Der Kopf des Mond- 
gottes, weiss mit schwarzem Schnabel und rotem 
Auge, ist von einer dunkelblauen, in breiten 
Streifen endenden Perucke umrahmt und mit 
dem Emblem des Gottes gekront. Das Emblem, 
in Gestalt eines von einer Sichel umgegebenen 
Mondballs, ist aus gelbbraun gestrichenem 
Feuerstein hergestellt und mit Zement in Aus- 
sparungen in der Stele festgehalten 11 . Der Gott, 
der sitzend dargestellt ist, tragt einen breiten, 
dunkelbraun gefarbten Halskragen und halt in 
der auf den Knien ruhenden linken Hand eine 
Schreibpalette 19 . Der Korper und die Palette 
sind rotbraun bzw. braun. Vor dem Gottes- 
emblemsteht „lah, der grosse Gott” 13 . 

Der Kopf der Gdttin Renenut ist von einem 
Rindergehdra mit Sonnenscheibe gekront, von 
denen die letztere in Gestalt eines eingelassenen, 
rotbraun gefirbten Feuersteinknollens (teilweise 
abgesplittert) ist. Das Gehdm ist in schwarzer 
Farbe gezeichnet. Der iusserst detailliert aus- 


* Ober diesen im thebanischen Gebiet verehrtcn Gott 
siehe H. Bonnet, Reallexikon der figyptischen Religions- 
geschichte, Berlin 1952, s.v. Joh. 

10 t)ber diese Gdttin siehe Bonnet, a. A., s. v. Ther- 
mutis. 

11 Vgl. J. Cerny, Egyptian Stelae in the Bankes Collec- 
tions, Oxford 1958, Nr. 4. 

19 Die Schreibpalette, das Attribut des Gottes Thot, 
zeigt, dass Iah als eine Form des Thot aufzufassen ist. 
Die Identifizierung der beiden Gdtter miteinander, 
welche in der 18. Dynastie stattfand, geht u. a. aus dem 
Namen Iah-Thot hervor, unter welchem der Mondgott 
nicht selten auftritt. Vgl. R. Lanzone, Dizionario di 
mitologia egizia, Vol. 1, Torino 1881, PI. 36 f.; AZ 72, 
1936, PI. 7:4; B. Bruy^re, Rapport sur les fouilles dc 
Deir el-Medineh (1935-1940), Fasc. 2, Le Caire 1952, 
PI. 10. Vgl. auch Bonnet, a. A. 

13 Statt „der grosse Gott” ist auch die Lesung des 
Epithetons als „der gute Gott” {ntr nfr) mdglich. 


Abb. 1. Stele des Ramose (MM 18565). 


4 


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gefuhrte Schlangenkorper ist dunkelbraun, mit 
den verschiedenen Einzelheiten in schwarz, 
weiss, braun und rot. Die begleitenden Texte 
lauten: ® „der Re” (iiber der Sonnen- 

scheibe) bzw. ^ ^ 2, -die Rene- 

nut”“. 

Das untere Register zeigt in Flachrelief einen 
Mann in adorierender Stellung vor den von 
Kartuschen umschlossenen Namen Ramses II. 
( R c -mii-mrj-Imn) (W&r-m l c . t-R c - itp-n-R c ) 
knieend. Er tr§gt eine geflochtene schwarze Pe- 
riicke 1 *, einen kurzen, in schwarzer Farbe an- 
gedeuteten Kinnbart, Halskragen und Arm- 
binder und ist mit einem gefalteten, teilweise 
braun gef&rbten, weissen Gewand bekleidet. Die 
unbedeckten Korperteile sind rotbraun. 

Die Kartuschen sowie die einzelnen Zeichen 
der Kdnigsnamen sind in Flachrelief und in 
verschiedenen Farben gemalt. Auf den freien 
Fl&chen neben dem knieenden Mann steht die 
folgende Inschrift: 

QMS 

= ^ •£ Q) P 'r 7 ^ ^ <1 
dQ! 

„Gemacht von dem kdniglichen Schreiber an der 
St&tte der Wahrheit li , Ramose, den Seligen, den 
Sohn des Amenemheb, geboren von der Haus- 
frau Kakaia, der Seligen.” 

Ramose, fur welchen diese und die folgende 
Stele (Nr. 18566) gemacht worden sind, ist aus 
mehreren anderen Denkmilem (u.a. Stelen) be- 
kannt 17 . Als einer der reichsten Einwohner der 
besonderen Stadtbildung, in der die Arbeiter 
und Kiinstler wohnten, die mit dem Aushauen 
und der Schmiickung der Felsengraber der 

14 Der Name der Gdttin ist hier mit Artikel geschrieben. 
Vgl. griech. WepfioOth;. 

15 Ein langeres Modell der kurzen nubischcn Pcriicke. 
Vgl. C. Aldred, BMMA XV, 6, 1957, S. 141 ff. 

16 „Die Statte der Wahrheit” als Bezeichnung des 
Grabes des Kbnigs (bzw. der Konigin) in der Nekropolc 
Thebens. 

17 Porter & Moss, a. A., S. 861. 


Konige und KOniginnen des Neuen Reiches be- 
schAftigt waren, und der unter dem Namen Deir 
el-Medineh bekannt ist, hat er sich in der Stadt- 
nekropole drei Grdber anlegen lassen u . Ramose 
hat eine hervorragende amtliche Stellung in der 
Arbeiterstadt bekleidet, was u.a. aus den auf 
einer seiner Grabstelen notierten Titeln hervor- 
geht 1 *. In dem 5. Regierungsjahr des Ramses II. 
wurde er zum ,, Kdniglichen Schreiber am Grab 
des Kdnigs” emannt 10 . 

Stele (Abb. 2) 

MM 18566* 1 . Material : Kalkstein. Grdsse: 32,3 x 
x 20,5x4 cm. 

Datierung: 19. Dynastie. Herkunft: Deir el- 
Medineh. 

Die oben gerundete Stele, die bis auf einige in 
der linken Seite lokalisierte Besch&digungen gut 
erhalten ist, enthilt eine an den Sonnengott 
Amun-Re gerichtete Anrufung. Unten rechts 
erscheint der Anrufende, knieend und mit in 
Adoration erhobenen HSnden. Der Adorant, 
derselbe Ramose wie auf der Stele Nr. 18565, ist 
in vertieftem Relief dargestellt. Er tr&gt eine 
halblange Periicke**, einen Halskragen und ein 
plissiertes Gewand. Von der urspriinglichen Be- 
malung sind nur die gelblichbraune Grundfarbe 
der StelenfULche und schwache Spuren der rot- 


18 Nr. 7, 212, 250. Porter & Moss, Bibliography etc., 
1:1, Oxford 1960. 

18 Auf einer seiner Grabstelen nennt er sich „Vorsteher 
des Schatzhauses in dem Hause (Tempel) des Menchepe- 
rure (Thutmosis IV.)”, „Vorsteher der Verwaltung in dem 
Hause des Vorstehers der SiegeltrSger”, „Viehschreiber 
des Amun-Re”, „Hilfsbriefschreiber des Kronprinzen 
(Ramses II.)”, „Vorsteher der Arbeiten im westlichen 
The ben” und „Vorsteher des Schatzhauses an der Statte 
der Wahrheit” (Cern^, a. A., Nr. 4). Ober die Biographie 
des Ramose siehe, Bruy^re, Rapport sur les fouilles de 
Deir el-Medineh (1935 — 1940), Fasc. 3, Le Caire 1952, S. 
13 ff. 

80 Vgl. Cerny, ib. 

11 Porter Sl Moss, Bibliogpphy etc., 1:2, S. 734. 

88 Die Perilcke hat hier eine andere Form als in Nr. 

18565. 


Abb. 2. Stele des Ramose (MM 18566). 


6 


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braunen Farben der unbed eckten Korperteile 
des Adoranten erhalten. 

Die Anrufung, die neun senkrechte Zeilen 
umfasst, lautet folgendermassen: 


! 11 $ ZI •“'“I' liTterS v5 

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23 Von dem Stier ist der Schwanz sichtbar. 

,4 Zur Erganzung vgl. Recueil de Travaux rclatifs etc., 
2, 1880, S. 176: XXXI; 3, 1882, S. 104: CIV; 4,1883, S. 
147:XXVIll. Zur Orthographic vgl. die angefuhrten 
Beispiele. 

25 Wohl so zu erganzen. 

” Der Schreiber hat zuerst ein geschrieben, das 
in ein umandert worden ist. 


8 


„(1) Gepriesen sei Amun-Re, der [Stier] in The- 
ben, der herrliche Gott, der sich iiber die Wahrheit 
freut in diesem seinem Namen von Hor-Achti 
[-Turn, dem Herra der beiden Lander, dem 
Heliopolitaner, gross] an Kraft, Herrscher der 
Neunheit, der (2) [grosse Gott, der] sich selbst 
[erzeugt] hat, der fiir den Bedarf der Menschen 
und der Gdtter sorgt und den Hapi gebracht 
hat fiir ihre Nahrung, und (der) alle Menschen, 
Untertanen, (und) Menschen am Leben erhalt. 
(3) [Er] hort die Armen, wenn (sie) ihn anrufen. 
Er gibt ein Begribnis dem, der ihm untertanig 
ist. Du ISsst mich schauen deine Schonheit jedes- 
mal, wenn Du aufgehst. Meine Augen sehen 
Deine Strahlen . . . (4) . . . Gegriisst sei Du, der 
Erste seines Frauenhauses. O Grosser, Oberster 
der Gdtter! Ich preise Dich bis zur Hdhe des 
Himmels. Ich preise Dein Antlitz. (5) Sei mir 
gnadig in Deinen Erscheinungsformen an jedem 
Ort, in dem Du bist. Ich jauchze, weil ich Dich 
liebe in (6) Deinen Gestalten als Leuchtender. 
Mein Korper ist gesund bei dem Begleiten deines 
Ka an seinem Fest am Jahrestag. (7) Moge 
(mein) 17 Name genannt werden nach Jahren, 
wie jeder Gerechte. Moge jeder Bittsteller erhort 
werden (8) jedesmal, wenn Re am Himmel auf- 
geht. Fiir den Ka des kdniglichen Schreibers an 
der Statte der Wahrheit, Ramose, des Seligen, 
des Dieners des Ptah, der seine Lehre kennt.” 

Stele (Bruchstiick) (Abb. 3) 

MM 18567”. Material : Kalkstein. Grosses 20,2 x 
x 14,5x3,4 cm. 

Datierung: 19.— 20. Dynastie. Herkunft: Deirel- 
Medineh. 

Von der oben gerundeten Stele, die fur einen 
Arbeiter in der koniglichen Nekropole, namens 
j|| p Mesu, gemacht worden ist, ist nur die 
in drei Stiicke zerbrochene, rechte Halfte er- 
halten. Die Vorderflache der Stele ist mit einer 
gelblichen Grundfarbe bestrichen und in zwei 
Register eingeteilt. 

27 Das Personalsuffix im Text ausgelassen. 

28 Porter & Moss, Bibliography etc., I: 2, S. 725. 


Digitized by CiOOQle 



Das obere Register zeigt, in vertieftem Relief, 
das Sonnenschiff mit dem Sonnengott Shu. 
Von dem letztgenannten ist nur ein Teil der 
Beine auf dem Bruchstuck sichtbar. Vor dem 
Gott sind sein Name, hier \ „der 

Shu” (Pshu) geschrieben 1 *, die Symbole | 30 und 
das schutzbringende Horusauge wdl.t. 

» Vgl. Cerny, a. A., Nr. 6. 

30 Nach J. Cap art ist das Symbol ein Substitut fur den 
Gott Seth, der mit seiner Lanze die Schlange Apophis und 
die Feinde des Gottes tdtet (A Z, 36, 1898, S. 126.). 



In dem unteren Register sind — in vertieftem 
Relief — die Frau und der Sohn des Mesu in 
adorierender Stellung dargestellt, welche eine 
Anrufung an den Himmelsgott rezitieren. t)ber 
ihnen steht ^ ™ /) ^ 81 „(die) Hausfrau 

Sheri [-Re]” bzw.: 

„sein Sohn Huj, der Selige”. 

Die urspriinglich in bunten Farben gemalten 
Darstellungen sowie die vorkommenden In- 
skriptionen sind ziemlich fliichtig ausgefiihrt. 
Der Anruf, von dem der Schluss erhalten ist, 
lautet: 

T- 

„(x — 1) ... Du gehst unter (?). Ich kenne (2) 
das Gesagte. Deine Starke (3) gehdrt den Fischen 
des Meeres (4) (und) den V5geln des (5) Himmels. 
(Gesagt) von dem Diener der Statte der Wahr- 
heit (6) Mesu, dem Seligen, seiner Gattin, der 
Hausfrau (7) Sheri-Re, der Seligen, seinem Sohn 
(8) Huj, dem Seligen.” 

Der Anruf der ziemlich kurzgefasst ist 31 , wird 
— wie aus dem Text hervorgeht — auch von 
Mesu hergesagt, der vor seiner Frau abgebildet 

31 Das Zeichen fur Re ( 0 I ) im Text ausgelassen. 

32 Die fehlende Stelenhalfte, durfte kaum mehr als vier 
Textzeilen enthalten haben. 

Abb. 3. Stele des Mesu (MM 18567). 


9 


Digitized by kjOOQle 



Digitized by ^jOOQle 



gewesen ist (auf dem Bruchstiick ist die Umriss- 
linie der Unterseite seines linken Fusses deutlich 
erkennbar) 33 . 


Stele (Abb. 4) 

MM 32000 s4 . Material: Kalkstein. Grosse: 33 X 
x23x2,5 cm. 

Datierung : 19. Dynastie. Herkunft: Deir el- 
Medineh. 

Die oben abgerundete Stele ist in ihrem unte- 
ren Teil durch tiefgehende Absplitterungen stark 
beschadigt. Die Vorderseite ist in zwei Felder 
geteilt, mit vorkommenden Bilddarstelhmgen in 
vertieftem Relief. 

Das obere Feld zeigt den falkenkopfigen Gott 
Harsiese, auf einem Sessel sitzend 35 . Er tragt die 
Doppelkrone (zum grossten Teil ausgetilgt), eine 
lange geflochtene Periicke, breiten Halskragen, 
Armbander und ist mit einem eng anliegenden 
gefalteten Lendenschurz bekleidet. In der vor- 
gestreckten linken Hand halt er das wls- Zepter, 
in der rechten das c /iA-Zeichen, das Symbol des 
Lebens. Vor dem Gott steht ein schmaler hoher 
Opfertisch mit einem Libationsgefass. Hinter 
dem Sessel ist ein Symbol J abgebildet* 6 . 

Ober dem Gott steht die folgende, zum Teil 
zerstorte Beischrift: 

*us] ’trnm 

„Horus, Sohn der [Isis], der Herrscher [der Got- 
temeunheit].” 


33 Mesu und seine Familie ist m. W. nur aus diesem 
Stelenbruchstiick bekannt. 

34 Vom Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, deponiert (NME 
28). Porter & Moss, Bibliographic etc., I: 2, S. 726. 

33 Ober den Gott Harsiese siehe Bonnet, a. A., S. 275 f. 

33 Ftir andere ihnliche Symbole vgl. z.B. Catalogue 
g6n6ral des antiquit£s 6gyptiennes du mus6e du Caire, 
Stales du Nouvel Empire, Nr. 34070 und 34073, K. Lange- 
M. Hirmer, Aegypten, Munchen 1955, PI. 128, Maria 
Mogensen, La collection 6gyptienne de la Glyptoth&que 
Ny Carlsberg, Copen hague 1930, PI. CI1. Vgl. auch 
Recueil de Travaux relatifs etc. 27, 1905, S. 173 f. 

37 Zur Erginzung vgl. Hieroglyphical Texts etc. from 
Egyptian Stelae in the British Museum, Part V, London 
1914, Nr. 467, PI. 43. 


Abb. 4 . Stele des Nachi (MM 32000). 


Vor dem Gott verrichtet ein Mann ein Rauch- 
opfer. Dieser tragt eine lange Ldckchenperiicke, 
Halskragen und Armbfinder und ist mit einem 
von den Hiiften bis auf die Unterschenkel reich- 
enden, geffilteten Doppelschurz bekleidet. Er 
halt in der einen Hand ein GefSss mit brennen- 
dem Weihrauch, dessen Unterstinder (?) hinter 
ihm steht. Uber und hinter dem Opfernden steht: 

„der grosse Kiinstler an der Statte der Wahrheit, 
Nachi, der Selige 38 .” 

In dem unteren Feld sind drei Verwandte des 
Nachi, knieend und mit erhobenen Handen, dar- 
gestellt. Zwei von ihnen halten in der einen Hand 
ein Gefiss mit brennendem Weihrauch. Alle drei 
tragen, wie Nachi, eine lange Ldckchenperiicke, 
den ublichen Hals- und Armschmuck und wahr- 
scheinlich auch denselben gefalteten Doppel- 
schurz. 

Die Verwandten, deren Namen die begleiten- 
den Inschriften anzeigen, sind: 




to 


i 


a . 

n 


5 * ' A 





8 


it: 4 




„Sein Sohn, der Diener an der Statte der Wahr- 
heit, Buqentuef, der Selige; sein Enkel Qen, der 
Selige; sein Enkel Nachi, der Selige.” 


Opfertafel (Abb. 5) 

MM 32001 40 . Material: Kalkstein. Grosse: 37,5 x 
35x8,5 cm. 

Datierung : 19.— 20. Dynastie. Herkunft: Deirel- 
Medineh. 

Die Opfertafel, von einem beschrifteten Rah- 
men mit angeschlossenem Ausgussvorschuss um- 
geben, hat die Form der Hieroglyphe =*= . 


33 Nach Bruy^re soli Nachi mit Ramose verwandt sein 
[Rapport . . . (1935-1940), Fasc. 3, S. 15]. 

33 Das letzte Zeichen ist auf der Stele hinter das Perso- 
nendeterminativ senkrecht geschrieben. 

40 Vom Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, deponiert (NME 
20). Porter & Moss, Bibliography etc., 1:2, S. 744. 


11 


Digitized by kjooole 


Die Flfiche der Tafel ist mit in vertieftem Relief 
ausgefuhrten Darstellungen verschiedener Opfer- 
gaben gefiillt, die — wie es scheint — einer ab- 
sichtlichen Zerstdrung ausgesetzt worden sind. 
Die folgenden Darstellungen lassen sich indessen 
mit ziemlicher Gewissheit identifizieren: ein 
Korb oder Gefass, mutmasslich mit Friichten 
irgendeiner Art, zwei grdssere runde Kuchen 
und zwei lange Brote. t)ber je einem der Kuchen 
liegt ein Fleischstiick (?) 41 und oben rechts ein 
Lotusstrauss sowie ein Fleischstiick. Die iibrigen 
Opfergaben sind unidentifizierbar. 

Die auf dem Rahmen gegenseitig angeordne- 
ten Inschriften lauten: 






„Der Kdnig sei gnadig und gebe ein Opfer (und) 
Djeser-ka-Re 42 , der Sohn der Sonne, Amenho- 
tep, der ewig und immerdar mit Leben beschenkt 


41 Oder Zwiebelbiindel? 

42 Der Vomame des Kdnigs Amenophis I. (1 536 - 1 5 1 7 
v. Chr.). 


12 


ist. Gemacht von dem Diener an der Statte der 
Wahrheit Tjai 4 *.” 

„Der Kdnig sei gn§dig und gebe ein Opfer (und) 
das Gottesweib Ahmes-nefertere, moge sie ewig 
und immerdar leben. Gemacht von dem Diener 
an der Statte der Wahrheit Tjai.” 

Die Wunschformel der Opfertafel sind an die 
beiden als Schutzgdtter der thebanischen Nekro- 
pole verehrten koniglichen Personen, Amenophis 
I., den ersten Kdnig der 18. Dynastie, und seine 
Mutter Ahmes-nefertere, die als die erste wirk- 
liche „Gottesgemahlin des Amun” zu betrachten 
ist, gerichtet. Der Kult wurde vor allem von den 
Nekropolenarbeitem in Deir el-Medineh betrie- 
ben 44 . 


42 Tjai ist nur aus diesem Denkmal bekannt. 

44 Vgl. Cerny, Le culte d* Amenophis I CT chezles ouv- 
riers de la necropole th^baine (B1FAO 27, 1927, S. 159 
flf.); vgl. auch Bonnet, a. A., S. 20 f. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


Two Royal Heads from Amama 

Studies in the Art of the Amama Age 


BENGT JULIUS PETERSON 


The radical and profound structural change in 
Egyptian religion and art that may be observed 
during the brief period of time in the fourteenth 
century B.C. which is named the Amama Age, 
had in its ideas and concept existed earlier, 
but latently. The great breakthrough came, how- 
ever, with the accession to the throne of Ameno- 
phis IV and, along with a reform of religion, led to 
a unique departure in the case of art from the con- 
ventional and conservative pattern which Egyp- 
tian art had followed for centuries. 

The religious revolution of Amenophis IV, 
which involved a monotheistic worship of Aton, 
the sun-disc, had been prepared beforehand. 
This divinity was not the king’s creation 1 * * * , but 
the stressing of it was largely the work of the 
king. The reformation quickly gained a hold, as 
in certain circles it was a distinct help in meeting 
the religious needs of the period. 

The art that was now created in conjunction 
with the new religous ideals, is chiefly characteri- 
zed by a widespread striving after truth and reality 
in representations and, especially in those of the 
human form, by a conscious accentuation of the 

1 Cf. W. Wolf, VorlSufer der Reformation Echnatons, 

ZAS 59, 1924, pp. 109 ff.; M. & J. Doresse, Le culte 

d’Aton sous la XVIIIe dynastic avant le schisme amar- 

nien, Journal Asiatique 233, 1941 —42, pp. 18 ff. 


individual, while nevertheless displaying a 
thorough stylization. Similar trends in art, prim- 
arily in tomb painting, had already been noted 
in the time of Thutmosis IV, some fifty years 
before the Amama Age, as has long ago been 
pointed out by various scholars 8 . These currents 
show a breaking up and a disintegration of the 
classical, traditional phase in Egyptian art and 
become more marked in the reign of Amenophis 
IIP. 

The definitive breaking through of these ten- 
dencies comes with Amenophis IV, when a new 
art develops, yet an art which cannot be said 
to be a direct development or an effect of the 
earlier disintegration. The adoption of a new 
art is intimately connected with the religious 

* E.g. W. Spiegelberg, Geschichte der Sgyptischen 
Kunst bis zum Hellenism us, Der Alte Orient, 1. Erganz- 
ungsband, Leipzig 1903, p. 69; F. W. von Bissing, Denk- 
maier agyptischer Skulptur, Textband, Munchen 1914, 
text to pi. 72, 82 & 83; N. de G. Davies, Bulletin Metropo- 
litan Museum of Art, Part II, December 1923, pp. 40 ff; 
idem, Akhenaten at Thebes, JEA 9, 1923, pp. 132 ff; F. 
Balodis, Echnatons Kunstreform, Filologu biedrlbas 
raksti II, Riga (1924), p. 76; M. Wegner, Stilentwickelung 
der thebanischen Beamtengr&ber, MDAIK IV, 1933, p. 
160; J. Wilson, The culture of Ancient Egypt (The burden 
of Egypt), Chicago 1958, p. 214. 

1 Cf. H. SchXfer, Amama in Religion und Kunst, 7. 
Sendschrift d. Dt. Orient-Gesellschaft, Berlin 1931, p. 43; 
J. Vandier, Manuel d’archdologie ggyptienne III, Paris 
1958, pp. 331 ff; W. Wolf, Die Kunst Agyptens, Stuttgart 
1957, pp. 536 ff. 


13 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



reformation. The old art represented a tradition 
—that of the old gods and their cult— foreign to 
the new ideals, and there was a desire to break 
with it. Art in the reign of Akhenaten, the name 
taken by Amenophis IV in connection with his 
reforms, turns away from the idealism which 
had previously been almost paramount, notably 
in the religious and royal representations, that is 
to say in nearly all fashion-setting art 4 * * . 

For all the innovations in religion and art 
Akhenaten himself, more or less dependent on 
the circle that had gathered round him, was the 
deliverer and the dominating figure. His own 
interest was probably personal and one may 
assume, as is customary, that he himself gave 
the incentives and directives to the working 
artists 4 . One cannot sufficiently stress what such 
initiative can have meant for the special charac- 
ter of the Amaraa art. 

As to locality, the new art was chiefly restricted 
to the king’s immediate environment. Its first 
monuments were from the earliest years of his 
reign at Thebes, but it was later concentrated 
to the new capital which he founded at Amaraa*. 
There it was the royal family and the small circle 
around it who were the chief art patrons. It is 
notable that the monuments from Amaraa are 
almost totally confined to representations of 
royal persons, especially in the case of sculpture 
in the round, the kind of representations which 
in the reign of Amenophis III, like the tomb 
painting somewhat earlier, had been affected 


4 Cf. E. Meyer, Geschichte d. Altertums 11:1*. Stuttgart 

& Berlin 1928, p. 386. 

4 An often quoted phrase illustrating the king's inte- 
rest is one of the titles of the sculptor Bek: “he whom 
His Majesty himself taught". Text in F. W. von Bissino, 
Denkm&ler zur Geschichte der Kunst Amenophis IV, 
Sitzungsber. d. Kttnigl. Bayer. Ak. d. Wiss., Phil, philo- 
log. und hist. Klasse 1914:3, MUnchen 1914, p. 6. 

4 An urgent need is a closely detailed study of the 
topographical distribution of the characteristic monuments 
of the time of Akenaten. There is e.g. the Medamoud ques- 
tion, see R. Cottevieille-Giraudet, Les reliefs d’ Ameno- 
phis IV Akhenaton, FIFAO XIII, Le Caire 1936. Further, 
a full publication of e.g. the Sesebi excavations would be 
of great help, for finds see B. Porter & R. Moss, Topogra- 
phical bibliography VII, Oxford 1951, pp. 173 f. 

14 


by disintegrating tendencies 7 . Private art is rare, 
particularly as regards sculpture in the round. 
The tombs of nobles display the typical art of 
Amaraa in abundance, although several elements 
in their execution are still linked with old and 
purely Theban features* of style, but the wall 
decorations are mostly concerned with figures of 
the royal family. 

The art of Amaraa does not break completely 
with the tradition of Egyptian art. It is, however, 
no natural development of different currents in 
art, but a conscious accentuation of certain ten- 
dencies of that time, a stressing of certain com- 
ponents that would serve a new programme of 
art. The fundamental conventions remain un- 
changed however, the old fundamental ideas 
being merely altered a trifle. It is above all the 
style of the works of art that is changed. It be- 
comes expressive, exaggerated, outri\ the ideal- 
ism and the harmony disappear. The iconogra- 
phical schemes are changed, because now new 
values underlie them, which were formerly unac- 
ceptable. The most violent departures from the 
old stylistic ideals may be observed in the earliest 
of Akhenaten’s monuments, those at Thebes. 
With the move to Amaraa and with the death of 
Amenophis III, the characteristic, exaggerated 
style is toned down and becomes milder and 
gentler; its sensuality is accentuated. A new ide- 
alism is created in art*. 

The direct origins of the Amaraa art, its back- 
ground and prehistory, as well as the origins of 
the two different stylistic phases which it contain- 
ed, have in fact only been dealt with by scholars 
in general terms. Some aspects of this problem 
will now be considered. 

7 Vandier, Manuel III, p. 331. 

* Perhaps too much stressed in Bissing, Denkmiler zur 
Geschichte der Kunst etc., p. 15. The internal develop- 
ment within the tomb decoration of Amarna shows, side 
by side with the newly introduced stylistic elements, an 
association with the disintegrating tendencies that set in 
during the reigns of Thutmosis IV and Amenophis III, 
and thus a gradual liberation from the Theban refined 
style. 

* Cf. J. Capart’s wording in his article on Egyptian art 
in The Legacy of Egypt, Oxford 1942, p. 105. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Spiegelberg suggested in his history of Egyp- 
tian art published in 1903, that Akhenaten in- 
troduced and adopted the vulgar art, a “Volks- 
stiT in place of the “Hofstil” 10 . This, according 
to Spiegelberg, is a special style that had always 
existed and was used for representations of popu- 
lar scenes as distinct from representations of 
gods and kings 11 . 

In his synthesis of the culture and history of 
the Amarna Age, primarily based on the results 
of the British excavations, Pendlebury puts for- 
ward a hypothesis about the background of the 
Amarna style 11 . He puts the fall of Crete and 
Knossos circa 1400 B.C. in immediate relation 
to the art of Amarna. Artists from Crete left 
their island and sought refuge in Egypt. These 
artists, in the opinion of Pendlebury, took part 
in the creation of the Amarna art. However, he 
does not point to any concrete material for his 
hypothesis. 

Many scholars have, like Pendlebury, in con- 
nection with the art of that time, named Crete as 
a vital factor in the entire or partial development 
of the art of Amarna, especially referring to the 
mural paintings of the palaces 11 . It is easy to try 
to elucidate the background of the Amarna art 
by reference to the Aegean culture, particularly 
in Crete. This island was indeed one of the most 
important maritime powers in the Mediterranean 
having communications with both Egypt and 
other countries, primarily various trading centres 
in the eastern Mediterranean. The communi- 
cations with Egypt were particularly evident 
during the 18th dynasty, as is clearly seen not 
least from concrete finds both in Egypt and 

19 Spiegelberg, op. cit., p. 63. 

11 Idem, op. cit., pp. 22 ff. 

19 J. Pendlebury, Tell el- Amarna, London 1935, pp. 
124 ff. 

11 Schafer, op. cit., pp. 47 f; G. Steindorff, Die Kunst 
dcr Agypter, Leipzig 1928, pp. 77 & 87; F. W. von 
Bbsing, Dei Fussboden a us dem Palaste des Konigs 
Amenophis IV zu el Hawata, MUnchen 1941, pp. 33 ff; 
W. C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt II, Cambridge Mass. 
1959, p. 290; B. de Rachewiltz, Kunst der Pharaonen 
(Incontro con l’arte egiziana), Zurich & Stuttgart 1959, 
p. 99. 


Crete, although these communications are hardly 
likely to have been direct to any great extent; 
the route from the Aegean world to Egypt went 
mainly via the Syrian coast 14 . Reciprocal com- 
munication-direct or indirect— declined after 
the sack of Knossos and thus, at the time of 
Akhenaten, cannot have been a culture-promo- 
ting factor 14 . The suggested influence on art from 
Crete to Amarna applies chiefly to painting. 
Several motifs in this are said to be borrowed 
from Crete 14 . In the case of sculpture there is 
no material for comparison, as large sculpture 
is entirely lacking in the Minoan culture. 

The earliest style, almost bordering on carica- 
ture, which appears on the first monuments at 
Thebes, has been partially explained by Aldred 
in his drawing attention to the fact that when 
these monuments were executed Akhenaten had 
only young, untrained artists at his disposal, 
since the older and skilled ones were engaged 
upon the monuments of Amenophis III 17 ; Akhe- 
naten was, as suggested by many scholars (see 
note 30), at the beginning joint regent with his 
father. The break with tradition, the new ideas 
inspired by Akhenaten, the less skilled artists 
and the lack of direct prototypes for the new 


14 Cf. H. R. H. Hall, Egypt and the external world in 
the time of Akhenaten, JEA 7, 1921, pp. 39 ff; for finds 
see i.a. J. Pendlebury, Aegyptiaca, a catalogue of Egyp- 
tian objects in the Aegean area, Cambridge 1930; valuable 
is the thorough examination in A. Furumark, The settle- 
ment at Ialysos and Aegean history c. 1550—1400 B.C., 
OpuscuJa Archaeologica VI = Acta Instituti Romani 
Regni Sueciae XV, Lund 1950; direct communications 
with Crete cannot be excluded, cf. J. Vercoutter, L’Egyp- 
te et le monde 6g£en pr6hell6nique, Le Caire 1956, pp. 
417 ff. 

u The communications were irregular and infrequent, 
cf. Hall, op. cit.: Amama’s foreign contacts chiefly con- 
cerned “mainlanders of Mycenae, Rhodians of Ialysos 
and Cyprians of Enkomi”, p. 50. Further F. Matz, 
Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft 6:2, Handbuch der 
Arch&ologie II, MUnchen 1954, p. 271. 

14 E.g. the “flying gallop*' motif and various details in 
the ornamentation; fairly general recourse to nature 
motifs and a predilection for representations of animals 
and plants, cf. H. Frankfort, The mural painting of 
El-‘Amameh, London 1929; D. Fimmen, Kretisch-myke- 
nische Kultur, Leipzig & Berlin 1921, pp. 197 ff. 

17 C. Aldred, New Kingdom Art in ancient Egypt 1 , 
London 1961, p. 25. Cf. also G. Benedite, A propos d'un 
buste 6gyptien, Mon. Fond. Piot XIII, 1906, pp. 6 ff. 


15 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



art, were the causes of the exaggerations of the 
first period, according to Aldred. Upon the 
death of Amenophis III, his artists entered the 
service of the new king; at the same time the 
exaggeration is reduced, but also the empha- 
tic expressiveness of the art; the credit for this 
must lie with the older artists trained with other 
stylistic ideals, when they had been set to work 
on the new art programme. 

The art of Amarna cannot be made clear in a 
few words; it was many-sided and made up of 
many different components. The views put for- 
ward here give some of the background, but are 
partially without relevance. Spiegelberg’s dis- 
tinction of “Hofstil” versus “Volksstil” is irrele- 
vant, as in fact we cannot speak of such a pro- 
nounced stylistic contrast within Egyptian art 18 . 
It is not entirely correct when he distinguishes 
between two styles, because in actual fact it is not 
a question of a difference in form but of a 
difference in the content of the representations, 
originally arising out of, and conditioned by, 
appraisal of the objects represented and the 
completely different activities of these objects. 

Provincial peculiarities, works of art of lower 
artistic quality, can mislead the modem judge 
into using, on that account, the term popular art 
(which is not suitable, because popular art need 
in no way be inferior technically); the aims and 
aspirations, however, are here the same as in the 
official art surrounding the king and his court. 
The shaping and aim of art in Egypt were in the 
highest degree dependent upon the wishes of the 
consumer, usually conservative and fettered by 
tradition. But one must take into account the 
existence of a freer, popular art, which however 
only seldom found concrete expression and which 
largely remained latent. This freer art can be seen 
in the many picture ostraca commonly occurring 
during the New Kingdom in the quarters of 
workmen and artists. These ostraca often re- 
present an art unbound by stylistic and icono- 

18 Cf. H. Schafer, Von agyptischer Kunst 8 , Leipzig 1930, 

p. 62. 

16 


graphical dogmas, an art which is healthy and 
alive. Its vulgarity can seldom be mistaken 1 *. 
This art had no direct consumers. The picture 
ostraca had various purposes; some were un- 
doubtedly occasional pieces, which were per- 
haps kept for a time by the maker or were per- 
haps thrown away when finished; therefore the 
artist’s own imagination and desire could have 
free play. However, it does not go beyond the 
fundamental conventions of Egyptian art. But 
it is of course not such an independent art as 
Spiegelberg has in mind when speaking of a 
“Volksstil”. These ostraca point to the existence 
of a latent, popular art, which is timeless, but 
that is not to say that the particular art represen- 
ted in most of the known ostraca (Ramesside) 
would be exactly the same if the main part of 
them stemmed from before the time of Akhena- 
ten. At all events it must here be submitted 
that a popular art of the kind sometimes dis- 
played by these picture ostraca must have greatly 
contributed to the emergence of the Amama 
style. Here this spontaneous art had a chance 
to break through. 

As regards the Minoan and to some extent 
the Mycenaean influence in the Amama art, 
hypotheses about a direct influence must be 
rejected, as there are no evident Aegean elements 
in this art 10 . The separate motifs and details to 


19 Many ostraca show the existence of fables, a type of 
literature usually belonging to the masses of the people. 
In written form these were not recorded in Egypt until 
the Late Period. The interpretation of picture ostraca 
with fable motifs is, however, not quite clear, cf. E. 
Brunner-Traut, Agyptische Tierm&rchen, ZAS 80, 1955, 
pp. 12 ff and W. Helck, Die Beziehungen Agyptens zu 
Vorderasien im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. = Agypto- 
logische Abhandlungen Bd 5, Wiesbaden 1962, p. 543. 
Although most of the known picture ostraca are Ra- 
messide, it should not be irrelevant to cite these here as 
examples of the existence of a latent folk art that could 
only emerge sporadically. 

*° Cf. Balodis, op. cit., p. 76; A. Scharff, Handbuch 
der Altertumswissenschaft 6:1, Handbuch der Arch&olo- 
gie I, Mlinchen 1939, p. 580; Wegner, op. cit., p. 158; 
Wolf, Die Kunst Agyptens, p. 486. That there were 
probably people from the Aegean world who had settled in 
Egypt and indeed at Amarna (cf. Pendlebury, op. cit. pp. 
1 20 ff.) need not imply a direct Aegean influence on Egyp- 
tian art. Nor need trade contacts have exerted an influence 
on a strong, independent art. Several of the alleged Aegean 


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which attention has been drawn (cf. note 16), 
are no innovations in this period, having succes- 
sively appeared in Egypt during the 18th dyna- 
sty; some may possibly be borrowed from 
abroad, although this is very controversial (cf. 
note 22). The main branch of art which was 
alleged to show resemblances and possible points 
of affinity between Aegean and Egyptian during 
the Amarna Age, is painting. The Minoan paint- 
ing has an intimate connection with the Egyp- 
tian, but the contributing party was Egypt, which 
with its influence made an impress on the origins 
of the Minoan painting and to some extent on its 
iconography, but not on its subsequent indepen- 
dent development* 1 . Despite the fact that for 
various reasons one must refuse to admit a direct 
influence of the Cretan mural paintings upon 
those of Amarna {inter alia on account of the 
difference in time; the sack of Knossos was circa 
1410 B.C., while the foundation of Amarna took 
place some 40—50 years later; also we would 
mention that the increasing monumentalization 
in the late Minoan painting is not reflected in 
Amarna), one must nevertheless admit a certain 
Aegean influence on the art of the 18th dynasty, 
which however by no means was direct or fur- 
nished Egyptian art with any new elements**. 


elements in Egyptian painting during the 18th dynasty 
are foreign and new to Egyptian art only in the matter of 
content, not of form; there is no foreign stylistic influence. 

* l F. Matz, Minoan civilization: Maturity and zenith, 
Cambridge Ancient History vol. II, Cambridge 1962, p. 
33; R. W. Hutchinson, Prehistoric Crete, Pelican Books 
1962, p. 131. See however also F. Matz in Handbuch der 
Arch&ologie II, p. 250: “Die Sgyptischen Anregungen 
kbnnen sich nur auf das Allgemeinste beschr&nkt haben.” 
It would be interesting to examine in greater detail these 
Egyptian impulses in Minoan painting. No general survey 
exists. 

** Cf. Hall, op. cit., p. 51; idem, The relations of Aeg- 
ean with Egyptian art, JEA 1, 1914, pp. 201 ff; Wolf, Die 
Kunst Agyptens, pp. 486 ff. Asiatic influences (mainly 
Syrian), apart from certain motifs (cf. Furumark, op. 
cit., pp. 219 ff.), are not evident, cf. Helck, op. cit., pp. 
542 f. Mention must be made parenthetically of P. Gil- 
bert, Influences orientates sur Tart d’ Amarna, Annuaire 
de rinstitut de Philologie et d’Histoire Orientates et 
Slaves XV, Bruxelles 1960, pp. 5 ff. This work is mainly 
concerned with the fundamental principles of art, but 
does not arrive at any conclusions that need be given 
here. 


Indirectly Aegean art, however, must have con- 
tributed somewhat to the contemporaneous dis- 
integrating tendencies in art; it became, from the 
very fact of the Egyptians’ obtaining knowledge 
of its existence, a component in the otherwise 
internal development of art in Egypt during the 
18th dynasty, when a greater freedom than be- 
fore and a broadened outlook became apparent. 
To think that Egypt was in complete cultural 
isolation during the New Kingdom is impossible, 
not least in view of the many foreign immigrants, 
chiefly from Western Asia. 

Instead of suggesting influences from abroad 
one should look for the origins of the art of the 
Amarna Age inside Egypt. Wegner took this 
line when he desired to show that the painting 
in the reign of Akhenaten is a natural conse- 
quence of the artistic development within Egypt, 
particularly at Thebes**. The Amarna art, in his 
opinion, is the direct continuation of the stylistic 
changes occurring during the reigns of Thutmosis 
IV and Amenophis III: “Mit der unerschiitter- 
lichen Stetigkeit natiirlichen Wachstums und 
ohne einschneidenden Bruch ist die Kunst 
Echnatons in die Spfitzeit der 18. Dynastie ein- 
gefugt”* 4 . Wegner refers to different details 
within the art of Amarna, often details establish- 
ed earlier during the 18th dynasty, and thus tries 
to show that the Amarna art in no way breaks 
with the art of the preceding period. But he 
does not compare the Amarna art in toto with the 
preceding art. Such a comparison is however 
necessary, as it is not the separate details that 
in this case may be decisive, but the character 
of the art as a whole. Wegner’s point of view 
is correct to the extent that the artistic develop- 
ment during the 18th dynasty leads towards 
Amarna and forms the basis of the art during 
that period, but incorrect when he refuses to 
admit the addition of new elements during Akhe- 
naten’s reign and exclusively points to the natu- 
ral development**. 

** Wegner, op. cit., pp. 154 ff. 

u Idem, op. cit., p. 159. 

M Cf. Wolf, Die Kunst Agyptens, p. 536. 


17 


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Basic to the Amarna art must be the tendency 
to disintegration which was found in the earlier 
art and which several scholars have noted, es- 
pecially in the tomb painting**, but also in the 
sculpture* 7 . As a result of Akhenaten’s initia- 
tive**, this current is emphasized and developed; 
supported by other components that are con- 
sciously brought forward it is accentuated for 
the purpose of creating a new art fitting to the new 
ideals. One of these components is most probab- 
ly a popular art that had previously found no 
opportunity for expression, especially not in 
monumental art; it is a latent art, not differing 
however in principle from the fundamental con- 
ventions of the earlier art; also this popular art 
must have had prototypes, these being among 
what had previously been created. An art of this 
kind could readily find an echo at this juncture, 
when there was a need for religion to be repre- 
sented by an art differing from the old traditio- 
nal one which was firmly linked to the old 
religion. In addition, it must be observed that the 
consumers, apart from those belonging to the 
royal family, were mainly people who, from all 
appearances, are to be regarded as parvenus; 
their families were not previously known in the 
court circles. As novi homines these men gained 
a high social position under Akhenaten* 9 . The 
adoption of popular, even vulgar elements at 
this time, is also indicative of the language. It is 
from the outset of Akhenaten’s reign that the 
language of classical literature, evolved during 
the Middle Kingdom, is superseded by the popu- 
lar, spoken tongue for literary purposes. 

The merging of the current art and its dis- 
integrating tendencies with a more original and 
direct popular art is the basis of Akhenaten’s art. 
Through personal initiatives and presumably 
through the individual freedom of the artists 

*• Cf. above notes 2 & 3. 

17 Cf. above note 7. 

18 This, as already noted, is closely connected with 
the development of his religious ideas. 

18 Cf. E. Otto, Agypten*, Stuttgart 1959, p. 163; H. 
Kees, Ancient Egypt, London 1961, pp. 301 f. 

18 


within the limits of the purchasers’ wishes, the 
art went on developing and soon became manner- 
ed in the brief period during which this special 
art flourished. The change-over and transition to 
the gentler and more idealistic style after Ameno- 
phis Ill’s death is partly due to the influence, as 
Aldred assumes, of the older artists handing 
down the ancient traditions**. It is certainly also 
dependent in part on the varying skill of the 
artists* 1 . Their works develop and a mannerism is 
evolved. But one must also look to the art con- 
sumers for the cause. Their demands and tastes 
may have changed and become stabilized; one 
question is to what extent was there still depen- 
dence on the old art. How consistently could one 
break with tradition? Partly it is also a social 
question. These novi homines at Amarna, what 
was their attitude to the old— in art, culture, 
religion, etc.,— when they had become great men 
in the state? 

The soil in which the new ideas had germinat- 
ed and taken concrete shape had in many cases 
been loosened by influences from abroad. Egypt 
during the 18 th dynasty became the centre of 
the then known world and she widened by means 
of warlike and peaceable expeditions her horizon 
and escaped from the earlier restraints of cultu- 
ral isolation. That the country was extremely 
receptive of foreign impulses is clearly shown 
by many phenomena in the progressive develop- 
ment through which the country was passing at 
that time. These foreign impulses involve in the 
case of art, if not direct influences and prototypes, 
yet a broadened outlook, an internationalization, 
a greater freedom from tradition in general and 
a new sense of the value of the purely Egyptian 
tradition and heritage. 

80 If there was no joint rulership of Amenophis in and 
Akhenaten, then this argument is of a little value. The most 
recent research adopts a negative attitude to a joint reign, 
cf. E. Hornung, Untersuchungen zur Chronologic und 
Geschichte des Neuen Reiches = Agyptologische Abhand- 
lungen Bd 1 1, Wiesbaden 1964, pp. 71 ff; E. F. Campbell, 
The chronology of the Amarna letters, Baltimore 1964, p. 
140. 

81 Cf. Frankfort, op. cit., p. 29; Aldred, op. dt. f 
p. 25. 


Digitized by LiOOQle 



The art of Amarna is thus a synthesis of seve- 
ral different phenomena, a synthesis consciously 
made to meet a need. The changes in the art of 
this time are ultimately, however, in character, 
a transformation of the innermost essence of the 
cultural life, a change in the spirit of the cultural 
life. 

To the earliest representations of Akhenaten 
belong the famous monumental statues found at 
Thebes. They are characterized by violence in 
expression, by exaggeration in style. The king’s 
appearance seems pathological and the question 
of his physical and even mental condition has 
been much discussed 8 *. From the art-historical 
point of view this discussion is of secondary im- 
portance; the problem is not so much what the 
king looked like in reality, but rather in the va- 
rious ways in which he was represented in the 
monuments. 

From Amarna we have most of the represen- 
tations of the king. A number of more or less 
fragmentary works sculptured in the round or 
in the form of reliefs can be reliably identified as 
depicting him. These representations are mostly 
small, life-size or less. There are several statuet- 
tes, but many of the works are portrait heads 
which had belonged to, or been intended for, 
statuettes; in addition, there are portrait heads 
that had belonged to reliefs as well as several 
that must be looked upon as separate trial pieces. 
The materials are the usual ones: limestone, ala- 
baster, quartz, sandstone and to a lesser degree 
granite* 8 . 

Identification of the portrait sculpture at 

88 Cf. P. Ghauounoui, A medical study of Akhenaten, 
ASAE 47, 1947, pp. 29 ff; A. T. Sandison, The tomb of 
Akhenaten-Appendix, JEA 47, 1961, pp. 60 ff. See also 
W. Westendorf, Amenophis IV in Urgottgestalt, Pan- 
theon XXI:V, MUnchen 1963. 

88 Besides there is an isolated group of portrait heads 
of different persons in plaster, among which are alleged 
representations of Akhenaten. These form a special cate- 
gory, whose genesis will not be discussed here, cf. G. 
Roeder Lebensgrosse Tonmodelle aus einer altagyp- 
tiscben Bildhauerwerkstatt, Jahrbiicher d. preuss. Kunst- 
sammlungen, Bd 62, Berlin 1941, pp. 145 ff. 


Amarna is difficult. In most cases there are no 
inscriptions on the works sculptured in the round 
to establish their identities, but it has nevertheless 
been possible to distinguish nearly all the mem- 
bers of the royal family. In particular, the last 
stylistic phase, the mature and idealistic one, 
presents several difficulties, as by then we have 
some additional historical persons who are avail- 
able for identification, for instance Smenkhkare 
and Tutankhamun. The difficulties are increased 
also by the family features, a true resemblance 
between the persons. Besides this, in the case of 
the royal image an idealized head was created 84 , 
which set the fashion and more or less strongly 
influenced the representations of persons other 
than the king. 

The representations of Akhenaten are general- 
ly characterized by a long, narrow face, a pro- 
minent, hanging chin and a protruding mouth; 
the nose is long, sometimes pointed 84 . These dis- 
tinctive features vary; the only constant feature 
however, according to Schafer, is the long, 
hanging chin 84 . 

A grouping of the sculptures in the round of 
Akhenaten has been made by Vandier, who 
divides his sculptures from Amarna into four 
groups 87 . In the first the old conventionalism and 
idealism partly remain 88 . The type is earlier in 
style than Akhenaten’s Theban sculptures. The 
second has clear relations to the king’s Theban 
sculptures 88 . The third group is distinguished by 
a round, soft style 40 . The fourth comprises the 


84 Scharff, op. cit., p. 585. 

88 In the present article no account is given of the king’s 
body, as our purpose is the publication of two portraits. 

86 H. Schafer, Altes und Neues zur Kunst und Reli- 
gion von Tell el- Amarna, ZAS 55, 1918, p. 9. 

87 Vandier, Manuel III, pp. 338 f. 

88 Cf. Cairo 43580= Vandier, Manuel III- Album de 
planches, pi. CX:1; Cairo 67921 =R. Engelbach, A 
limestone head of king Akhenaten in the Cairo Museum, 
ASAE 38, 1938, pp. 95 ff. 

89 Berlin 21 835= Vandier, Manuel Ill-Album, pi. 
CXI:3. 

40 Brooklyn Museum 29. 34= Vandier, Manuel Ill- 
Album, pi. CX:4; Louvre E 15593= Vandier, Manuel 
Ill-Album, pi. CXI:1; Berlin 21 836= Vandier, Manuel 
Ill-Album, pi. CX:3. 


19 


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Digitized by ^jOOQle 


works that are most “spiritualized”, which, in 
the opinion of Vandier, corresponded best to 
the king’s ideal. The most outstanding work 
in this group is the famous bust of Akhenaten 
in the Louvre 41 . 

This grouping is correct in the main 41 . But it 
must be pointed out that the boundary lines of 
the different groups are rather vague. The resemb- 
lances are great; the first and third groups, in 
particular, are very much alike. The same group- 
i ing does not apply to the reliefs. No survey of 
these has yet been made, but it is possible to say 
that the king’s portraits in the reliefs do not dis- 
i play the same refined and spiritualized style that 
is typical of much of the Amaraa sculpture. The 
relief portraits, for instance in the tombs of nob- 
les, are strongly linked with the Theban sculp- 
ture of Akhenaten of the first years of his reign. 

To the problem of identification can now be 
brought an additional important criterion. The 
significant features for identifying the represen- 
tations of the king have been reduced solely to 
the long, hanging chin 41 . But the characteristic 
mouth is also typical and must be emphasized. 
Not only the accentuated, protruding mouth but 
also the more or less downturned comers of the 
mouth are characteristic of the representations 
of Akhenaten 44 , This distinctive mouth is very 

41 Louvre E 11 076= Vandier, Manuel HI- Album, pi. 
CX 1:4 & 6. The plaster masks of the king come close to 
this head, cf. Vandier, Manuel ELI, p. 339. 

4 * For other groupings, see L. Borchardt, Aus der 
Arbeit an den Funden von Tell el-Amama, Mitt. d. Dt. 
Orient-Gesellschaft Nr. 57, 1917. Review of this Schafer, 
op. cit., ZAS 55, 1918, pp. 6 ff. See also below note 77. 

44 See above note 36. 

44 Schafer has in one way stressed the mouth in the 
art of the Amama Age: “Der Amamakunst ist neben den 
Augen vor allem der Mund der Sitz ihrer Seelenkiindung”, 
Von Sgyptischer Kunst*, p. 275. 

44 Here it is not necessary to give all the examples of 
this. For a comparison between Akhenaten’s mouth and 
another mouth (in this case Nefertiti’s), see, for instance, 
Brooklyn Museum 16.48 =J. Cap art. Documents pour 
servir A l’6tude de l’art 6gyptien I, Paris 1927, pi. 49. 
Naturally there are exceptions as regards the mouth. 
There are portraits of Akhenaten without this characte- 
ristic mouth and there are portraits of other persons with 
the same protruding mouth. In the latter case it is of 
course reasonable to interpret the appearance of Akhena- 
ten’s mouth on other persons as an influence from the 
royal portrait, cf. note 34. 


frequent in his case and even occurs on the sha- 
wabti figures 46 . One can clearly distinguish the 
portraits of the king with this mouth, and so 
together with the long, hanging chin can get 
quite a reliable identification. This not altogether 
common mouth, which is certainly a true copy of 
the king’s physiognomy, can be definitely estab- 
lished too in the case of his mother, Queen Tiye 47 . 
It is obviously a family feature. 

Thus we may regard as the basic criteria for 
identifying the king’s portrait, on the one hand 
the long, hanging chin and on the other hand 
the typical mouth with the downturned corners. 

In a Swedish private collection of Egyptian 
antiquities, owned by Director Henry Nilsson 
of Stockholm, there is a small portrait head 
which because of its style must undoubtedly be 
assigned to the Amaraa Age (Figs. 1—4). Its 
provenience is also said to be el-Amama 46 . 

The head, which may have belonged to a sta- 
tuette, is worked in faience of a bluish green 
turquoise colour. The height is 7 cm. The face 
seen frontally narrows sharply and has a pointed, 
prominent chin. The eyes are almond-shaped and 
slanting. The eyebrows are marked with lines 
of darker colour. The pupils of the eyes are also 
in the same dark shade. The nose widens at the 
base; the nostrils are dilated. The mouth is clear- 
ly marked and protruding. The corners of the 
mouth, which are slightly upturned, are emphas- 
ized by a downward running line. Seen in profile 
the nose does not make a straight line with the 
forehead; there is a slight depression in the line 
at the root of the nose, where the straight line is 
broken. The chin is not abnormally long. The 
lower line is very sharply swung to the neck. 

A large headdress covers the head. In type it 

48 See e.g. Hayes, Scepter II, fig. 178. Cf. below note 78. 

47 Cf. the head Cairo 38257 which is reliably identified 
by means of the inscription, and also the famous Berlin 
head 21834, both in Vandier, Manuel Ill-Album, pi. 
CVII. 

48 The head is said to have been found in a well at 
el-Amama. Here I should like to express my gratitude 
to Director H. Nilsson for his kind permission to let me 
publish the head. 


2L 


Digitized by LjOOQle 


has several parallels in the Amama Age. The 
lines radiating down from the top of the head- 
dress and the rows of curls cut in steps are in the 
same dark, bluish black colour as the eyebrows 
and pupils. A clearly modelled uraeus is in the 
middle of the front of the headdress; its tail 
twists towards the centre of the headdress on the 
top of the crown. The head is intact apart from a 
few slight cracks. 

It is tempting at once to identify the head as 
Akhenaten 44 . Yet many of the individual details 
differ from his iconography. Although the total 
effect may give the impression of Akhenaten, 
the identification has still to be tested. 

The two principal criteria, the long chin and 
the characteristic mouth, cannot be seen. The 
chin, however, certainly resembles that of Akhen- 
aten in some of his representations. The fore- 
head-nose line is not straight, as is often the case 
in many portraits of Akhenaten* 4 . Represent- 
ations of Akhenaten sculptured in the round 
with a similar headdress are entirely unknown* 1 . 
Only on one relief in Mery-re’s tomb at Amama 
is he wearing this headdress** as well as on one 
relief from Kamak**. If we observe the position 
of the eyes, we do not find a similarly oblique set 
of the eyes in portraits of Akhenaten* 4 . 

49 The head has been held to represent Akhenaten. It 
was on view in Stockholm in 1961 in connection with the 
exhibition “5000 kr egyptisk konst”, cf. Nationalmusei 
utst&llningskatalog nr 265, Stockholm 1961, p. 92. 

90 Cf., for instance, the Nilsson head with a close 
parallel in relief representing Akhenaten wearing the 
same headdress (Pillet, see below note 53) where this 
line is quite straight. 

91 But for one unpublished head in the Cairo Museum 
belonging to the group of the Akhenaten shawabtis, 
nr. 2229 (Room 12, case U). This head is of uncertain 
provenience but the identification is fairly clear. The royal 
head J 66642 (Amama Room, case D) also unpublished 
and also of unknown provenience, should perhaps be 
taken into account here. It has not been possible for me 
to study the head in detail. 

99 N. de G. Davies, The rock tombs of El Amama I, 
London 1903, pi. XXX. 

99 M. Pillet, Quelques bas-reliefs inddits d’Amenhotep 
IV- Akhenaton & Kamak, Revue de l’Egypte ancienne 2, 
Paris 1929, pi. IV. 

94 The sculpture in the round does not have it, although 
the reliefs often show a slanting eye. The slanting eyes 
occur on the likenesses of Akhenaten from Thebes, but 
they are of a rather special type, cf. Wolf, Die Kunst 
Agyptens, pp. 450 ff. 


There is much to support the view that the 
Nilsson head belongs to a late date of the 
Amama period. What is decisive here is the 
headdress, on the one hand. Except on the re- 
presentations just mentioned, no such type of 
headdress is known on Akhenaten, although it is 
known on other male royal heads which are 
stylistically later than Akhenaten**. On the 
other hand, the eyes are also decisive. The slant- 
ing position of the eyes is inappropriate for 
Akhenaten, but it does occur after his time. 
The best example is the famous glass head in 
the Louvre, which is placed in Tutankhamun's 
period* 4 (Fig. 5). The sensitive and well accen- 
tuated mouth is not exclusive to representations 
from Akhenaten’s time. If we look at portraits 
made in imitation of him and of his iconography, 
we find that a protruding, full mouth characte- 
rizes royal representations for quite a while to 
come* 7 . On the Nilsson head, however, we do 

99 Cf. Amama 31.581 = J. Pendlebury, The city of 
Akhenaten 111:2, London 1951, pi. LXXIV:7 (Cf. JEA 
18, 1932, pi. XIX:2 and p. 148, “perhaps Smenkhfcere- 
certainly not Akhenaten’*); G. Roeder, Thronfolger und 
Kdnig Smench-ka-Rft, ZAS 83, 1958, pp. 54 f; further a 
plausible royal head, see T. E. Peet-C. L. Woolley, The 
city of Akhenaten I, London 1923, pi. XXXV :2 (cf. JEA 
7, 1921, pi. XXIX:4). In particular this headdress is worn 
by Tutankhamun in several representations on objects in 
his tomb. From the time immediately after Akhenaten or 
contemporary with the last year of his reign are also the 
funerary objects, the sarcophagus and canopic jars from 
the famous tomb 55 at Thebes, which also display this 
headdress. By Roeder, op. cit., pp. 67 ff. these have been 
attributed to Smenkhkare, although C. Aldred in Hair 
styles and history, Bulletin Metropolitan Museum of Art 
XV, pp. 141 ff, has shown that the canopic jars were made 
for Meritaton and thus cannot portray Smenkhkare (cf. 
Aldred, The tomb of Akhenaten at Thebes, JEA 47, 
1961, pp. 43 ff.). For the sarcophagus cf. H. W.Fairman, 
Once again the so-called coffin of Akhenaten, JEA 47, 
1961, p. 39, the sarcophagus was made for Meritaton. 
Although these funerary objects were made for the queen 
of Smenkhkare we must assume that they reflect the style 
of the royal representations, the idealized representations 
of the king. At Amama the actual headdress is worn, as 
Aldred has pointed out, especially by Nefertiti and the 
princesses. Before Amama it occurs too, although not 
often, cf. for instance Louvre E 11107=Vandier, Manuel 
III- Album, pi. CVII:6 in a representation in the old idea- 
listic style of Amenophis HI. 

99 Louvre E 11658=Vandier, Manuel Ill-Album, pi 
CXVI:1 & 2. 

97 So with the glass head in the Louvre (see note 56). 
Further e.g. Boston 11.1 533 =Vandier, Manuel Ill- 
Album, pi. CXVIL2 (Tutankhamun). 


22 


Digitized by LjOOQle 





not find the downturned comers of the mouth 
typical of Akhenaten. 

Thus there are good reasons for excluding 
Akhenaten as a possible identification of the 
small portrait head. This is specially evident if a 
comparison is made between this head seen in 
profile and the relief of Akhenaten at Kamak, 
where he is wearing the same headdress (cf. 
note 53). We must then decide on one of Akhe- 
naten’s nearest successors, and this raises a 
series of problems. 

Smenkhkare* 8 , towards the end of the Amama 
Age, became co-regent with Akhenaten. This 
man, whose parentage is not clear, had, among 
other things, by his marriage to Meritaton, one 
of the daughters of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 
legitimated himself as successor to the throne. 
The end of the declining Amarna Age and the 
history of the subsequent period is obscure. 
After Smenkhkare had reigned for about three 
years, as co-regent before Akhenaten’s death 
(about which no details are known to us) and 
as sole regent after it, he was succeeded by Tutan- 
khaten, yet another son-in-law of Akhenaten, 
who left Amama and moved to Thebes. In his 
name the religious restoration was effected, the 
cult of Amun being re-instituted; when this 
happened he took the name of Tutankhamun. 
He died, however, after a few short years as 
pharaoh and was followed by the influential key 
figure of the Amama period Ay, who had pro- 
bably been the real power behind the throne 
during Tutankhamun’s reign. He, too, ruled 
only for a short time and after him came Harem- 
hab, under whom Amama was destroyed. 

No reliably identified portraits of Smenkhkare 
are extant; however, a number have been ascrib- 
ed to him. Those concerned are such royal 
portraits as have been discovered at Amarna 
and cannot depict either Akhenaten or Tutank- 
haten 88 . These representations have been put to- 

M A new study of Smenkhkare and representations of 
him, see the above-mentioned work by Roeder, above 
note 55. 

11 Cf. Vandier, Manuel in, pp. 344 f. 


Fig. 5. Unidentified head (Louvre E 11658). 

Fig. 6. Smenkhkare. Artist's trial piece ( The British Mu- 
seum I Amarna 31.581). 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



gether by Roeder in a work published in 1958 
(see note 55). For many of the portraits cited by 
him the identification is extremely uncertain and 
in some cases incorrect 60 . But here a number of 
relatively certain ascriptions will be put together. 
It will then be seen that they may be divided into 
two different groups, two stylistic phases. As 
regards Akhenaten, his representations could be 
divided into four groups. Those of Smenkhkare 
can be dealt with in the same manner. In his 
portraits we can distinguish two stylistic phases, 
which need not necessarily have succeeded each 
other but can have been contemporaneous with 
each other. But it has to be stressed that this 
stylistic grouping must be provisional in charac- 

60 E.g. Roeder, op. cit., p. 53, D:III:1, cf. Aldred, The 
end of the el-Amama period, JEA 43, 1957, p. 37, note 5; 
further, the funerary objects from tomb 55 at Thebes, cf. 
above note 55. The head Metropolitan Museum Capart, 
Documents I, pi. 31 may more reasonably be called 
Akhenaten, as was earlier done, for instance by Hayes, 
Scepter II, p. 288. In this study some uncertain and 
controversial sculptures and reliefs are omitted, not least 
the much discussed representations in Berlin and Paris, 
see Vandier, Manuel III, pp. 345 ff. In the present dis- 
cussion the badly damaged and extremely uncertain por- 
traits are not included either. 


ter, as the identification of these representations 
is in several cases very uncertain. 

To the first phase, here called Style I, may be 
referred representations that are more or less 
dependent on portraits of Akhenaten. They still 
display the rather exaggerated, outre style that 
characterizes Akhenaten’s early portraits. They 
are more akin to these than to the gentle ideal- 
izing art familiar to us from the mature Amarna 
style, although sometimes they do not lack a 
touch of that later style. 

To this Style I belongs Amarna 32.75 61 , a 
plaque with portraits of Akhenaten and Smenkh- 
kare. These two on the same relief slab show 
that Style I existed during the time of their joint 
rule. Also belonging to this Style I is the above- 
mentioned relief Amarna 31.581 6 * (Fig. 6), where 
we find the type of headdress already referred to. 
Another work of art belonging here is the plaque 
in Berlin portraying a king and a queen (Smenkh- 

• l Now in Cairo 59294. Cf. JEA 19, 1933, p. 116; 
Pendlebury, The city 111:2, pi. LIX:1 and Roeder, op. 
cit., p. 49 and pi. V. 

•* See above note 55, now in the British Museum 63631. 


Fig. 7. Smenkhkare. Detail from plaque (Berlin 15000). Fig. 8. Smenkhkare (Cairo 45547). 




24 


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kare and Meritaton) 88 (Fig. 7). In this group may 
also be included, more peripherally, a head in 
relief from the British excavations at Amama, 
21.488 64 . 

A representation which may mark the transi- 
tion to Style II is a relief fragment in Berlin, 
showing Smenkhkare together with Meritaton 85 . 

What is here called Style II is characterized by 
an idealism which is associated more with the 
art current before the Amama Age and which 
points in the direction of Tutankhamun’s ideal- 
istic, technically perfected tomb-art. This second 
stylistic phase is grouped naturally round the 
famous quartzite head from Memphis, now in 
Cairo 64 (Fig. 8). Closely allied to this is Amama 
33.6 87 , also a quartzite head, inseparable in style 
from the Memphis head 88 . Two relief carvings, 
intended for insertion into larger reliefs, which 
since Petrie’s excavations have been at Universi- 
ty College, London 68 , and a similar work in 
Brooklyn Museum 70 , clearly belong to this 
stylistic phase. 

As the Nilsson head cannot be identified as 
Akhenaten, all that remains is to try to fit it into 
Smenkhkare’s iconographical scheme. None of 


“ Berlin 1 5000, P. E. Newberry, Note on the sculp- 
tured slab, etc., JEA 14, 1928, p. 117; Roeder, op. cit., 
p. 56. 

• 4 Amama 21 .488 = Peet- Woolley, The city I, pi. XII :6, 
cf. p. 14: “head of the Akhenaten type”. Also published 
by M. Mogensen, Les oeuvres d’art, etc., BIFAO 30, 
1930, p. 463 and pi. IV. It is not a royal head with the 
uraeus, but as it is a sculptor’s trial piece, which is con- 
firmed by the representations on the verso, it is still prob- 
able that it is the type of a royal head. It is reasonable to 
identify it as Smenkhkare. 

“Berlin 14511= Schafer, Amama in Religion und 
Kunst, pi, 22; Roeder, op. cit., pp. 55 f. 

•• Cairo 45547 =Capart, Documents I, pi. 30; Roeder, 
op. cit., pp. 62 f. 

•’Brooklyn Museum 34.6042 =Pendlebury, The city 
111:2, pi. LIX:6— 8; Roeder, op. cit., pp. 59 f. 

88 Vandier, Manuel III, p. 345. 

•• UC 101 & UC 103 = Pendlebury, The city 111:2, pi. 
CV:4 & 8; Roeder, op. cit., p. 54. 

70 Brooklyn Museum 33.685= Pendlebury, The city 
111:2, pi. LV1I:4; Roeder, op. cit., p. 54. This representa- 
tion and those mentioned above at University College 
(note 69) differ decisively in respect of the mouth from 
the Maru Aton relief head 1921/22, Peet- Woolley, The 
city I, pi. XXXV:1, which is extremely doubtful as a re- 
presentation of Smenkhkare, cf. Roeder, op. cit., p. 54. 



Fig. 9. Ay as a private man. Detail from his tomb in 
Amarna (Worcester Art Museum 1949.42). 


the other royal persons from the Amama period 
may be considered; an idea that the head could 
be that of a woman seems improbable. Tutankh- 
amun’s sculpture differs so much in manner 
from the style here at issue that it cannot be 
necessary to look for parallels there. His success- 
or Ay shows a striking resemblance in his icono- 
graphy as a private man in Amama (Fig. 9) to 
the idealized portrait of the king (Akhenaten), 
the style of which in the case of Smenkhkare is 
represented by his Style I 71 . However, the whole 
Tutankhamun complex in art lies between the 

71 Cf. the representation of Ay in his tomb at Amama, 
Davies, The rock tombs of El Amama VI, London 1908, 
pi. XXXIX. The relief slab bearing Ay’s head is no 
longer in situ but barbarously hewn out (now in Wor- 
cester Art Museum, Massachusetts, Acc. No. 1949.42, 
see Archaeology vol. 16, no. 3, 1963, p. 155 and the co- 
ver photo). 


25 


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Amarna representations of Ay and the portraits 
of him as regent, which latter show a return to the 
old, more particularly Theban tradition, though 
not without a certain spiritualization of the stereo- 
typy. Then when Haremhab ascends the throne, 
art has almost entirely dissociated itself from 
Amama’s direct stylistic influence; Amarna has 
then become an obsolete phase. 

The Nilsson head is clearly associated with 
Smenkhkare’s Style I and cannot be assigned to 
Style II. Despite minor divergences (but not 
greater than those occurring within Style I) the 
Nilsson head is excellently in character with 
Style I. 

On the plaque Amarna 32.75 (see note 61) we 
can observe the difference between Akhenaten 
and Smenkhkare. The forehead-nose line on 
Smenkhkare’s head agrees with the Nilsson head, 
while the same line on Akhenaten is straighten 
The mouth provides the main difference between 
the two heads on the relief slab. The Nilsson 
head, in both this feature and the chin, is more 
like the portrait of Smenkhkare than that of 
Akhenaten (cf. here also the Karaak relief head 
of Akhenaten, above note 53). 

As regards the relief slab 31.581, this represent- 
ation comes very close to the Akhenaten type; it 
is above all the mouth that resembles this type 
(cf. note 55). The head displays a youthful por- 
trait, more suitable for Smenkhkare than for 
Akhenaten. It also has the characteristic head- 
dress, which is more frequently worn by the 
kings after Akhenaten (often by Tutankhamun) 
than by Akhenaten himself. This representation 
comes close to the Nilsson head as well, although 
not to the same extent as the preceding example. 

A good parallel is the relief displaying Smenkh- 
kare standing together with his queen (see note 
63). The same motif occurs on a casket in Tut- 
ankhamun’s tomb 7 *, where we can clearly see 
the difference between Smenkhkare’s Style I and 
the art of the next king, to which Smenkhkare’s 
Style II forms the transition. On this Berlin 

7S See Roeder, op. cit., pp. 56 f and pi. VI. 


26 


relief there is, however, a portrait very similar 
to the Nilsson head; not only the mouth but 
also the rounded, slightly hanging chin agree 
in a striking manner (see Fig. 7). 

Finally, we can make a comparison with the 
relief fragment Amarna 21.488 (see note 64) of 
uncertain identity, which is not far from the 
Nilsson head in style; it has moreover the same 
kind of headdress and a slanting eye. 

Here it can only be regretted that we have no 
knowledge of any representations of Smenkhkare 
sculptured in the round, which could be fitted 
into Style I. The Nilsson head as a result of the 
above comparisons must be assigned to it and 
thus becomes the first known work of Smenkh- 
kare sculptured in the round, which shows how 
strongly Akhenaten’s portraits influenced the 
contemporary portraiture of the kings. 

The representations of Smenkhkare were exe- 
cuted, as we know, during a period of about 
three years, in the first part of which Akhenaten 
was still living and ruling 7 ’. It is tempting to 
suggest that Style I corresponds with the repre- 
sentations of the younger king during the joint 
rulership, and that Style II appeared from the 
outset of Smenkhkare’s sole rule, when the reli- 
gion and art of the Amarna period were abandon- 
ed and when the art could take on a shape that 
was closer to the old tradition. Who took the 
initiative in making these changes, the new king 
or other influential persons, is a matter that must 
remain uncertain. New problems present them- 
selves, and to discuss them would lead us far be- 
yond the scope of this article. 

Yet another portrait head from the Amarna 
Age is in private Swedish ownership. It is a frag- 
mentary, rather damaged and cracked head in 
reddish brown sandstone, belonging to the 
Stockholm collection of the late artist R. Hol- 
termann 74 (Figs. 10—13). The height of the head 

74 The current opinion that Smenkhkare was sole ruler 
after Akhenaten’s death is, however, controversial. See 
the recent discussion in Hornung, op. cit., pp. 88 fif. 

74 Holtermann collection H 172. Provenience unknown. 


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Figs. 10—13. Akhenaten. Quartzite head in the collection of the late Mr. R. Holtermann , Stockholm . 


27 


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Fig. 14. Head of a shawabti of Akhenaten ( The Brooklyn 
Museum 33.50) . 



Fig. 15. Head of a shawabti of Akhenaten ( M usees Ro- 
yaux d'Art et d'Histoire , Bruxelles, E 6845). 


is 5.5 cm. at the mid-front. The face is rather 
rounded, tapering slightly towards the point of 
the chin. The eyes are not modelled, merely 
indicated by elevations, which are defined up- 
wards by a groove between the upper edge of the 
eyes and the eyebrows starting from the base of 
the nose and marking the position of the eye- 
brows. The tip of the nose is missing. The mouth 
is sensitive and full; the upper lip projects be- 
yond the lower. The corners of the mouth are 
drawn down owing to the drooping outer lines 
of the upper lip. The forehead-nose line has a 
depression at the base of the nose; the actual 
forehead recedes. The chin is long and hanging. 
The fragments of the ears show that these were 
large and pronounced. The head had worn a 
crown or headdress, as shown by the line extend- 
ing from the ears across the forehead. A uraeus 
was evidently prominent in the centre of the 
front of the crown or headdress; it is now miss- 
ing. 

Originally the Holtermann head belonged with 
the utmost certainty to a statuette of the same 


kind as, for example, that of Nefertiti in Berlin 75 . 
And like that statuette it was also painted. A 
microscopic examination of the Holtermann 
head has in fact revealed black pigment, pre- 
sumably lamp-black, round the eyes 76 . 

It is beyond all doubt that this head, of the 
highest artistic quality, represents Akhenaten him- 
self. One can see here the long, slightly hanging 
chin and, in addition, the still more reliable 
criterion, the characteristic mouth with the down- 
turned corners. There is nothing else either that 
deviates from the king’s greatly diversified but 
nevertheless quite homogeneous iconography. 

In style the royal head belongs to a late phase 
of the Amarna art, when the new idealism had 
matured and had become mannered 77 . In 

76 Berlin 21263 =K. Lange, Kdnig Echnaton und die 
Amama-Zeit, Munchen 1951, pi. 21. Identity not quite 
certain. 

76 For this examination I wish to thank my friend Mr. 
John Ingels, Stockholm. 

77 It should be noted en passant that the grouping made 
by Vandier cannot be taken for granted as a chronolo- 
gical sequence. It is a stylistic question, not yet solved, to 
what extent the different stylistic phases succeed each 
other. 


28 


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Vandier’s grouping referred to above, the Hol- 
termann head could be assigned to the fourth 
group and would thus, broadly speaking, come 
close to the Louvre head (E 11076). However, 
several more striking parallels exist. 

It is among the small portraits of Akhenaten’s 
shawabtis that the closest parallels are to be 
found 78 (Figs. 14—15). It is primarily the appa- 
rently unfinished eyes which are significant 79 . 
On the shawabti figures these were painted as 
one may suppose— there are some examples in the 
Cairo Museum, but no investigation of these figu- 
res has ever been published— and it was only by 
means of the painting that the portrait became 
complete. The Holtermann head had been pain- 
ted, as noted above, but it cannot come from the 
same group of representations as the shawabtis. 
For all the Akhenaten shawabtis that have been 
published have the traditional false beard. The 
Holtermann head has no such beard. It is also 


78 A number of these are in Cairo, cf. P. E. Newberry, 
Funerary statuettes and model sarcophagi, CGC, 1930 
ff. pp. 397 ff., but only one head is reproduced =48573, 
see idem, op. cit., pi. XXXI. University College 007 is 
reproduced in Pendlebury, The city 111:2, pi. CV:12 
(cf. pi. LXIII). Musses Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire of 
Bruxelles has an alabaster head E 6845, cf. Bille de Mot, 
Bulletin des Musses Royaux 3e ser. 7e an. 1935, No 1, 
pp. 1 1 f. From the Metropolitan Museum of Art Hayes 
reproduces a quartzite shawabti. Scepter II, p. 289. 
Brooklyn Museum has about a hundred unpublished Akhe- 
naten shawabtis of every quality, including 33.50,a fragmen- 
tary but characteristic head. Several shawabtis are in the 
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, but are headless. In addi- 
tion, these figures are found in private collections too, 
cf. i.a. J. D. Cooney, Egyptian art in the collection of 
Albert Gallatin, JNES XII, 1953, p. 12 (not reproduced). 
It would be urgent to have a complete publication of all 
these shawabtis, especially as they are of various shapes. 
The article by C. De Wit, Une tfcte d’oushebti d’Ameno- 
phis IV au Mus6e du Cinquantenaire, CdE XL, 1965, 
pp. 20 ff. is an attempt to make a survey. 

79 This eye part has been the subject of a curious article 
by P. Gilbert, De la mystique amamienne au sfumato 
praxitdlien, CdE XXXffl, 1958, pp. 19 ff. 


of rather finer artistic quality than these shawabti 
figures, which were produced in large quantity. 

Other sculptures related in style and technique 
to the Holtermann head are two representations 
of Nefertiti in Berlin and London, the latter an 
unfinished work 80 . There is, in addition, an un- 
identified head in Berlin, probably portraying 
one of the daughters of Akhenaten and Nefer- 
titi, and also a portrait of a princess in Cairo 81 . 

Further, there is a small head in Turin mount- 
ed in the war helmet which in style is closely 
related to the Holtermann head. It should most 
probably be considered a portrait of Akhenaten 81 . 

The Holtermann head is an excellent exponent 
of the soft and gentle style that is associated with 
the maturity and stabilization of the art of 
Amarna. It is this idealizing style that once more 
reaches its highest pitch of excellence in style and 
technique in the tomb-art of Tutankhamun and 
it is this gentle, sensual element in the style that 
is destined to live on in art even after Amarna 
has finally played out its r61e. 


80 Berlin 21358=Lange, op. cit., pi. 22; University 
College UC 010= Pendlebury, The city 111:2, pi. CVrll. 

81 Berlin 21245=Lange, op. cit., pi. 26; Cairo 13213 = 
Frankfort & Pendlebury, The city II, pi. XXXIX. 

88 The Turin head has been reproduced by J. Pirenne, 
Histoire de la civilisation de l’Egypte ancienne II, Neu- 
ch&tel 1962, pi. 74. Pirenne suggests (pp. 538 f.) that it 
could be a likeness of Smenkhkare. 

For some valuable comments on this article I am indebt- 
ed to Professor T. S&ve-Soderbergh, Upsala, Dr. J. D. Coo- 
ney, Curator of Egyptian and Classical Art, Cleveland 
Museum of Art, Ohio and Professor H. H. Brummer, 
Stockholm-Los Angeles. 

For permission to reproduce photographs I thank 
Louisa Dresser, Curator, Worcester Art Museum, Massa- 
chusetts, Dr. C. de Wit, Musses Royaux d’Art et d’His- 
toire, Bruxelles, Dr. Bernard V. Bothmer, Curator of 
Ancient Art, The Brooklyn Museum, New York, and 
the Trustees of the British Museum. 

This article has been translated from the Swedish by 
Miss Kathleen Pain, B. A., Fil. kand., London. 


29 


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An Italic Iron Age Hut Urn 


ARVID ANDRfiN 


The hut urn reproduced in Figs. 1—3 was recent- 
ly acquired by the Museum of Mediterranean 
and Near Eastern Antiquities in Stockholm (Inv. 
No. MM 1964:20); I am indebted to the director 
of the Museum, Dr. O. Vessberg, for his having 
most kindly offered me the privilege of publish- 
ing it in this Bulletin. 

The urn was purchased in Switzerland. No 
information is available as to its provenance, 
except the general one that it comes from Italy. 
It is made of coarse clay of the type generally 
described as impasto italico, dark grey in the 
core, reddish-brown on the surface. The outside 
of the urn is covered by a greyish, black-mottled 
slip, on which are preserved considerable traces 
of geometric ornament in white. The slip is worn 
off in places, especially on the eaves of the roof. 
Upon the whole, however, the urn has suffered 
very small damage. 

The dimensions of the urn are: total height, 
35.3 cm.; length at base, 31.5 cm., width at base, 
33.0 cm.; length of roof, 39.5 cm., width of same, 
38.5 cm.; thickness of wall, about 1.0 cm. 

The main body of the um is cylindrical, its 
walls rising straight and vertically, or with a 
very slight inclination inwards, from a circular 
projecting socle, square in section, with a slightly 
concave periphery. The socle, for reasons to be 

30 


explained below, does not continue across the 
opening of the door but passes above it, forming 
a raised door-frame. The door-opening is trapez- 
oidal, with a small recessed edge below the lintel 
to recieve the door-slab. This also is trapezoidal 
and slightly curved but a little too small for the 
opening, probably owing to shrinkage during 
the firing. On the outside of the door-slab a little 
above its lower edge are two small bronze knobs; 
three lacunae in the calcareous deposit which 
covers the lower part of the slab suggest that 
there were once three more knobs placed in line 
with the two remaining ones. The door-slab 
was fastened with a pin, now lost, which passed 
horizontally through a perforation in the right- 
hand door-post and then through a perforated 
vertical projection on the inside of the slab; 
there is, however, no corresponding perforation 
in the left-hand door-post, whence it may be 
assumed that the door-slab was held in place by 
the tension of the pin when pushed against the 
curved inside of the wall. Opposite the door- 
opening there is a small perforation made in the 
back of the wall just above the socle, perhaps to 
represent some outlet for slops and penetrating 
rain-water in real Iron Age huts 1 . 

1 This interpretation seems probable in view of the 


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The roof is testudinate, with a ridged top and 
widely projecting eaves which slope slightly less 
than the central part of the roof. The ridge is 
curved and terminates at the front and at the 
back in a flat, semielliptical end-piece pierced by 
a large, round vent-hole. On either side of the 
central part of the roof are six ridge-logs, meet- 
ing two by two above the ridge in double horn- 
like projections, straight or curved more or less 
downwards*. One of the projections of the fore- 
most pair of ridge-logs, which had been broken 
off and glued on after the discovery of the urn, 
is now missing. The end of the corresponding 
projection of the next pair of ridge-logs is also 
broken off and missing. Each of the projections 
was decorated with a round bronze cap fastened 
to its point; two of these caps are preserved, one 


existence of drainage channels cut in the living rock 
around the Iron Age hut foundations excavated on the 
Palatine, as described by S. M. Puglisi, Gii abitatori 
primitivi del Palatino attraverso le testimonialize archeo- 
logiche e le nuove indagini stratigrafiche sul Germalo, in 
Mon. Ant., 41, 1951, cc. 47 ff., Figs. 16—17 and Tav. I. 

* The raised ribs generally seen on the roofs of Italic 
Iron Age hut urns are mostly taken to represent the rafters 
of real hut roofs, according to the terminology used by 
F. v. Behn, Hausumen (1924), F. v. Duhn, Italische 
Grftberkunde, I (1924), J. Sundwall, Die italischen 
HOttemurnen (Acta Academiae Aboensis, Human iora, 
1V:5, 1925), W. R. Bryan, Italic Hut Urns and Hut 
Urn Cemeteries (Papers and Monographs of the Ameri- 
can Academy in Rome, IV, 1925), and many other scho- 
lars writing on the matter. Others again, in view of the 
fact that rafters are not visible from the outside of a 
completed roof, have interpreted the ribs as rafters pro- 
jected on to the outside of the roof for the sake of exacti- 
tude or in order to maintain the vasal character of the 
urn; cf. A. Grenier, Bologne villanovienne et ttrusque, 
p. 81; G. Pinza, Monumenti primitivi di Roma e del 
Lazio, in Mon. Ant., 15, 1905, cc. 473 f.; S. M. Puglisi, 
op. cit., cc. 73 f. But the fact that the ribs often stop at 
or above the beginning of the eaves and are sometimes 
curved or bent angularly at their lower ends, perhaps in 
imitation of some contrivance for fastening, makes it 
probable that they represent logs placed over the ridge 
and below the vent-holes to weigh down the wattle-and- 
daub covering of real hut roofs, like the ridge-logs still 
to be seen on thatched roofs of Scanian, Danish, and 
North German peasant houses; cf. A. Andr£n, Architec- 
tural Terracottas from Etrusco-Italic Temples, p. XXV ; Id. , 
Origine e formazione dell’architettura templare etrusco- 
italica, in Rend. Pont. Accad. Rom. di Arch., 32, 1 959 — 60, 
p. 51, note 73. This is confirmed: a) by the hut urn from 
Tomb Q of the Forum necropolis, which presents the pecu- 
liar feature of having very short ribs made separately and 
fastened across the ridge with bronze pins; cf. G. Boni, 


remaining in situ, the other glued on to its origin- 
al place. 

In the roof there are a great number of perfor- 
ations. Some of these are in a row along the 
edges of the semielliptical end-pieces of the ridge. 
Others are in a row along the edge of the eaves 
and are spaced in a manner showing that the 
artisan started piercing the clay at the back, 
where the holes are set very closely, then pro- 
ceeded leaving greater interstices between the 
holes, and stopped at some distance from the 
starting-point. The irregular spacing suggests 
that the artisan regarded these perforations as a 
conventional ornamentation and had no sense 
of their original purpose, which may have been 
that of imitating some decoration or withe plait- 
ing along the eaves of real huts. Other perfora- 


in Not. scavi, 1906, pp. 11 ff., Figs. 5—6; J. Sundwall, 
op. cit., pp. 50 f., Rom, No. 5; E. Gjerstad, Early Rome, 
II, p. 30, Fig. 19:1; b) by a hut urn from Vulci, which has 
along its ridge a series of very short ribs of a form that 
excludes their being imitations of rafters; cf. R. Vighi, 
II nuovo Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia, Tav. 5; R. 
Bartoccini, Vulci, storia scavi rinvenimenti (1960), p. 5, 
Tav. II, Fig. 2; A. Andr£n, Origine etc., pp. 53 f., Fig. 21 ; 
M. Moretti, II Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia, p. 28, 
Fig. 21; c) by a recently discovered hut urn from Vulci, 
which— like another Italic hut urn described by Gisela 
M. A. Richter, in Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum 
of art, New York, 34, 1939, pp. 66 -68, Figs. 1-2- 
is peculiar by being made entirely of sheet bronze, with 
pairs of separate ornamental bronze rods across the ridge 
and a series of bronze ringlets along the eaves; I am in- 
debted to Dr. M. Moretti, Soprintendente and Director 
of the Museo di Villa Giulia, for having kindly shown me 
this hut urn and allowed me to make a note of it; d) by 
the well-known bronze house urn from Civita Castellana, 
which is also provided with separate bronze strips placed 
cross-wise along the ridge; cf. G. Q. Giglioli, L’arte 
etrusca, Tav. IV:4. My interpretation has been accepted 
by E. Gjerstad, op. cit., II, p. 30, note 1, and by P. G. 
Gierow, The Iron Age Culture of Latium, 11:1 (1964). 

The V-shaped projections which are ranged along the 
ridge of the roof of many Italic Iron Age hut urns, and 
are sometimes transformed, especially in Etruria, into 
more or less hom-like, serpentine or anserine shapes, thus 
have a structural origin, reproducing the crossed upper 
ends of the ridge-logs, which were probably similarly 
transformed in many real huts, for decoration and/or 
with an apotropaic intention, and— it is reasonable to 
suppose— without any inspiration from the “Mond- bzw. 
Homerpaarmotiv” of Minoan and sub-Minoan represen- 
tations, as proposed by H. Muller-Karpe, Vom Anfang 
Roms, pp. 48 f.; cf. M. Pallottino, Le origini di Roma, 
in Archeologia Classica, 12, 1960, p. 15, and E. Gjerstad, 
in Gnomon, 33, 1961, pp. 378 ff. 


31 


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Fig. 2. MM 1964:20. 


tions, a little larger than those mentioned, are 
placed two by two radially at eight equidistant 
places higher up on the eaves in such a way that 
the lower hole of each pair goes through the 
roof outside, the upper one inside the wall, 
which is itself pierced by a similar hole just be- 
low each pair of these perforations. The placing 
of these triplet perforations makes it highly 
probable that they are meant to indicate how 
the roof was fastened to the wall in real huts, by 
binding it on with withes passed through both 
members. There is nothing, however, to suggest 
that pins, threads or wires have been actually 
passed through any of the perforations described. 

The urn was also adorned, as already stated, 
with geometric ornament in white. Remains of 


Fig. 3. MM 1964:20. 


this decoration are to be seen all over the urn. 
On the door-slab, within a border composed of 
a zigzag line between two straight lines, is a 
square field divided into four parts filled with 
angles. Round the wall, between double borders 
of similar zigzag bands, was a series of square 
“metopes”, each consisting of a frame of zigzag 
bands round a field filled with angles or other 
geometric patterns now hardly distinguishable. 
On the eaves are traces of a series of disconnected 
meander hooks above two concentric zigzag 
bands. On one of the ridge-logs are remains of 
two interwoven zigzag lines. The projecting 
parts of the ridge-logs are decorated with small 
encircling stripes of white, zebra-fashion. An 
analysis carried out by Mrs. Eva Brita Blomberg 


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33 



at the laboratory of the Museum of National 
Antiquities, Stockholm, has shown that the en- 
tire geometric decoration of our hut urn, and 
the similar decoration seen on some Villanova 
sherds found during the excavations undertaken 
at Veii by the British School at Rome, are exe- 
cuted with very thin strips or lamellae of tin 
applied to the surface of the impasto (Fig. 4), as 
was rightly suggested by a member of the School, 
Miss Joanna Close-Brooks**. 

The extensive use of bronze ornaments, per- 
forations, and geometric decoration executed in 
the manner just mentioned, combine to make 
this hut urn a particularly fine and interesting 
specimen of its kind*. But what makes it still 


4 I am much indebted to Miss Close-Brooks for ha- 
ving revised this and the following article in point of 
language and made the suggestions mentioned. 1 also 
wish to express my gratitude to Mrs. Blomberg for the 
spectographic analysis referred to. I give here an English 
version of Mrs. Blomberg’s report of this analysis. 

“The analysis was carried out on samples of metal inlay 
on the door of the hut urn. The following spectra lines 
were measured on the plate: 

2354 Sn 2663 Pb 

2706 Sn 2666 Cu 

2840 Sn 3247 Cu 

2863 Sn 3273 Cu 

3175 Sn 
3262 Sn 

It is thus seen that the metal inlays mainly consist of tin. 
The amount of copper is not sufficiently large to raise the 
melting temperature of the metal appreciably above 300° 
C (the melting point of tin), whence it must be assumed 
that the metal was applied to the vessel after the firing. 
The pattern was perhaps marked on the clay before the 
firing with incisions in which the tin was subsequently 
laid. As shown by micro-photographs, the metal was 
applied in the form of bands folded into angles to obtain 
the decoration.” 

For vases and hut urns with decoration executed by 
means of tin or lead lamellae, and for the methods used 
for the application of such lamellae, generally with some 
resinous glue, cf. Berta Stjernquist, Ornamentation 
mdtallique sur vases d’argile, in Meddelanden fr&n Lunds 
universitets historiska museum, 1958, pp. 107 ff., and 
La decorazione me tallica delle ceramiche villanoviane, 
in CiviltA del ferro (Bologna 1960), pp. 431 ff. 

* The decoration of Italic Iron Age clay hut urns with 
bronze ornaments is probably a feature taken over from 
hut urns of bronze like those referred to in note 2. Any- 
how, such ornaments are rare and generally consist of 
miniature garlands or pendants hanging from the eaves, 


more interesting is the unparalleled feature of its 
having no bottom. The lower edge of its wall is 
largely covered by a white calcareous matter re- 
sembling fine mortar, traces of which are also 
left on the inside of the wall below, on and above 
the socle on its outside and, as already mention- 
ed, on the lower part of the door-slab. This 
calcareous matter has been examined by Mrs. 
Blomberg and Dr. Vessberg, who share the 
opinion expressed by Miss Close-Brooks that it 
is of the same nature as the deposit often seen 
on Villanova ossuaries, which probably comes 
from the tufa ground upon which the vessels 
were placed. In spite of this deposit it can be 
clearly seen that the wall has no traces of breaks 


or of small nails fixed along the edges of the eaves and/or 
in the clay plugs used to close the vent-holes; cf. I. Falchl, 
Vetulonia e la sua necropoli antichissima, pp. 55 ff., Tav. 
IV :4 and 10; Sundwall, op.cit., Vetulonia, Nos. 3, 30, 
35—37, Tarquinia, Nos. 4 and 6; Bryan, op.cit.. Nos. 3Z 
44, 45, 53, Fig. 13; G. Q. Giqliou, op.cit., Tav. 111:1; D. 
Levi, in Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum, Italia, Fasc. VIII, 
Firenze, Fasc. I, Tav. 9:18, 10:19. 

There is no parallel, as far as I am aware, to the system 
of triplet perforations piercing roof and wall at equidistant 
points, as seen in our hut urn. A row of perforations along 
the edge of the eaves, on the other hand, is a common 
feature of a great number of hut urns from Vetulonia and 
is also met with in some hut urns from Latium; cf. 
Sundwall, op.cit., Vetulonia, Nos. 1-4, 6—7, 11, 13, 
16, 25, 27, 30, 36—39, Albanergebirge, Nos. 3, 4, 10, 13; 
Gierow, op.cit., 11:1, Figs. 12:1, 43:1, 190, 198:3, 200:6, 
Three hut urns from Vetulonia present the peculiar feature 
of having, among the small perforations of the eaves, 
some larger holes, equidistant and corresponding with 
similar holes in the socle; cf. I. Falchi, op.cit., p. 49, 
Tav. Ill :9, pp. 77 ff.; Sundwall, op.cit., pp. 9 ff., Vetu- 
lonia, Nos. 13, 16, 25; Bryan, op.cit., No. 39; D. Levl 
op.cit., Tav. 6:23, 7:28, 9:18, 12:9 and 11. These larger 
holes were probably made to receive pins representing 
wooden props supporting the eaves in real Iron Age huts, 
in the manner illustrated by African huts of today; cf., 
for instance, those of a Gwemba Tonga village in North- 
ern Rhodesia, reproduced in The Illustrated London 
News, June 20, 1964, p. 988, Fig. 1 . In this connexion must 
also be mentioned a well-known hut urn from Carapc 
Fattore, Marino, with two detached pillars of clay sup- 
porting the eaves on either side of the door; cf. Sundwall. 
op.cit., Albanergebirge, No. 7; Pugusi, op.cit.. Fig. 24; 
Gierow, op.cit., 11:1, pp. 117 f.. Figs. 60-61:1. 

Hut urns with geometric decoration, incised,or executed 
with tin lamellae, are frequent among those found at 
Vetulonia, Tarquinia, and Bisenzio, less frequent among 
those from Latium; cf. Sundwall, op.cit., Vetulonia, Nos. 
7, 11, 13, 16, 17, 19, 25, 27, 30, 31,35— 37, Tarquinia, Nos. 
2—7, Visentium, Nos. 1 —3, 13, Albanergebirge, Nos. I, 


34 


Digitized by LjOOQle 



or secondary cutting along its lower edge on the 
inside, but is finished off smoothly, thus showing 
that the urn was really made without a bottom 4 . 
It can also be seen, when studying the urn from 
below, that the inside of the roof is blackened 
as if by a smoking fire. 

For the explanation of these facts we have to 
rely on what may be inferred from the facts 
themselves, since no information is available as 
to the grave in which the urn was found. In my 
opinion, the only possible explanation is the 
following one. Just as the lid of Italic Iron Age 
ash urns of ordinary shape was sometimes made 
in the form of a hut roof*, symbolizing that the 


7, 10, 12, Rom, Nos. 4, 6; Gjerstad, op.cit., II, Figs. 
105:2, 226:1; Gierow, op.cit., 11:1, Figs. 44:2, 61:1, 198:3. 

A hut urn discussed by S. M. Puousi, in Bull. Paletn. 
Ital., 8, 1953, pp. 32 ff., and by the present author in Rend. 
Pont. Accad. Rom. di Arch., 32, 1959 —60, pp. 57 f., 
Fig. 23, is peculiar in having a very high-pitched roof with 
perforated eaves, a coarsely modelled human figure placed 
on the roof above the door, and notched ridge-logs reach- 
ing the edge of the eaves and terminating above the ridge 
in almost horizontal projections, with two additional 
pairs of similar projections placed directly on the ridge; 
in each projection of the four front pairs is a hole perhaps 
for some bronze ornament now lost. This urn is of un- 
known provenance and has been thought to come from 
Latium; but its pot-shaped body without a socle, its un- 
framed door-opening, and the fastening of its door-slab 
with bronze rings, instead of the usual bolting pin, suggest 
that it may have been found at Bisenzio, where hut urns 
with similar features have been discovered; cf. Sundwall, 
op.cit., pp. 25 ff., Visentium, Nos. 1 — 13; Bryan, op.cit., 
Nos. 57-65, Figs. 17-21 a-b. 

4 I know of no other Italic hut urn made without a 
bottom. A hut urn from Montecucco in the Museo Gre- 
goriano of the Vatican, described by G. Pinza, Materiali 
per la etnologia antica toscano-laziale, p. 55, Fig. 38, Tav. 
VI :3; Sundwall, op.cit., p. 39, Albanergebirge, No. 8; 
Gierow, op.cit., 11:1, pp. 348 f.. Fig. 208:1, is said to have 
served as a cover (“soil als Deckel gedient haben”) but is, 
anyhow, provided with a regular bottom. 

4 Cf. the list given by Bryan, op.cit., pp. 193 ff., Nos. 
1—15, 20; Gjerstad, op.cit., II, Figs. 42:2-3, 236:2-3; 
Gierow, op.cit., 11:1, Figs. 19:2-3, 27:2-3, 33:17-20, 
46:35, 58:8, 181:36-37, 194:24, 203:54, 206:27-28. Of 
especial interest is a jar from Castel Gandolfo with a 
framed rectangular side opening like the door of a hut urn 
and a hut-roof lid made in one piece with the vase; cf. 
Gierow, op.cit., 11:1, Fig. 201:14. Another interesting 
hybrid form is represented by a number of ossuary lids 
in the form of a helmet crowned by a small imitation hut 
roof instead of the usual knob; cf. Bryan, op.cit., pp. 
197 ff.. Nos. 16—19, 21—23; Vighi, op.cit., Tav. 3; 
Moretti, op.cit., pp. 26 f., Fig. 16. 


urn was the house of the dead, so here, exceptio- 
nally, the whole hut urn was made, bottomless, 
to be used as a cover over a pit in the living rock, 
containing the burnt remains of a body. These 
remains were evidently still smouldering when 
the urn was put in its place. Since the urn is 
remarkably well preserved, it was probably pro- 
tected by a stone slab covering the pozzo or per- 
haps by some stone construction like the small 
tholos in which was discovered a well-known 
hut urn from Velletri*. 

As already stated, the purchasing museum has 
no information as to the place where the urn was 
discovered, and there is reason to suppose that 
the discovery has been purposely kept a com- 
plete secret. The urn, however, is clearly shown 
to come from Etruria by such details as the 
large and fanciful projections of the ridge-logs, 
the large round vent-holes, and the fastening of 
the door-slab by passing the bolting pin through 
perforations made in the door-frame and in a 
projection on the inside of the slab, for these 
features are mostly found, separately or together, 
in hut urns from Etruria 7 , whereas in the hut 
urns from Latium, which are earlier than the 
great majority of those found in Etruria, the 
projections of the ridge-logs are generally short 
or non-existent, the vent-holes non-existent or 
indicated by a curved or triangular hood, and 
the door-slab usually fastened with a pin passed 
through two perforated projections on the door- 
posts and another on the outside of the slab 8 . It is 
even possible to ascribe the urn to a definite site 
in Etruria, in view of the fact that, except for 
its lack of a bottom, its bronze ornaments, and 

• Cf. F. Barnabei, in Not. scavi, 1893, pp. 198 ff.. 
Fig. 1. 

7 Cf. the hut urns from Vetulonia, Tarquinia, Bisenzio 
and Vulci already referred to, some of which are also 
illustrated in Bryan, op.cit.. Figs. 6-7, 11—14, 18—21 
a— b, and in addition another hut urn from Vulci repro- 
duced in Moretti, op.cit., Fig. 20. 

8 This is true of almost every hut urn described in the 
works of Gjerstad and Gierow quoted above. It also 
applies to the hut urn from the territory of Rieti published 
by D. Brusadin, in Bull. Paletn. Ital., 65, 1956, pp. 449 ff., 
Fig. 2. 


35 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Fig. 4. Micro-photograph of the decoration of the hut urn 
MM 1964:20. Enlargement to ca. 7 times the size. 


Fig. 5. Hut urn from Vulci in the 
Museo di Villa Giulia , Rome. Photo 
Soprintendenza alle Antichit a dell ’ 
Etruria Meridionale. 



36 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



its many perforations, it presents so great a simi- 
larity to a hut urn from Vulci in the Museo di 
Villa Giulia in Rome (Fig. 5)® that it may be 
reasonably supposed to come from the same 
Etruscan city and even from the same workshop 
as this other urn. 

The Swedish museum is to be congratulated on 
having been able to acquire— once it had been 

• Vighi, op.cit., Tav. 4; Bartoccini, op.cit., p. 5, Tav. 
II, Fig. 1; Moretti, op.cit.. Fig. 22; A. BoEthius, The 
Etruscan Centuries in Italy, in Etruscan Culture, Land 
and People, p. 24, Fig. 21. This hut urn has unperforated 
eaves, semielliptical end-pieces to the ridge with round 
vent-holes and perforated edges, a well-preserved geo- 
metric decoration probably executed with tin or lead la- 
mellae, and striped ridge-log projections without bronze 
caps; each of the two ultimate projections at the back 
is perforated with a round hole near its top. The bott- 
om of the urn projects as a small platform in front of 


brought to light and into the antiquarian market 
outside Italy— this exceptionally interesting Iron 
Age hut urn. But at the same time there is every 
reason to deplore that it has been unearthed by 
clandestine diggers in a manner that has deprived 
us of all knowledge of the form and funeral fur- 
niture of the grave in which it was once deposit- 
ed. 

the door-sill, but there is no socle. The door-slab was 
fastened, as in the um of the Stockholm museum, with a pin 
passed through a hole in the wall behind the right-hand 
door-post and then through a perforated projection on 
the inside of the slab, there being no corresponding hole 
behind the left-hand door-post. The same system of fasten- 
ing the door-slab is to be observed in the vulcentine hut 
um referred to in note 2 (b). Both these ums were disco- 
vered clandestinely in the Cavalupo necropolis, “particu- 
larmente presa di mira dai nuovi saccheggiatori” (Bar- 
toccini, loc.cit.). 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


37 



An Italic Iron Age Belt Plate 


ARVID ANDRfiN 


The bronze plate reproduced in Fig. 1 was pre- 
sented to the Museum of Mediterranean and 
Near Eastern Antiquities in Stockholm by the 
present author, who had received it from Signor 
M. Barsanti in Rome, in return for some archaelo- 
gical publications. The plate (Inv. No. MM 
1964:21) consists of a sheet of bronze, perfectly 
circular (diam., 18.2 cm., thickness, 0.1 cm.) 
and slightly convex-concave in the middle. The 
convex side of the plate is decorated with a 
stamped and incised geometric design. In the 
middle is a five-poidted star outlined with double 
rows of stamped dots, around a central motif of 
incised concentric circles; the spaces between the 
five points are filled with angles made with a 
fine-toothed tool. The star is surrounded by 
three concentric zones, each composed of a 
zigzag band executed with a triangular stamp 
and bordered on either side by a band of con- 
centric incised lines; the zones are separated 
from each other and from the central ornament 
by concentric rows of stamped dots. The design 
is further enriched by a number of small knobs 
made by driving a blunt tool against the un- 
decorated concave side of the plate, five knobs 
being placed in the angles between the points of 
the star, and four knobs in each of the concentric 
zigzag bands. 


The plate is perforated by ten round holes 
placed two by two in the outer zigzag band, four 
pairs of holes at one side of the plate, with inter- 
stices of 2.0, 2.5, and 3.5 cm. between the pairs, 
and the fifth pair at the opposite side of the plate. 
At the side perforated by the close-set pairs of 
holes a piece of the plate has been broken off 
and reattached in antiquity, probably with wires 
(now lost) fastened in two other pairs of holes 
bored through the edge of the plate at the ends 
of the severed piece, one hole on either side of 
the break; the fourth hole was in a small frag- 
ment now missing. 

The form, size and decoration of the plate, 
and the original set of perforations, denote that 
we have to do with a piece of armour of a kind 
known to us through the furniture of early in- 
humation tombs discovered in the territories 
once inhabited by the ancient Umbri, Sabini, 
Picentes, Vestini, Aequi, Marsi, Paeligni, and 
Samnites; the chief find-places are at Perugia, 
Bevagna, Norcia, and Chieti, at Rapagnano, 
Belmonte Piceno, and Numana, in the region of 
Aquila and in that of Alba Fucense, at Alfedena, 
and in the Basilicata 1 . Sporadic examples have 


1 Cf. M. Guardabassi, in Not. scavi, 1880, pp. 20 if., 


38 


Digitized by Google 



Fig. 1. Bronze plate. MM 1964:21. 



also come to light at Palestrina 2 , Capena*, 
Cerveteri 4 , Tolfa-Allumiere 4 , Vetulonia 4 , and 
Pisa (?) 7 . Three plates, once in the possession of 
the elder Signor Barsanti in Rome 8 , are so like 
the one described here that all four of them may 
be considered to come from the same site, which 
is, however, unknown. 


Tav. II: 8—10, 17—19; F. Raffaelu, in Not. scavi, 1881, 
pp. 164 f., with Fig.; A. De Nino, in Not. scavi, 1885, pp. 
658 f; A. Furtwangler, in Arch. Anz., 1893, pp. 88 f.. 
No. 14; L. Pigorini, in Not. scavi, 1895, pp. 255 ff., Figs. 
5—9; L. Mariani, Aufidena, in Mon. Ant., 10, 1901, pp. 
348 ff., Tav. XIII; I. Dall*Osso, Guida illustrata del 
Museo di Ancona (1915), Figs, on pp. 113, 116, 118, 121, 
and 138; G. Pinza, Materiali per la etnologia antica 
toscano-laziale, I (1915), pp. 147 ff.; V. Dumitrescu, 
L’eti del ferro nel Piceno (Bucarest 1929), pp. 44 ff., Fig. 
6; P. Marconi, La cultura orientalizzante nel Piceno, in 
Mon. Ant., 35, 1933, pp. 358 ff., Tav. XXII; G. Moretti, 
11 guerriero italico di Capestrano (1936), Tav. VI:1, 2, 5, 


Among the plates thus discovered, one earlier 
and one later type may be clearly distinguished. 
The plates of the earlier. Iron Age, type consist, 
like our specimen, of a circular bronze sheet 
worked into a convex-concave shape and deco- 
rated with stamped and incised or open-work 
geometric patterns arranged in concentric zones 


6; U. Tarchi, L’arte etrusco-romana nell’ Umbria e nella 
Sabina (1936), Tav. CIV. 

*G. Pinza, op.cit., p. 150, Tav. 3. 

* R. Paribeni, Necropoli del territorio capenate, in 
Mon. Ant., 16, 1906, pp. 410 ff., Tav II. 

4 W. Helbig, Das homerisehe Epos aus den Denkm&- 
lem erlautet (2. Aufl., 1887), pp. 319 f., Fig. 122; L’6pop6e 
hom&ique (1894), p. 409, Fig. 148. 

* G. A. Colini, in Bull. Paletn. Ital., 35, 1910, p. 178, 
Tav. XIV :4. 

* I. Falchi, in Not. scavi, 1900, pp. 479 f., Fig. 11. 

7 P. Marconi, op.cit., pp. 359 ff.. Fig. 32. 

* G. Pinza, op.cit., p. 150, Tav. 4. 


39 


Digitized by UiOOQle 


around a central geometric motif. These plates 
are generally, but not always, provided with 
holes like those seen in our specimen, three, four, 
or five holes, or pairs of holes, being placed 


Fig. 2. The warrior of Capestrano. Museo Naziortale , 
Chieli. Photo Anderson. 



40 


along the edge of the disc on one side, and 
another hole, or pair of holes, on the opposite 
side. The holes were made to hold nails with 
large, knob-like heads, partly preserved in some 
plates; the nails were held in place by having 
their ends turned into a small loop at the back 
of the plate. The plates were often found in pairs 
of one larger and another smaller specimen, the 
latter decorated like the larger one, but with one 
single hole or nail in the centre. There are also a 
few plates in which the zones of geometric orna- 
ment include a zone of phantastic animals or 
other orientalizing designs executed in the same 
manner as the geometric ornamentation. 

In the plates of the later type, ascribable to 
the period of orientalizing art, animals of the 
same phantastic shape return as a dominating 
ornament, enlarged and executed in relief, within 
a row of knobs ranged along the periphery of the 
plate. There are also undecorated plates border- 
ed by a similar row of knobs, or by a plain raised 
edge. All these plates, plain or decorated with 
reliefs, were generally strengthened by an iron 
ring and leather covering at the back, and were 
also provided with ornamental bronze straps 
fastened to diametrically opposite points of 
their periphery, uniting one plate to another 
similar one. The later development of this type 
of plate is illustrated by two plates from Rapa- 
gnano, decorated within a raised border with 
figured scenes in relief representing warriors in 
combat and executed in a style attesting influence 
from archaic Greek art of the early fifth century 
B.C.* On the borders of these plates are pairs or 
triplets of nail-heads, placed not at diametrically 
opposite points, but at the ends of radii drawn 
at right angles. 

The perforations, nail-heads, and straps re- 
gularly appearing on and with the plates make 
it evident that these plates were not used as 
phalerae, shield-buckles, or lids for situlae, as 


• I. Dall’Osso, op.cit.. Figs, on pp. 113 and 116; R. 
Mac Iver, The Iron Age in Italy, PL 29. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


some earlier scholars thought 10 , but were parts 
of belts worn— as was clearly shown by a tomb 
at Alfedena 11 — over the right shoulder, so that 
one plate covered part of the chest and the other 
plate, which was sometimes smaller, was at the 
back of the warrior. 

The best illustration of how these belt plates 
were worn is however given by the famous 
Warrior of Capestrano (Fig. 2), although some 
details were not made quite clear by the sculptor 
who carved this remarkable statue 12 . The two 
plates, covering parts of the sword-belt, are con- 
nected by a broad strap passed over the right 
shoulder and fastened to either plate with a 
rectangular piece of metal nailed on to plate 
and strap. On the front plate, at a point on the 
periphery opposite to where the shoulder strap 
is fastened, is a loop from which issues a smaller 
strap passed under the left arm; at the back of 
the statue, however, there are two similar straps 
brought up from under the left arm and seeming- 
ly connected with the sword-belt, though one of 
them at least ought to be attached to a correspond- 
ing loop on the back plate. Another strap issues 
from the edge of the back plate without any visible 
attachment to it and passes under the right arm 
but does not reappear on the front of the statue. 

In spite of these inconsistencies, the Cape- 


10 Cf. G. Pinza, op.cit., p. 147 and notes 2—4, p. 148 
and notes 3—4. The plate from Cerveteri described by 
W. Helbig, op.cit., is said to have preserved at the peri- 
phery “Fragmente der umgebenden bronzenen Schild- 
flSche”. The plate, however, presents the regular perfora- 
tions of three + one hole and was thus apparently made 
as a belt plate. A row of smaller holes round its periphery 
and the fragments spoken of by Helbig suggest, however, 
that it may have been reused as a shield buckle. 

11 L. Mariani, op.cit., p. 300, Fig. 44; G. Pinza, op.cit., 
p. 151, Fig. 98; G Moretti, op.cit., Tav. V:7. 

12 In addition to the figures and plates of G. Moretti’ s 
fundamental publication of the Warrior, already cited, cf. 
especially A. BoEthius, Livy 8, 10, 12 and the Warrior 
Image from Capestrano, in Eranos, 54, 1956, pp. 202— 
210, with a drawing of the Warrior’s equipment reproduc- 
ed in Fig. 2. Cf. also G. Cressedi, in Enciclopedia del- 
Parte antica, II, pp. 320 f., with bibliography. 


strano Warrior confirms what may be deduced 
from the holes and nail-heads of the actual plates, 
namely that there were necessarily, in addition 
to the belt straps carrying the plates, some other 
strap or straps fastened to the periphery of one 
plate at various points and then passed round 
the body to be connected with the other plate, 
or perhaps with the sword-belt, all in order to 
keep the plates securely in position, which must 
have been of vital importance should they really 
protect the heart. Even so, the two belt plates 
were of course a very primitive and insufficient 
means of protecting. An improvement may have 
been accomplished by simply putting on a second 
plate belt across the first one and a third plate 
belt around the waist, so that heart and lungs 
were covered by two breast plates and the dia- 
phragm above the mitra by the third plate. The 
two or three plates thus arranged were probably 
connected permanently, in a second stage of de- 
velopment, at the points where they touched each 
other, as is suggested by certain tomb and vase 
paintings 18 . Finally, the three plates were merged 
into one triangular breast-plate of the Samnitic 
type known through tomb and vase paintings 14 , 
bronze statuettes 15 , and several well-preserved 
examples found in tombs e.g. at Sulmona 14 , 
Alfedena 17 , Ruvo 18 , and Paestum 10 . 


18 Cf. F. Weeqe, Oskische Grabmalerei, in Jahrbuch 
des Deutschen Arch. Inst., 24, 1909, pp. 99 ff., Fig. 9; 
A. D. Trendall, Paestan Pottery (1936), Pis. XXXI b, 
XXXIII c. 

14 Cf. E. Petersen, in R6m. Mitt., 11, 1896, pp. 265 ff., 
with Fig. on p. 267; F. Weege, op.cit.. Fig. 13. 

18 Cf. especially the bronze statuette of a Samnite war- 
rior in the Louvre, described by A. De Ridder, Bronzes 
antiques du Louvre, No. 124, Fig. 9; P. Ducati, L’ltalia 
antica, Plate facing p. 256; Enciclopedia dell’arte antica, 
IV, p. 266, Fig. 314. 

18 G. Moretti, op.cit., Fig. 8. 

17 L. Mariani, op.cit., pp. 358 f.. Fig. 78. 

18 E. Petersen, in Rdm. Mitt., 12, 1897, pp. 112 ff., 
123 f.. Fig. 1: 6; F. Weege, op.cit., Figs. 21 -22. 

19 P. C. Sestieri, in Not. scavi, 1957, pp. 174 f., 
Fig. 3. 


41 


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Vaso d’ impasto a decorazione graffita 
con teoria di animali fantastici 1 


ANNA MURA 


II vaso chc presento in questo articolo b stato 
acquistato recentemente da S. M. il Re Gustavo 
Adolfo di Svezia, prcsso un antiquario romano, 
cd b attualmente conservato ncl Medelhavs- 
museet Stockholm (MM 1964:6). Si tratta di 
un’olla di piccole dimensioni (alt. m. 0,25; diam. 
mass. m. 0,254; imboccatura diam. m. 0,152; 
base diam. m. 0,8), di argilla non depurata, 
lavorata a tomio e con la superficie omata a 
graffito e lucidata a stecca. II vaso, restaurato 
da numerosi frammenti e mancante di parti, 
ha corpo globulare, piccolo piede a listello, collo 
dlindrico con imboccatura svasata e scanalata 
all’interno (figg. 1 e 3). 

La decorazione graffita, delimitata da due 
linee parallele, ricopre tutta la superficie del vaso 
a partire dalla spalla. Su di essa, infatti, b una 
fila di doppi archetti intrecciati, sul ventre una 
teoria di animali fantastici gradienti verso destra, 
formata da due figure feline e due equine (fig. 2 a, b). 
Le figure sono caratterizzate da corpi molto 
allungati e arcuati, nei quali l’impalcatura delle 
costole b espressa con un motivo di gruppi di 
linee oblique e convergenti. I felini hanno fauci 
spalancate, zampe terminanti con artigli, criniera 
segnata da un motivo a squame. I cavalli hanno 
sul petto un motivo a croce uncinata. Tutte le 
figure presentano sul dorso una protome caprina 

42 


e sotto il ventre singole o doppie volute campite 
da linee verticali, interrotte da un gruppo di linee 
orizzontali. 

Questo vaso si inserisce chiaramente, per la 
tecnica di esecuzione, per la tipologia, per i carat- 
teri stilistici, in quella produzione di ceramica 
d’impasto con superficie lucidata a stecca e deco- 
razione graffita con motivi di repertorio ”orien- 
talizzante”, tipica del territorio capenate* nella 
seconda metA del VII secolo a.C. 

Qualche esemplare simile non manca tuttavia 
nelle contemporanee necropoli del territorio 
falisco*. 

Il centro primario del territorio capenate, 
Capena, b stato localizzato da recenti studi sulla 
collina di Civitucola, che sorge a breve distanza 


1 Ringrazio vivamente i proff. O. Vessberg e A. Boe- 
thius per avermi affidato la pubblicazione di questo vaso. 
Un ringraziamento particolare desidero esprimere al prof. 
M. Pallottino, per i suggerimenti datimi nel corso del 
mio lavoro. 

* Questo territorio, confinante con i Falisci a N, i 
Sabini ad E, i Latini a S, gli Etruschi ad O, comprendeva 
quella parte del modemo Lazio, racchiusa tra lo sbocco 
del Gramiccia nel Tevere a S, la via Flaminia ad occidente, 
il Tevere ad oriente. 

* Cfr. H. Holland, The Faliscans in Prehistoric Times, 
Pap. Mon. Am. Ac. Rome, V, 1925, p. 83 ss.; F. Barna- 
bei, Dei fittili scoperti nella necropoli di Narce, MALinc 
IV, 1894, p. 165 ss. 


Digitized by LjOOQle 



Fig. 1. Vaso d y impost o del territorio 
capenate. MM 1964:6. 


Fig. 2 a. MM 1964:6. La decorazione. Disegno di B. Mill- 
berg. 




Fig. 4. Da G.D.B. Jones , BSR XXXI , 7av. XLIII. 


dalla moderna Capena, sulla riva destra del 
Tevere, al centro della linea che unisce il 33° km. 
della via Flaminia al 23° della via Tiberina 4 
(fig. 4). 

4 Per la identificazione del sito dell’antica Capena, si 

v eda G. Mancint, NSc 1953, p. 18 ss. Per un piii completo 

studio topografico di Capena e del territorio capenate cfr. 

G. D. B. Jones, Capena and the Ager Capenas, BSR 

XXX, 1962, pp. 116-207; XXXI, 1963, pp. 100-158. 


Scavi sistematici eseguiti neirarea della cittA e 
nelle sue necropoli: ”Le Saliere”, ”Le Macchie”, 
’’Monte Comazzano”, ”S. Martino”, hanno por- 
tato alia scoperta di piu di cinquecento tombe, 
di cui pubblicata soltanto una parte 5 * . Lo studio 
dei materiali rinvenuti in queste tombe ci permette 
di seguire lo sviluppo culturale di questo centro 
italico dalla prima eti del ferro al II secolo a.C. € 
e di aprire uno spiragglio sui suoi rapporti com- 
merciali con i centri finitimi 7 . 

La massima espansione e floridezza Capena 
dovette raggiungere nel corso del VII secolo, 
quando in Etruria era nel pieno Bore la cultura 
’’orientalizzante” 8 . Nel corso del VII secolo 
Capena sviluppa, infatti, una produzione artigia- 
nale su larga scala di ceramica d’impasto caratte- 
rizzata da una decorazione graflita, excisa o 
dipinta con motivi di repertorio geometrico od 
orientalizzante. Di produzione capenate sono 
forse da ritenersi inoltre le numerose placche 
rettangolari di lamina di bronzo con pallottole 
riportate, appartenenti a cinturoni, rinvenute in 
tombe dello stesso periodo*. 

La produzione dei vasi d’impasto e caratteriz- 


8 R. Paribeni, NSc 1905, pp. 301-362; Id., Necro- 
poli del territorio capenate, MALinc XVI, 1906, pp. 
277 -240; E. Stefani, BPI XXXVIII, 1913, p. 147 ss.; 
Id., Capena. Ricerche archeologiche nella contrada ”Le 
Saliere”, MALinc XLIV, 1958, pp. 1-204; G. Bendi- 
nelli, NSc 1922, pp. 110—147. Lo studio complessivo 
dei risultati di queste campagne di scavo e la pubblica- 
zione del materiale inedito, 6 oggetto di un mio lavoro 
di prossima pubblicazione cui si rimanda per piu ampie 
notizie. Brevi notizie di carattere genera le su Capena e 
sulla suppellettile proveniente dalle sue necropoli 6 in 
A. Della Seta, II Museo di Villa Giulia, Roma 1918, 
pp. 321-355. 

• A questo periodo si riferisce, infatti, l’iscrizione di 
un’anfora vinaria col nome di L. Anicio, uno dei consoli 
del 160 a.C., rinvenuta in una tomba della fase piu 
tarda, cfr. E. Stefani, MALinc cit., p. 177 ss. 

7 Per i rapporti commerciali di Capena con i centri 
finitimi e per le possibili vie di comunicazione cfr. G. Co- 
lonna, Placche arcaiche da cinturone di produzione 
capenate, AC X, 1958, pp. 76—78; R. Paribeni, MALinc 
cit., pp. 488—90. 

8 Sulla cultura ’’orientalizzante” e sulla sua diffusione 
in Etruria, si veda M. Pallottino in EUA X, 1964, s.v. 
’’Orientalizzante”, pp. 223—237. 

9 Per lo studio di queste placche da cinturone e per la 
loro attribuzione a produzione capenate, si rimanda al 
citato studio di G. Colonna, p. 69 ss. 


45 


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Digitized by ^jOOQle 



zata dall’introduzione di forme nuove, accanto 
al lento trasformarsi di forme locali. II repertorio 
tipologico comprende: l’olla, il sostegno, il kan- 
tharos, l’oinochoe, lo skyphos, i piatti su piede, 
i calici. 

L’attento esame della tipologia delle forme, 
della tecnica di esecuzione e dei motivi decora- 
tivi, ci permette di distinguere questi vasi in due 
gruppi, che rappresentano due periodi succes- 
sivi di una stessa produzione. Il gruppo pifi 
antico b caratterizzato da una decorazione incisa 
o dipinta con motivi di repertorio geometrico, 
il gruppo piu recente da una decorazione graffita 


o excisa 10 o dipinta, con motivi di repertorio 
’’orientalizzante”. 

Il repertorio capenate della fase ’’orientaliz- 
zante”, alia quale va riferita l’olla in esame com- 
prende: il cavallo, il felino, il grifo, il capride. 

Il cavallo ricorre molto spesso su olle e so- 
stegni, in teorie di tre o quattro figure gradienti 
verso destra (figg. 5 e 6) o in schema araldico di 
due figure affrontate, separate da un motivo 
vegetale. 

10 La decorazione graffita era eseguita mediante punta 
metallica, dopo una prima essiccazione del vaso, e veniva 
riempita da una pasta bianca colorata in rosso. Nella 
decorazione excisa si procedeva dapprima a segnare con 
una punta il contomo della figura e si asportava quindi, 
a crudo, uno strato d’argilla alTintemo di essa. 


Fig. 8. Museo di Villa Giulia. Fig. 9. Museo di Villa Giulia. 



La figura felina b reppresentata gradiente, con 
fauci spalancate e zampe terminanti con artigli, 
generalmente alata. Frcquentc b anche il tipo 
reppresentato nell’atto di divorare una gamba 
umana 11 . II felino compare comunemente in 
teorie di tre o quattro animali gradienti verso 
destra su olle, sostegni, coperchi; piu raramente 
lo troviamo, isolato, sui lati dei kantharoi. 

La presenza di un’elegante coppa di bronzo 
sbalzato, decorata da una teoria di felini alati, 
rinvenuta in una fossa con loculo della prima 
met£ del VII secolo 18 e che ritengo di produzione 
orientale 18 pud indicarci il modo in cui i motivi 
del repertorio ’’orientalizzante” sono giunti a 
Capena e vi sono stati, successivamente, imitati. 

Ma piu che da qualche raro prodotto di diretta 
importazione orientale, i motivi del repertorio 
orientalizzante capenate dovettero derivare dalle 
imitazioni che di tali prodotti si fecero ben presto 
nei centri delFEtruria meridionale costiera. 

Gli imbastarditi motivi del repertorio orienta- 


11 Per questo motivo, largamente diffuso nella produ- 
zione etrusca della ceramica dipinta, nel bucchero, nel 
bronzo sbalzato e negli avori, cfr. S. Ferri, Tiriolo, NSc 
1927, p. 353; J. Szilagyi, Italo-Corinthiaca, StEtr XXVI, 
1958, p. 266 ss. 

18 La coppa, attualmente al Museo Pigorini in Roma 
(inv.n. 74446), d stata pubblicata per la prima volta da 
R. Paribeni, in MALinc cit., p. 418 ss., tav. I. 

18 Questa coppa, che costituisce un unicum nella 
suppellettile delle tombe capenati, 6 tra i pezzi piu belli 
della bronzistica orientalizzante in Italia. Piu volte stu- 
diata e riprodotta, & stata recentemente ripresa in esame 
da W. Llewellin Brown, The Etruscan Lion, Oxford, 
1960, p. 9 ss. Questi non avendola vista direttamente, 
la dice in pessimo stato di conservazione, eseguita con 
tecnica non accurata e di probabile fabbricazione etrusca. 
Un attento studio di questo bronzo, che £ in buono stato 
di conservazione ed eseguito con tecnica accurata, mi ha 
fatto rilevare la grande affinity che esso presenta col 
sostegno Barberini (cfr. W. Llewellin Brown, op. cit., 
taw. V bl, b2) a cui deve ritenersi vicina per stile e data- 
zione. Al pari del sostegno, la cui fabbricazione orientale 
& stata piu volte affermata, la ritengo un prodotto di diretta 
importazione orientale. 


lizzante capenate sono, infatti, solo una lontana 
eco dei loro prototipi orientali; piu strette invece 
sono le analogic con i motivi decorativi dei 
bronzi e degli avori etruschi. 

Osservando l’olla del Medelhavsmuseet, ap- 
pare chiaro che il figulo che ne curb il graffito 
interpretb a suo modo i motivi del repertorio 
orientalizzante, complicando le figure con de- 
menti decorativi che le dissolvono in un puro 
schema ornamentale. Particolarmente interes- 
sante b la protome caprina con cui termina Tala 
sul dorso dell’animale. Analogo motivo si ritrova 
su un kantharos della necropoli di S. Martino 14 
(fig. 7). 

L’olla presa in esame, simile a molte altre 
delle necropoli capenati doveva, al pari di queste, 
poggiare su un alto supporto, pure d’impasto e 
con decorazione analoga, formato da un'alta 
base troncoconica a pareti concave e da un catino 
di forma emisferica, uniti da un elemento globu- 
lare di raccordo (figg. 8 e 9). 

Completavano la suppellettile delle tombe 
capenati, riferibili al periodo cui appartiene il 
vaso suddetto: vasi di bucchero sottile, di argilla 
figulina italoprotocorinzia e italocorinzia, in pre- 
valenza aryballoi. 

Elementi di datazione per questa produzione di 
ceramica d’impasto, ci sono offerti da uno studio 
tipologico e stilistico, convalidato dai pochi dati 
offerti dalla ceramica d’argilla figulina importata, 
che inducono a datare questa produzione nella 
seconda metk del VII secolo a.C. 

Entro questi limiti cronologici va posta Folia 
del Medelhavsmuseet e la tomba della cui sup- 
pellettile faceva parte. 

14 II vaso si trova, al pari degli altri ri prodotti per con- 
fronto in questo articolo, nel Museo di Villa Giulia a 
Roma (inv. n. 29194, t. CX1V). 


48 


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A Horseman from Asia Minor 


Ake AkerstrOm 


Last year, on two different occasions, there were 
sold at Sotheby’s in London a number of archi- 
tectural terracottas 1 * * , comprising sima-tiles, re- 
vetment plaques with a flange at the top 1 , both 
with swastikas or a meander pattern, semicircu- 
lar palmette antefixes and finally a series of a 
combined lateral sima— geison revetment, de- 
corated with a horseman and a griffin. One fairly 
complete horseman tile together with a more 
fragmentary one were acquired by the Museum 
of Mediterranean Antiquities, Stockholm. These 
are the pieces I shall deal with here*. 

As is well known, the fashion of protecting 
and decorating a building with terracotta was 
widely spread in the Greek and Italic world. 
The invention is to be ascribed to Corinth, 
whose manufacture of terracotta revetments 
started in the second half of the 7th century. 
The idea was taken up in the West in Sicily, 

1 Sotheby, sale of 24th Feb. 1964, Cat., lots 50—64, and 
of 6th July 1964, Cat., lots 45—56. From a private collec- 
tion in Switzerland. 

* Sima for the raking cornice or, more probably, for 
the horizontal geison of the facade cf. Sotheby, sale of 
6th July, lot 52. Revetment tile with a flange at the top 
op. tit. lots 48—51. This is what I call “Schenkelplatte” 
in my monograph Die architektonischen Terrakotten 
KJeinasiens, 1965 (s.v. Gordion und Pazarli) and fig. 73:1. 

• 1 should like to thank Mr. Bror Mill berg of the Mu- 
seum of Mediterranean Antiquities, Stockholm, and Mr. 

J.E. Sjdberg for their help with the reconstruction Fig. 4. 


South Italy and Etruria/Latium, in the East in 
Asia Minor. The manufacture in these districts 
assumed a very individual character. The 6th 
century is the most brilliant period of architect- 
ural terracotta decoration in Greece itself, in the 
West and in the East 4 . 

Of the types mentioned above, the first three 
(sima-tiles, revetment plaques with a top flange 
and the antefixes) have been met with before as 
coming from Asia Minor, more precisely from 
the “Phrygian” district. The last-mentioned, the 
combined sima— geison revetment (with the 
horseman and griffin) will be reconstructed and 
examined below. This particular shape is a novel- 
ty, but understandable only as coming from the 
same general district. As far as I can see, all 
these types form parts of one and the same 
architectural terracotta decoration. 

1. Inv. MM 1964:17 (Fig. 1). Clay light brown, 
grey in the core owing to insufficient firing, 
with mica and an admixture of chamotte. 
The surface has been smoothed; it is covered 
with a rose-coloured slip. Paint in two matt 
colours, reddish-brown and black. 

The tile consists of two separate parts joined 
at right angle, a vertical revetment tile with 

4 Cf. my Archit. Terrakotten KJeinasiens, 1965. 


49 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


Fig. 1. Terracotta tile from Asia Minor. Medelhavsmuseet , MM 1964:17. 


two nail-holes (one of them preserved) and a 
horizontal part which is a plain sima-tile. 
Left half of the plaque well preserved. Part of 
the horizontal sima-tile with the left raised 
side edge. Below it a torus crowning the 
figured field. Right half largely restored in 
plaster. At the bottom a square edging. The 
figures represented are a horse and horseman, 
the latter in “tricots”, preceded by a winged 
griffon towards the right. Part of the horse’s 
head and breast, and the forelegs missing. 
Of the griffin the tail and part of the wing 
likewise missing. H. 35.3; L. 44.5 cm. Average 
thickness 3 cm. 


2. Inv. MM 1964:18 (Fig. 2). Clay and technique 
as no. 1. Left half of the vertical tile with 
horse and horseman. Lower part of the horse’s 
forelegs missing. Only traces of slip and 
colours left. H. 33; L. 24.5 cm. Thickness as 
no. 1. 

This type of terracotta is interesting. The ver- 
tical part with the nail-holes resembles the regu- 
lar “flange-tile” (“Schenkelplatte”), which is also 
represented in the present group of terracottas. 
But in this case the horizontal part is not a plain 
flange but an eaves tile, which has been made 
into a primitive sima. For, if we examine it more 
closely, it becomes clear that the side edge must 


50 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


have continued also along the front which is now 
missing (Fig. 3). Consequently, there must have 
been an outlet for water. Of the spout nothing is 
preserved, but naturally it had its place in the 
middle of the tile, where there is, in fact, a break. 
The spout itself must have been a plain one, just 
an outlet, certainly like the one we have from 
Neandria*. The latter has been used for our re- 
construction (Fig. 4). 

A combined sima— geison revetment is in it- 
self no novelty. There are two pretentious speci- 
mens from the Mainland, one from Corfu and 
another from Delphi*. Possibly there is also one 
from Asia Minor, viz. if I am right in my con- 
struction of some fragments from Sardis, which 
are in Princeton 1 * * * * * 7 * * . This one is fairly elaborate, 
too. But the plain, provincial type we have to 
deal with here, has not come to light earlier. 
So much for the type. 

The horse and horseman occupy the left half, 
or a little more than half, of the plaque. The 
horse is rearing as if it were starting a gentle 
gallop. It has a saddle-cloth, bridle and breast- 
strap; on the hindquarters a triskelion in paint. 
The rider holds the reins in his right hand, his 
left seems to be patting the neck and mane of the 
horse*. He is bearded, has long hair and a fore- 
lock. He wears a jacket with short sleeves; round 
the neck a border, at the lower end a border and 
fringe. He also wears shoes. The griffin is of 
heavy, muscular form. On the head of the griffin 
the usual “knob”; a spiral grows out from be- 
hind its ear. The wing is decorated with a cymatium. 

Colouring. Black: Outline of horse and rider; 

1 R. Koldewey, Neandria (51. Berl. Winckelmanns- 

progr., 1891), 46, fig. 66. The antefixes are here meant to 
rest on the front edge of the tile. They could also overhang 

the front and conceal the joint of the tiles. This depends 

on how the cover tile was attached to the antefix. In our 
case the antefix was overhanging (Fig. 4). 

• E.D. van Buren, Greek fict. rev., pi. XIX:62-63 and 

XXV:88 (the poor photograph does not do any justice to 
the piece). 

7 Cf. my Archit. Terrakotten Kleinasiens, fig. 24:1. 

* For some of these details cf. also Sotheby, sale of 6th 
July 1964, lots 45—47. Possibly the patting gesture of the 

left hand is a misunderstanding of the holding of the 

reins, as represented on “Clazomenian” vases; cf. CVA 

Gr. Brit. XIII, pi. 588:4 (and 6). 


hair and beard of rider; breast-strap, saddle- 
cloth, hoofs and ornament on the hindquarters 
of the horse; griffin, except head; horizontal 
bordering lines of torus and of lower square 
edging. Red: Jacket, ear, shoes of rider, horse, 
head of griffin, “leaves” of cymatium on the wing. 

Trousers of the rider in the rose of the slip. 
Alternating red and rose: Horse’s mane. Upper 
torus divided in alternating black, red and rose 
fields. Lower edging red and rose squares. 

Horses and griffins are often used to form an 
antithetic group in East Greek art. Such horses 
are known from the Caeretan hydriae (whose 
painter undoubtly is East Greek in origin)*. Anti- 
thetic horses of the same sort also occur on 
sima-tiles from Sardis 10 . The griffins are also 
always used for antithetic groups on East Greek 
lateral simas, e.g. in Sardis, in Lampsakos and on 
a third piece which I take for North Ionian 11 . 

In this case, however, the artist took one horse 
and one griffin to form a procession. The result 
is that whereas the horse fills its half of the figured 
field properly, a large empty space is left above 
the griffin. The artists of the workshops on the 
coast would never try that sort of unbalanced 
composition. 

As to the type of horse, I have just referred 
to those of the Caeretan hydriae and of the sima- 
tiles from Sardis. They are all from one and the 
same stable, but they behave differently. The 
Caeretan ones rear like circus-horses, those from 
Sardis are also fairly elegant; ours is somewhat 
heavier. The general character is provincial, but 
this heavier type could well derive from a South 
Ionian counterpart or even forerunner of the 
Caeretan horses or of those from Sardis 10 . 

• Mon. Piot 48:2, 1956, pi. VI, and my Archit. Terra- 
kotten Kleinasiens, fig. 69:2. (The horseman frieze from 
Larisa, Larisa II, 54, fig. 15 differs.) 

10 Op. cit. pi. 40 and figs. 21 —22. 

11 Op. cit. pi. 42; fig. 3; pi. 16:1. 

10 1 should like to add that the saddle-cloth with its 
scalloped edging is known to us from the “Clazomenian” 
vases. CVA Gr. Brit. XIII, pi. 585:1 —2 (cf. R. M. Cook, 
Gr. Paint. Pott., pi. 32 B) and 593:1. J. K. Anderson, 
Ancient Greek Horsemanship, 1961, 79: saddle-cloth 
with scalloped edging in Ionia. Persian influence has been 
suggested. 


51 


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Fig. 3. The horseman plaque Fig. I taken from above y showing left preserved part of the horizontal plain sima-tile. In the 
middle traces of the water-spout. 

52 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


Fig. 4. Reconstruction of the combined lateral sima-geison revetment , with cover-tile and antefix. 


What has been said of the horses holds good 
also for the griffin. 

There has always been much travelling on 
horseback in Anatolia. The fact that we are on an 
Eastern route is already indicated by the some- 
what provincial apparation of the horse and the 
griffin. Moreover, the horseman’s dress is Per- 
sian. The only thing missing is the cap. But I 
suspect the forelock to be Eastern 18 . 

Horsemen are generally out for warfare or 
hunting. Ours has no weapons for fighting and 
no equipment for hunting. He is just enjoying 
himself— as it were, setting out for a ride over 
the plain. That is what makes this decoration, 
subjectively, so pleasing and so entertaining. We 

l * Cf. F. Sarre, Die Kunst des Alten Persien, 1922, 
pi. 42. O. M. Dalton, The Treasure of the Oxus, 1905, 
PI. XIH:48. 


do not know if the artist, presumably a Greek, 
wanted to display with his Persian some sort of 
ethnographic interest. Anyhow, it is interesting 
to state that he had nothing against depicting one 
of those Eastern foreigners who were in those 
days his masters. 

The type of tile, the comparisons made above 
with East Greek horses and griffins and, on the 
other hand, the Persian character of the horse- 
man indicate that the workshop should be 
sought somewhere between the Ionian coast and 
the Phrygian interior. 

As to the dating I think it is sufficient to recall 
comparisons and suggestions made above. Our 
horseman plaque— and the whole building re- 
vetment connected with it— can be dated to the 
3rd quarter of the 6th century, not earlier, possi- 
bly somewhat later. 


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53 


A New Variant of the Helena Myth 


OLOF VESSBERG 


In 1963, thanks to a generous donation from 
His Majesty the King, an Etruscan bronze 
mirror with a very interesting figured scene on 
the engraved side was purchased in Switzer- 
land 1 , Figs. 1—2. 

In the centre of the picture there are two 
young men, dressed in sleeveless girdled tunics, 
high-laced sandals and Phrygian caps, and both 
armed with lance and sword. The man to the 
right also wears a chlamys fastened with a 
button at his right shoulder. They both grasp 
with their right hands a windlass and a rope 
leading down into a well-curb. Out of the mouth 
of the well-curb a human head peeps forth and 
this figure grasps the rope with its right hand. 
In the background of this scene a building is 
visible. One can see an architrave divided into 
two fasciae , which rests on fluted columns with 
capitals of Aeolic type. The roof is bordered by 
semicircular antefixes. A broad profiled fillet 
to the right of the right-hand column can be 
supposed to belong to a doorway. Owing to the 

1 MM 1963:2. The handle (or the tang) is broken near 
the base, otherwise the mirror is well preserved. It was, 
however, rather badly tarnished by oxidation which 
partly concealed the engraving and the inscriptions. It 
has been cleaned by Dr. E. B. Blomberg. The dimensions 
are: Diam. 13.7 cm.; Height, including the broken 
handle, 19.0 cm.; Thickness of the disk 0.2 cm. 

54 


slightly perspective drawing one might also con- 
sider this detail to belong to the gable of the buil- 
ding . 

The representation is flanked by two figures. 
To the right a man is seated with naked upper 
body and a mantle draped over his legs. On his 
curling wavy hair he wears a conical cap, a 
pilos. His left hand is raised in what could be 
called a discussion gesture (with the thumb 
against the forefinger forming a ring). He seems 
to converse with the left flanking figure, which 
makes a similar gesture with its right hand. 

This man wears a Phrygian cap, high-laced 
sandals and a mantle around his back. A flap 
of the mantle falls down below his right arm. 
He is naked otherwise and leans forward over 
the scene in the middle. His left hand rests on a 
staff-like object, which is more like a short 
stick than a lance. The figure softly follows the 
rounding of the picture-field. 

The inscriptions give certain information 
about what the scene represents. On the well- 
curb is written 1 3Vl3>i * Helenei, and in- 
scriptions on the frame of the mirror, which 
appeared more clearly after the restoration, give 
the names of the two flanking figures. Beside 
the man to the left is written ^ O / /71 V / f , 
Ziumithe, Diomedes, and beside the seated man 


Digitized by VjOOQle 




to the right \ O V , Uthste, Odysseus. 
Thus, the picture seems to show how Helena 
is windlassed up out of or down into a well 
in the presence of Diomedes and Odysseus. 

The mirror has one more inscription. On the 
frame immediately above the windlass is 
written f\v\OA , Alathna. This is pro- 
bably the owner’s designation. Presumably 
Alathna is identical with Alethna, the name of 
a well-known Viterbo family*. 

The picture-field is framed by a somewhat 
schematically drawn leaf-wreath, tied around 
with lined bands in four places, down at the 
handle, up at the top, and at the sides. Of the 
handle not more than the hilt is preserved, 
decorated with a leaf-ornament. The reflecting 
side of the mirror is framed by a profiled egg- 
moulding, and the hilt is on this side decorated 
with a simple leaf-ornament, somewhat blurred 
by oxidation. 

Our mirror brings the hitherto unique motif 
on a mirror in the Museo Archeologico in 
Florence* one step closer to its solution, Figs. 
3—4. For this shows the same scene with only 
unimportant differences, but it lacks inscriptions. 
The group is exactly the same and the differen- 
ces concern only details. Ulysses is here dressed 
in a short tunic or &£a>|u<;, the youths at the 
windlass lack headgear and Diomedes has a 
slightly different attitude as he raises his left 
hand grasping a lance, and keeps his right hand 
resting on his hip. 

Kliigmann-Kdrte thought that the notable, 
quite unique motif on this mirror recalled the 
story of the death of Palamedes as described 
in Dictys Cretensis II, 15. Diomedes and 
Odysseus, who wanted to kill Palamedes, made 

* M. Pallottino, Element! di lingua etrusca, p. 101; 
for the tomb of the Alethna family in Civita di Musama 
at Viterbo see R. Herbio, Die jiingeretruskischen Stein- 
sarkophage, pp. 75 ff. 

•Etruskische Spiegel, herausg. von E. Gerhard (in 
the following abbreviated to E.S.), Vol. 5, bearbeitet von 
A. KlOomann und G. KOrte, p. 149, Taf. 111. For the 
photograph of the mirror in Florence (Inv. No. 605) I 
wish to thank Prof. Giacomo Caputo. 

56 


him believe that a treasure had been found in 
a well and that they wished to share it with him. 
They enticed him to descend into the well and 
stoned him there. 

The mirror in the Medelhavsmuseet belongs, 
as the one just mentioned, to a late group of 
Etruscan mirrors, which have been brought to- 
gether by J. D. Beazley under the name Group 
or Gass Z 4 . This group is rather heterogeneous, 
consisting of hundreds of mirrors where, pro- 
perly, the late dating would seem to be the 
common element. Reinhard Herbig has picked 
out from this Gass Z of Beazley a group of 
mirrors which he calls “Die Kranzspiegel- 
gruppe”, and as a basis for this grouping he has 
put the frame-ornaments of the mirrors, “den 
Stachelkranz’’*. In other words, these mirrors 
are of the same type as our mirror in Stockholm 
dealt with here. 

The surrounding wreath on these mirrors is 
drawn in a very special way, which clearly 
indicates that they come from the same work- 
shop. The wreath seems thick or compact and 
each layer has three, in some cases four leaf-tips, 
strikingly pointed or thorny. The wreath is 
held together by ribbons or cases drawn with 
lines in different ways (parallel lines, angles, 
diagonal checkerings). J. D. Beazley* was the 
first to call attention to these “cases”, which 
he also found on the so-called bakchoi, the 
bundles of twigs which are worn by the partici- 
pators in Dionysian and Eleusinian cult repre- 
sentations, and which are held together by 
similar cases. Such “bakchos rings” are often 
represented separately on coins and vases. 
Beazley interpreted the mirror ornament as a 
together-bent bakchos , which is hard to believe, 
while Herbig rightly regards it as simply a 
garland or a wreath. 

The early dating of mirrors of this type 

4 EVP, 1947, pp. 130 ff.; JHS 69, 1949, pp. 1 ff., spec, 
pp. 16 f. Cf. for this group Sybille Haynes, Mdl VI 
(1953), pp. 29 f. 

‘ St. Etr. 24, 1955, pp. 183 ff. 

• Num. Chr. 1941, pp. 1 ff. 


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suggested by Beazley 7 , viz. to the late fourth 
century or the third century B.C., has deservedly 
been criticized by Herbig, who places them in 
the second and the last century B.C . 8 I will 
briefly call attention to some facts of importance 
for the dating. 

Herbig points to the enormous wave of curls, 
often executed in a mannered way, which sur- 
rounds -the faces of the figures, as a late Helle- 
nistic feature and looks for parallels in the 


sculpture. He selects a late terracotta sarco- 
phagus from Tuscania®, where the same man- 
nered type of hair can be seen on the lid figure, 
with curls formed into concentric semiellipses. 
This can be supplemented by several examples 
of late Hellenistic Etruscan sculpture. I will only 
mention two, a votive head from Civita Castel- 
lana 10 and the well-known group in Volterra 
with a man and a woman on a lid of a cinerary 
urn 11 . The woman’s hair, combed smooth over 


» Num. Chr. 1941, p. 7; JHS, 1949, p. 17. 

• St. Etr. 24, 1955, pp. 194 f. Cf. for the chronology G. 
A. Mansuelu, St. Etr. 20, 1949, p. 92, serie uniforme 
dei “Maestri delle Lase e dei Dioscuri**. 


• G. Q. Giguoli, L’arte etrusca, Tav. 392:1. 

10 Giguoli, L’arte etrusca, Tav. 420:2. 

11 Giguou, L’arte etrusca, Tav. 414:2; O. Vessberg, 
Studien zur Kungstgeschichte der rdmischen Republik, 
pp. 242 f., Taf. 88:2. 


57 


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Fig. 3. Etruscan bronze mirror , Museo Archeologico , Flo- 
rence. 


the crown and surrounded by a wreath of curls, 
corresponds well with the mirror hair-types, for 
instance on the above-mentioned mirror in 
Florence. 

This mannered treatment of the curls is also 
found on coins from the first half of the last 
century B.C. 12 

18 H. A. Grueber, Coins of the Roman Republic in 
the British Museum I, pp. 343 f.; Ill, PI. 40:9 (85 -82 B.C). 

58 


The coins, which in their composition can 
naturally be compared with the bronze mirrors, 
often have during the period ca. 100—50 B.C. 
a leaf-wreath surrounding the picture-field in 
the same way as on the mirrors. Particularly 
similar is the wreath on the reverse of Manius 
Fonteius’ denars from about 85 B.C. 1 * I believe 
this corresponding detail in the composition of 
the mirrors and of the coins is of great impor- 
tance for the dating problem. 

Finally, it should be noted that if we have 
justly found an owner’s name in the word 
Alathna on the mirror in the Medelhavsmuseet, 
then we have every reason to connect it with 
the known Viterbo family of Alethna. This 
family had its time of prosperity during the last 
two centuries B.C., as its great tomb-structure 
in Civita di Musama at Viterbo shows 14 . 

The idea as to the reliability of the inscrip- 
tions which is expressed by the editor of the 
fifth volume of Etruskische Spiegel, G. Korte, 
that “fur die Deutung der Darstellungen von 
den Inschriften vollig abgesehen werden muss”, 
is quite erroneous. It is more important to say 
that the inscriptions are often the only help in 
interpreting the representations on the Etruscan 
mirrors. In E.S. 44 mirrors are reproduced 
which can be placed in the “pointed-wreath 
group”. Of these 22 bear inscriptions 15 . Only 
in one case is the inscription obviously wrong. 
On the mirror E.S. 5, 87:2 a male figure, equipped 
with two hunting-spears, has been designated as 
Artumes (Artemis) 14 . It is true, as Kdrte points 
out, that typical or conventional figures are 
given different names on different mirrors. This, 
however, does not mean that the inscriptions 

11 Grueber, Coins of the Roman Republic I, pp. 322 f.; 
Ill, PI. 38:11 — 13 (Manius Fonteius’ denars). 

“Herbig, Die jungeretruskischen Steinsarkophage, 
p. 76. 

14 These are the following: E.S. 1, 59:2 and 3; 2, 235:2; 

3, 255B; 3, 255C; 3, 257:1; 3, 260:2; 4, 284:1; 4, 346; 

4, 382:1 and 2; 4, 385; 5, 84:2; 5, 85:1 and 2; 5, 87:1 
and 2; 5, 88:2; 5, 98:1 and 2; 5, 110; 5, 118. 

16 It must be emphasized that in 1878 this mirror was 
in the market in Rome and can now hardly be traced. 
An incorrect drawing is possible. 


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are incorrect or put there by chance, but is 
due to the engraver’s inability to characterize 
the persons. He reproduces stereotyped models, 
and what gives the picture its identification is 
the inscriptions. 

It is of course more difficult to check the 
connection between inscriptions and picture 
when the scene only represents a group of 
figures without action. It is easier when it 
concerns more dramatic scenes. Among the 
mirrors just mentioned there are several such 


scenes. I will briefly draw attention to some of 
them in order to illustrate the relation between 
inscription and picture. 

The engraving of the mirror E.S. 4, 284:1 
represents the birth of Minerva. In the centre 
Tinia (Jupiter) is enthroned and Menrfa (Mi- 
nerva), fully armed, springs from his head. He 
is surrounded by Thalna , an Etruscan female 
god or genius, and Uni (Juno). The scene is 
flanked by two armed youths, to the left Lalan , 
certainly the same name as the common Laron 


Fig. 4. The mirror in Florence of our Fig . 3 
according to the drawing in E. S. 5,111. 



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59 



and to the right Preale , which has been com- 
pared with the Latin proelium. Lalan has been 
combined with iXaXd, war-cry. There are strong 
reasons to suppose that these two figures are 
war-demons, which seem to be a natural 
Etruscan addition to the representation of the 
birth of the war-goddess. 

The well-drawn scene on E.S. 4, 38 5 cannot 
be connected with any known tale. It represents 
Clutmste (Klytaimnestra), Uthste (Odysseus) and 
Menle (Menelaos) together with Talmithe (Pala- 
medes), who sits in a pondering attitude. It has 
been supposed that the scene shows how 
Klytaimnestra asks advice and help in Aulis 
from the wise diviner Palamedes in order to 
escape Kalchas’ prophecy and save her daughter. 
This is a logical interpretation of the picture 
which, however, cannot be proved. 

An interesting mirror in the Museo Archeo- 
logico in Florence, E.S. S, 88:2 shows how the 
supplicating Eiasun (Jason) clasps round the 
knee of a curly youth with thyrsos staff. He is 
Fvfluns (Dionysos) and by his side stands 
Aratha (Ariadne). To the left the picture is 
delimited by Castur and to the right appears a 
winged boy on a podium, certainly a statue. His 
name is Aminth , which should be connected with 
the Latin amor. The representation seems strange 
in the tradition relating to Jason, but as Klug- 
mann-Kdrte have pointed out there exists a 
story preserved by Dracontius X, 180 ff. which 
closely agrees with this picture. Jason who was 
to be sacrificed on the altar of Diana was helped 
by Amor and Dionysos. 

The judgment of Paris is irreproachably repre- 
sented on the mirror E.S. 5, 98:2. We see 
Elachsntre (Paris), Turan (Venus), Uni (Juno) and 
(Me)nrva (Minerva), and moreover all of them 
well characterized. 

The scene on E.S. 5, 110, a mirror in the 
British Museum, is of great interest for our 
argument. It represents the death of Troilos. 
We see Achle (Achilleus) and Evas (Aias) at an 
altar. Achilleus holds the severed head of 
Troilos in his hand. Close to the dead body and 

60 


the fallen horse at his feet is the inscription 
Truil(e). To the left the picture is delimited by 
the Etruscan death-goddess Vanth, to the right 
appears a warrior rushing forward. It is Echtur 
(Hektor) who too late hurries to help.— Troilos' 
death is a subject often represented on Etruscan 
cinerary urns and also there Achilleus has a 
companion who on the mirror has been given 
his name, Aias 17 . This is an addition in the 
Etruscan representations which has no counter- 
part on the Greek vases, where Achilleus is 
alone. The altar is a new feature, too. The 
Etruscan representation must derive from a 
source other than epos. Perhaps Sophokles' 
tragedy Troilos or— what seems more likely— 
a later dramatic work, possibly by someone of 
the Latin tragedians. 

Such a work one also surmises as background 
for the picture on the mirror E.S. 5, 118. The 
mirror is a tomb-find from Vulci and belonged 
at the time of publication in E.S. to the Museo 
Torlonia. In the picture appears Elachsntre 
(Paris) seated in the centre. He rests his head 
on his hand with a sorrowful and irresolute 
expression. He carries a sword in a baldric 
and holds his left hand against his shield. 
To the right is Priumne (Priamos) enthroned 
in Oriental royal dress. He rests his left hand 
on a knotted stick and makes a gesture 
with the right. It may be a gesture of discus- 
sion or perhaps he is pointing towards the 
background. At his side stands Ecapa (He- 
kabe) with her face turned to him. Echtur 
(Hektor) flanks the scene to the left. He sits 
facing Paris and, like him, carries a sword. He 
looks serious and meditative. Elinai (Helena) 
stands turned towards him and keeps her right 
hand against her face— she may possibly be 
putting two fingers on her mouth. Unfortunately, 
the picture is damaged and indistinct here. 

One cannot speak of a real action in this 
scene, but it does not consist either of a meaning- 


17 E. Brunn, I rilievi delle ume etrusche, 1, Tav. 54:14, 
56:18, 62-65. 


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less ranging of uncharacterized figures. It has a 
sentiment which connects it with the content of 
the third book of the Iliad, where Paris through 
Hektor’s reproaches is forced to fight in single 
combat against Menelaos. The picture does not 
adhere in detail to the action of the Iliad, but 
it gives a telling characterization of Paris’ 
irresolution, which is a dominating motif in 
this book. 

Helena with her family circle belong to the 
most popular motifs in Etruscan art, richly 
represented not only on the mirrors but also on 
bronze cistae, cinerary urns and vases 18 . Helena 
and Paris are often portrayed on the mirrors 
just as a famous pair of lovers without closer 
reference to any special action, e.g. on a mirror 
in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, which 
represents two loving couples in elegant statuary 
poses, Achilles and Chryseis (perhaps confused 
with Briseis) and Helena and Paris 1 ®. Helena 
can occur alone being attired by servants in the 
presence of Turan (Aphrodite). The interpreta- 
tion of these mirrors is disputed, however 20 . 
She can occur in her original family circle to- 
gether with her brothers Kastor and Pollux 21 . 
But above all the tale of Troy is her setting, in 
which she is described in a multitude of different 
relationships, often in scenes which quite diverge 
from the epos or from the representations in 
Greek pictorial art and therefore are difficult 
to interpret or quite incomprehensible. One may 
distinguish between two main groups of motifs 
and could entitle them Helena in Sparta and 
Helena in Troy. To the former group belong 
representations of Paris’ arrival, the persuasion 
of Helena sometimes in the presence of Turan, 
and the abduction of Helena. The last-mentioned 
motif is popular on the cinerary urns. An 

W E.S. 3, pp. 174 ff. and passim; Lilly B. Ghali- 
Kahil, Les Enlevements et le Retour d’H616ne dans les 
Textes et les Documents Figures, pp. 261 ff. 

l# The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gisela Richter, 
Handbook of the Etruscan Collection, p. 51, Fig. 149; 
Ghali-Kahil, o.c., p. 269, PI. XC1II:1. 

*• Ghali-Kahil, o.c., pp. 264 f. 

11 E.S. 5, 78. 


example of the second group has already been 
mentioned with the engraving on the mirror 
E.S. 5, 118. It is so to speak a quiet genre scene 
of Helena’s life in Troy, where the principal 
persons are represented. Judging from the 
published material it seems to be unique. A 
more common motif, on the other hand, is 
Menelaos’ and Helena’s encounter in Troy. 

In Homer we find the main outline of the 
Helena myth. In the Iliad it is related how she 
followed Paris to Troy and on several occasions 
during the war she appears in the poem as a 
principal character. In the Odyssey the action 
continues in some episodes. She receives Odysseus 
hospitably as he, disguised as a beggar, visits 
Troy in order to reconnoitre and she helps him 22 , 
but on the other hand she tries to help the 
Trojans by enticing the Greeks in the wooden 
horse to reveal themselves 23 . Her stay in Egypt 
during the return to Sparta is touched upon 24 , 
and in the frame story in the fourth book of the 
Odyssey she is rehabilitated as a splendid queen 
in Sparta again. 

Thus Menelaos’ and Helena’s meeting in the 
Iliu Persis is not described in Homer. The 
destinies of Helena were further developed by 
the Cyclic poets and in the later literature, 
among others by Stesichoros and Herodotos 
and the Attic tragedians. The rhetorical authors 
made use of her story and her vicissitudes were 
parodied in the comedies. She lives in the 
Alexandrian literature and Theokritos sings of 
her beauty in his eighteenth Idyll. Also in the 
Latin literature she is a motif often used. 

On a mirror with inscription in the British 
Museum 25 Menelaos’ and Helena’s encounter 
in the Iliu Persis is represented. The same motif 
is repeated on other mirrors without inscription. 
Helena has fled to the Palladion, which she 
embraces pursued by Menelaos with drawn 
sword. He grasps her by the hair ready to 

22 Od. IV, 240 ff. 

28 Od. IV, 275 ff. 

24 Od. IV, 126. 

“ E.S. 4, 398; Ghali-Kahil, o.c., p. 270, PI. 94:1. 


61 


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strike. He is held back by Thetis, who seizes 
him by the arm and Aphrodite stands in the 
background with her eyes fixed on him. To the 
right of the Athena statue stand Aias and 
Phulphsna who is probably identical with 
Polyxena. 

Though here iconographicaliy influenced by 
the Kassandra motif the picture corresponds 
with the many representations on Greek vases 
showing Menelaos at the destruction of Troy 
pursuing Helena**. In a large group of such 
vase paintings (and also in the Parthenon 
metopes) Menelaos is hindered in his under- 
taking by a god, usually Aphrodite or Eros, 
and lets his sword fall vanquished by Helena’s 
beauty. According to one statement Helena fled 
to the temple of Aphrodite * 7 and according to 
another the Greeks intended to stone her**. In the 
rich tradition which was developed in the litera- 
ture about the events concerning Helena at the 
fall of Troy— in the greater part preserved by 
pictorial art— the opinion of the Latin authors 
differs greatly, as Lilly B. Ghali-Kahil has 
shown**, from the Greek view of Helena. While 
Helena among the Greeks preserves a divine 
splendour and is also capable of a certain re- 
habilitation, the Romans take a more realistic 
view. In Vergil she appears contemptible and 
odious to the Trojans as well as to the Greeks* 0 . 
She led the attack of the Greeks with light 
signals * 1 and betrayed her second Trojan hus- 


" See Ghau-Kahil, o.c., pp. 71 ff. 

*’ Schol. Euripid. Andromache 628 ff. (Ibykos). Cf. 
Schol. Arist. Vesp. 714. 

M Stesichoros Schol. Eurip. Orest. 1287. 

" O.c., pp. 212 ff. 

“ Troiae et patriae communis Erinys’, Aen. II, 573. 
"Aen. VI, 515-519. 


band Deiphobos**. She hid herself in Vesta’s 
temple in fear of both Trojans and Greeks'*. 
She is drawn in dark colours also by other 
Roman authors such as Horace** and Seneca*. 

Against this background of literary and 
iconographic tradition concerning the fate of 
Helena at the fall of Troy we have to consider 
the engraving on our mirror. There seems to 
be no doubt that the motif sphere is Iliu Persis. 
Odysseus and Diomedes and the men at the 
windlass who owing to the Phrygian caps seem 
to be Trojans show it clearly. But we are left 
in the lurch by both literary and iconographic 
aids when we try to interpret the picture more 
closely. There seem to be two ways of inter- 
preting the situation. Odysseus and Diomedes 
have Helena lowered down into the well in 
order to hide and protect her from the fury of 
Menelaos and the Greeks— as thanks for the 
help she had given. Or they rescue her out of 
the well into which she had been lowered by the 
Trojans. Certainly the picture very much differs 
from the Greek vase paintings and also from 
the representation on other Etruscan mirrors 
which are wholly in the Greek tradition. The 
representation of Helena here has a burlesque 
and ridiculing character. We have reason to look 
for the origin of this new variant of the Helena 
myth in the Attic comedy, although most likely 
in the Italic theatre, in a tragedy, a comedy or 
perhaps a mime. The conventional palace back- 
ground which is constant in the mirrors of the 
Kran zsp iegelgruppe indicates that the source of 
inspiration is the theatrical stage. 

“Aen. VI, 523 - 527. 

" Aen. II, 567 - 587. 

“Sat. I, 3, 106-108. 

“ Cf. Troades, 866-867, 871 -887. 


62 


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Photos: 


S. Hallgren, pp. 36 (Fig. 4), 30. 

N. Lagergren, pp. 5, 7, 9, 10, 12, 20, 27, 32, 33, 39, 43, 44, 52, 55. 


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Stanford University Libraries 
Stanford* California 




Price: 20 Sw. crowns 



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THE MUSEUM OF MEDITERRANEAN AND NEAR EASTERN ANTIQUITIES 


ME DE LHAVSM USEET'S.".^- - 


a OCTggftflj** 

sys' 




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THE MUSEUM OF MEDITERRANEAN AND NEAR EASTERN ANTIQUITIES 

MEDELH AVSMU SEET 


BULLETIN 5 


Published by The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities (Medelhavsmuseet) 


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CONTENTS 


Some Reliefs from the Memphite Necropolis 
Bengt Julius Peterson 3 

A Red Lustrous Wheel-made Spindle Bottle and its Contents 
PaulAstrdm 16 

Uschebtis aus der Mgyptischen Spatzeit 
Sten V. fVdngstedt 22 

An Etruscan Terracotta Head 
Arvid Andrin 36 

An Etruscan Terracotta Ash Urn 
Arvid Andr/n 39 

The Roman She-Wolf on a Terracotta Tablet 
Hans Furuhagen 44 

A Roman Togatus 
Olof Vessberg 53 


Published with the aid of a grant from Humanistiska ForskningsrSdet 

© 1969 Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm 
Editorial and Distribution Office: 

Medelhavsmuseet, Storgatan 41 , 1 14,55 Stockholm, Sweden 

Stockholm 1969 
Tryckeri AB Bjorkmans Eftr 


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Some Reliefs from the Memphite Necropolis 


BENGT JULIUS PETERSON 


Already in antiquity the tombs of the Mem- 
phite necropolis were successively destroyed. 
Their walls, adorned with reliefs and inscrip- 
tions, were, cut into suitable slabs, used as 
building material, especially in the Coptic 
monastery of Apa Jeremias nearby; or the 
limestone slabs disappeared in the villagers' 
limekilns. 

From very remote times Memphis was one 
of the most important cities of Egypt; at 
times she was the dominating religious and 
political centre of the country. During the 
Empire Memphis was besides Thebes the 
capital, the residence of several pharaohs and 
Egypt's main military base. Furthermore she 
was the traditional centre of the Ptah cult, 
hence implying that Memphis was the site of 
spacious temple areas 1 . It is natural to find a 
fine and flourishing art here, where important 
men were patrons of art, and where an old 
tradition of art was still living in connection 
with the cult of Ptah 2 . But alas, the remains of 
ancient Memphis are few; the monuments 
from the Empire of value for the history of 
art are, apart from scanty architectural re- 
mains, mostly walls from tombs, often having 
been picked out from the ruins of the Apa 
Jeremias monastery. 


During the Empire the main part of the 
Memphite necropolis was situated near the 
Teti pyramid extending south down to the 
monastery. The sites of the individual tombs 
are mostly unknown. In the early nineteenth 
century the pillage of this area began. Reliefs 
and statues were shipped to Europe, where 
the newly awakened interest in Egyptian art 
made them desirable for public as well as 
private collections. A vast number of reliefs 
have been found during archaeological in- 
vestigations, many of them having been ex- 
tracted from the Apa Jeremias monastery, 
mostly by J.E. Quibell 8 . Consequently this 
archaeological material has been known for a 
long time. And yet it has not been the subject 
of a comprehensive study, perhaps owing to 
the fact that the actual material is now scatter- 
ed all over the world and is to a large extent 
unpublished. 

In the early nineteenth century reliefs from 
Memphis found their way to Sweden too. 
Two fragments in Linkoping are known 4 , 
which were probably acquired about 1815 by 
the then chaplain to the Swedish Legation in 
Constantinople, and later dean, S.F. Lidman 5 . 
And to the Memphite material may be added 
the reliefs and inscriptions published in this 


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3 



paper. They were most probably brought to 
Sweden in 1826 - the fact, however, cannot 
be established - as part of the gift of Egyptian 
antiquities presented to the then Royal Mu- 
seum in Stockholm 0 by G. Anastasi, Consul 
General in Egypt to the United Kingdoms of 
Sweden and Norway 7 . Having been trans- 
ferred in 1866 to the then newly established 
National Museum the reliefs were in 1928 
deposited with the then new Egyptian Mu- 
seum of Stockholm, since 1954 the Egyptian 
Department of the Museum of Mediterranean 
and Near Eastern Antiquities, medelhavs- 
museet, where they are now kept. There are 
six limestone fragments (two of them made 
up of two pieces joined together) with the 
inventory numbers MM 6201 1 -MM 620 16 8 . 
Some of the slabs are rectangularly cut, indi- 
cating that they were once probably used as 
building material. The slabs are the following: 

MM 62011 (NME 68). Limestone slab, 
97 X62 cm., from a wall with reliefs and in- 
scriptions en creux*. (Fig. l). 

The bottom and the right side have a deco- 
rative framework 10 . There are two registers 
separated by a horizontal line. The lower 
register shows six men with offerings. Their 
heads are shaved. They are uniformly dressed 
in long skirts without pleating or any pattern. 
They have no sandals. From left to right they 
are bringing the following offerings: The 
first man, fragmentarily preserved, is leading 
a mammal, part of the back and tail of which 
are visible, and carrying stalks of lotus or 
papyrus. The second man has a w'inejar and 
two sacks, seemingly net-sacks of some kind. 
The third one is leading a male gazelle and 
is carrying on his arm a gazelle kid 11 , while 
the fourth man on his raised hands is holding 
a tray with various food provisions, from 
which stalks of lotus are hanging down. The 
fifth and sixth men are bringing two sacks, 
stalks of lotus or papyrus and fowls. 

The upper register shows the feet of a 


person fitted with sandals and dressed in a 
pleated garment. In front of the person there 
are seven fragmentary vertical lines of hiero- 
glyphs. Behind the person is one line. 

Commentary : 

The inscriptions are fragments of the con- I 
eluding part of spell 125 of the Book of the l 
Dead. The lines are counted from the left. 
Line 1 = E. Naville, Das aegyptische Tod- 
tenbuch II, Berlin 1886, 125 (Schlussrede), 6. | 
Line 2 = E. Naville, op. cit. II, 125 
(Schlussrede), 6; following the text of Pb, 
but there without mi c hrw after the name. 

Line 6 = E. Naville, op. cit. II, 125 

(Schlussrede), 7. 

Line 4 = E. Naville, op. cit. II, 125 

(Schlussrede), 8. The plural strokes of the 
preceding word wr.w are also preserved. 

Line 5 = E. Naville, op. cit. II, 125 

(Schlussrede), 9. Part of the preceding ^ 
is preserved. 

Line 6 = E: Naville, op. cit. II, 125 

(Schlussrede), 10. There remain the plural 
strokes of the preceding word rmt. 

Line 7 = E. Naville, op. cit. II, 125 

(Schlussrede), 11. 

Line 8 = E. Naville, op. cit. II, 125 

(Schlussrede), 1 1. The xX of the preceding 
it is visible. 

Translation: 

Line 1: ... I have done [[righteousness in j 
Ta-merF). 

Line 2: . . . the justified . . . 

Line 6: . . . who swallow . . . 

Line 4: . . . day [[of the great judgement]. 
Line 5: . . . There is no [[my[] (false) wit- 
ness . . . 

Line 6: . . . things [[with which the godsj are 
content . . . 

Line 7: . . . clothing to the naked one . . . 
Line 8: [[Comej in peace ... I 


4 


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i 



Fig. 1 . Limestone slab. MM 32011. 


\1M 32012 (NME 38). Limestone slabs, the 
upper fragment 89 X37 cm., the lower 
1 10 x4 1 cm., from a wall with reliefs and in- 
scriptions en creux. Made up of two fragments 
joined together 12 . (Fig. 2). 

The upper slab is badly damaged; its reliefs 
and inscriptions are partially obliterated. The 
lower slab is in good condition despite the 
poor quality of the limestone. Along the 
bottom part of the lower fragment is a frame- 
work of two bands 13 . There are two registers 
separated from each other by two horizontal 
lines. 

The scene in the lower register shows five 
men proceeding with various offerings. The 
man in the very front, to the left, is a stm- 


priest, whose rank is shown by the panther 
skin he is wearing; its paws and tail are clear- 
ly visible. In one hand he is holding an 
incense-jar in the form of a sculptured hand 
in the end of a handle. With the other hand 
he has been holding a libation vessel - he is 
represented pouring water in order to cleanse 
the offerings in front of him - and the falling 
jet of water can be seen to the right just above 
the offerings. These include one head of cattle 
its legs bound, a fowl and fruits. 

Like the other men the s£m-priest has a 
shaved head and is wearing, besides his 
panther skin, like the others a long pleated 
skirt. All of them are without sandals. The 
man behind the m-priest is carrying an altar- 


Digitized by 


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Fig. 2. Limestone slabs. MM 32012 


table with a high cone-shaped lamp 14 and 
stalks of papyrus. The third one is leading an 
oryx gazella 9 while the fourth one in his lifted 
hand is coming with two platters of incense 16 . 
The fifth man has an animal, one head of 
cattle, in a halter and stalks of lotus or pa- 
pyrus. 

Between the second and third man from 
the left there is an inscription of three vertical 



Translation: “His beloved servant who 
follows him." 

Between the fourth and fifth men there is 


also an inscription of at least two vertica 
lines. However, there are only faint traces ol 
hieroglyphic signs. 

The upper register has an inscription oi 
at least twelve vertical lines. They are nou 
almost completely obliterated. As there an 
only some few signs readable, I am nol 
giving a translation of the text. 

MM 32013 (NME 37). Limestone sla| 
91 X53 cm., from a wall with reliefs and i* 
scriptions en creux. Made up of two fragment* 
joined together 16 . (Fig. 3). 

To the right is a fragmentary relief repri 
senting a standing man dressed in an intii 
cately pleated, diaphanous garment of a type 
fairly common in the eighteenth and nine- 
teenth dynasties. A sensitive and skilled work* 


6 


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manship is shown in the execution of body 
and garment. In front of the man are eight 
vertical lines of hieroglyphs, behind him is 
one. The first three lines from the left contain 
passages of spell 182 of the Book of the Dead, 
while the other lines have passages of spell 
185. The version of spell 182 must have been 
an abbreviated one; the end of that spell has 
probably been omitted. As these spells are 
rare, especially spell 1 85, they are of a certain 
interest 17 . The version here of spell 182 dif- 
fers somewhat from texts earlier published. 

Transcription: 

From the left. 

I Line 1 : . . . [X] ry tiwy shr \jdwQ shpr nfrw 

I b c h n mrwt =f tZwy zvr . . . 

| Line 2: . . . imntt wr b&w c § wrrt ndm lb c i 
Iwt ib $m§ c hrw m ni\jrr=f~] . . . 

Line 5: . . . liy m iwnw dmd.n n=f ntr nb 
mrwt =f ss . . . 



Line 4: . . . dsr ski hry - s c y=f in wstr stm wr 
lirp [hmQ . . . 

Line 5: . . . smsw n dhwty h <z ykw{y) m irt.n =/ 
nb in.n=f n . . . 

Line 6: . . . dsr rdi=f wbn sw hr snbt=k 
shd=f n=k . . . 

Line 7: . . . snwy dr=f n=k nsny hnnw . . . 
Line 8: . . . =k spt [V] ibw=sn . . . 

Line 9: . . . mi wd.n it=kptfi ti-tnn . . . 

Commentary: 

Line 1: = BD 182, cf. l. speleers, Le 
chapitre CLXXXII du Livre des Morts, Rec. 
de Trav. 40, 1925, pp. 86 AT. , add 

Ar-sign before, corresponds to: 

“who governs the land”, (Pap. Greenfield). 
shr, in the lacuna after this word insert dwt , 
“evil”. Add r after the swallow (wr) in the 
bottom of the line. 



Line 2: = BD 182, cf. l. speleers, op. cit. 
The uppermost sign to the left is ^ . The 

group has been . The last sign of the 

line is ^ of the group Ik , the beginning 
of the place-name Naref (cf h. bonnet, Real- 
lexikon, p. 506). 

Line 5 = BD 182, cf. l. speleers, op. cit. 
/J'SjJ , an interesting writing of liiv, “ado- 
ration' * because of the \\ of the root 
til. Cf. e. edel, Beitrage zum agyptischen 
Lexikon, ZAS 79, 1954, pp. 87 f. ss , add the 
ending ti of the old perfective. 

Line 4 = BD 185, cf. e. naville, Todten- 
buch I, pi. CCIX, line 1. Before dsr add &. In 
the lacuna after ski add tyr. hry~s c y=f t cf. BD 
142, e.g. Pap. Turin 142,24. Also in Amduat, 
cf. e. hornung, Das Amduat. Die Schrift 
der verborgenen Raumes II, (=Agyptolo- 
gische Abhandlungen Bd 7), Wiesbaden 1965, 
p. 65 (number 194). stm> on this title cf. A. 
gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica I, 
Oxford 1947, pp. 59 ff; c. maystre, Sur les 
grands prStres de Ptah, JNES 8, 1949, pp. 84 
AT. ztr, after wr traces of ftrp hmt y which toget- 
her form the title of the high priest of Ptah. 
On the title cf. a. gardiner, op. cit. I, pp. 58 
f., II, p. 269; c. maystre, op. cit. 

Line 5 = BD 185, cf. e. naville, op. cit. I, pi. 
CCIX, line 4-5. In the end of the line traces 
of an / and an n. 

Line 6 = BD 185, cf. e. naville, op. cit. 
I, pi. CCIX, line 8-9. Before dsr add H. In 
the lacuna after wbn add the determinative 
O . 

Line 7 = BD 185, cf. e. naville, op. cit. 
I, pi CCIX, line 1 1. After nsny the u-i de- 
terminative. The damaged word at the end 
of the line is 1 

Line 8 = BD 185, cf. e. naville, op. cit. 
I, pi. CCIX, line 12. In the lacuna after spt 
add r. 

Line 9 = BD 185, cf. e. naville, op. cit. 
I, pi. CCIX, line 14-15. m^i is the de- 
terminative and plural strokes of blit, “iron". 


After the name of Ptah traces of the determi- 
native, the sitting god. 

Translation: 

Line 1 : . . . the commander of the Two Lands, 
who drives [evil]] away, who brings into 
being goodness and abundance because of his 
love to the Two Lands, who is great . . . 

Line 2: ... of the West, great of power, great 
of the crown (wrrt), sweet of heart, great of 
joy, who is justified in Na-Lref] . . . 

Line 5: . . . adoration in Heliopolis. Every 
god has associated himself with him; his love 
is extending . . . 

Line 4: . . . [[the]] holy [land]]. “He who is on 
his sand-heap*’ is exalted by Osiris the $/m- 
priest, Greatest of Master Craftsmen . . . 
Line 5: . . . train of Thoth. I am rejoicing at 
all things which he has done. He has brought 
unto . . . 

Line 6: . . . [[the]] holy Qand]]. He causes the 
sun to shine on your breast, he illuminates 
for you . . . 

Line 7: . . . the two Horns brothers. He has 
destroyed for you disaster and uproar . . . 
Line 8: . . . you the anger £from]] their 
hearts . . . 

Line 9: . . . [[iron]] according to the command 
of your father Ptah-Tatenen . . . 

MM 52014 (NME 55). Fragment of a lime- 
stone jamb, 77 X46 cm. Reliefs and inscrip- 
tions en creux 1 *. (Fig. 4). 

On the upper part there are four vertical 
lines of a main inscription, see Fig. 4. 

Translation: 

From the left. 

Line 1: . . . Pahamnata, the justified. 

Line 2: . . . [[Greatest]] of Master Craftsmen 11 
Pahamnata, the justified. 

Line 5: . . . [[Greatest]] of Master Craftsmen 
Pahamnata, the justified. 

Line 4: . . . [[Greatest]] of Master Craftsmen 
Pahamnata, the justified. 


8 


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Fig . 4. Fragment of a limestone jamb. 
MM 32014 



Above the right figure of the two there is 
a carelessly carved inscription of three verti- 
cal lines: 


i % 3 



Commentary: 

The inscriptions of lines 1 and <2 are written 
as a retrograde inscription. Line 3 is normal. 
Line 1 : The position of n is explainable as an 
inversion of hiwt n pth (cf. Worterbuch 5, 
226 [[18]] and Belegstellen 3 t p. 71). 

Line c 2: ,tlC, is the semi-hieratic form of 
c* 3 . The latter sign often takes the place 


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9 


of ^37 as a determinative, cf. a. gardi- 
ner, Egyptian Grammar, p. 552 (X 4-5). 
For the name Ptahemhab, cf. h. ranke, 
Personennamen I, 140:2. 

Translation: 

Line 1: The Master of Ptah's altar. 

Line 2: Ptahemhab. 

Line 3: the justified. 

The two men represented on the lower 
part of the jamb are dressed in long skirts 
without pleating. The left one is distinguished 
by a wig, the right one is fitted with sandals. 

The person to the left, very clumsily carv- 
ed, is represented with both arms raised in 
an act of adoration. The man to the right is 
carrying two hand-braziers, filled with in- 
cense, and, under his arm, two pieces of 
lettuce. The head of this person is carefully 
hewn (Fig. 5). It shows a sensitive modelling, 



Fig. 5. Detail from the reliefs on the fragment fig. 4 


and it has significant details such as the 
wrinkled forehead. The upper body, too, is 
rendered in a realistic way. Uncommon also 
is the direct side-view of his upper body. The 
man to the left may be Pahamnata himself, 
the other man is the less important of the 
two, a Master of Ptah's altar* 0 as stated in 
the inscription. 

MM 52015 (NME 54). Limestone fragment 
from a wall with inscriptions en creux , 7 6 X4 S 
cm* 1 . (Fig. 6). 

The fragment, badly damaged especially in 
the upper part, contains four vertical lines of 
an inscription and traces of two more. The 
four lines have a fragmentarily preserved text 

Commentary: 

From the right. 

Line 1 : The sign below the m could be part 
of a /. 

Line 2: After the fragmentary s above, the 
text could be restored: 

» “s/m-priest in the House of 
Ptah”. The curved line before pr is a damage 
to the stone. Before ^m/, restore hrp. 

Line 5: The first sign, badly damaged, is 
certainly EE , being the end of the title 

l>k5E ‘\s/m-priest of the Mansion of 
Noblemen". 

Line 4: Before fimt , restore the Ar/>-sign. 
Translation: 

Line 1 : ... his coming out from . . . 

Line 2: . . . s[7m-priest in] the House of Ptah t 
Greatest of Master Craftsmen Pahamnata . . . 
Line 5: . . . Qy/m-priest of]] the Mansion of 
Noblemen, Greatest of Master Craftsmen 
Pahamnata . . . 

Line 4: . . . his . . . Greatest of Master Crafts- 
men Pahamnata . . . 

MM 52016 (NME 65). Limestone fragment 
from a wall, 49 X44 cm M . (Fig. 7). 


10 


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Fig. 6. Limestone fragment . MM 32015 


The loose limestone is badly weathered. 
In the middle of the fragment is a relief en 
reux representing a standing male figure. 
One hand is raised in adoration, the other is 
:arrying a bundle of lotus- or papyrus-stalks, 
which is on his shoulder. The man is dressed 
n a long pleated skirt and is adorned with a 
leck-collar. 

There has been at least one vertical line of 
lieroglyphs to the right. The only signs pre- 
;erved are those of the group , the 
lame of the god Ptah. 

Most of the Memphite tomb reliefs from 


the Empire are executed in limestone of good 
quality. During the eighteenth dynasty an in- 
dependent and elegant technique developed in 
Memphis - in the finest tombs of very skilled 
workmanship with reliefs in sunk as well as 
in low relief. During the nineteenth dynasty 
this technical skill soon becomes conventional 
and stereotyped; the sunk reliefs, less difficult 
to sculpture, dominate.Strictly speaking, there 
is no material for comparison from other 
burial fields in Egypt. The Theban necropolis 
has quite different technical problems with its 
rock-tombs with walls mostly unsuitable for 
reliefs. The same problem as in Thebes does 
also occur in Amama. 

Among the Empire tombs at Memphis the 
oldest known are those of Ptahmose and 
Paatenemheb 28 from the time of Amenophis 
III-Amenophis IV. The artistic climax of the 
Memphite reliefs is shown by the tomb of the 
general, and later king, Haremhab, from 
which a large number of fragments is pre- 
served 24 . This tomb was executed in the end 
of the Amama age. The connections with the 
realism and individuality of the Amama style 



Fig. 7. Limestone fragment. MM 3201 6 * 


1 1 


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are obvious 26 . Several of the scenes are work- 
ed in low relief, but many others in sunk 
relief. The use of sunk relief has made possible 
pictures with rapid shading-off and vivid im- 
pression and has given contrasting effects 26 . 
Especially the groups of persons represented 
in this tomb, besides similar scenes on two 
relief slabs in Berlin 27 , show a dramatic con- 
centration and an inspired pictorial relation- 
ship of the persons and their connections with 
each other 28 . Not least the representations of 
the human faces have a greater individuality 
than in any other tomb reliefs; there is a 
masterly shading-off technique, which creates 
the psychological tension. 

Particularly in the Amama tombs the pro- 
fane scenes are dominant. In the Memphite 
tomb of Haremheb there are several scenes 
of private life. Gradually, however, the funer- 
ary scenes become more and more frequent, 
funerary scenes which often correspond to 
contemporary illustrations in copies of the 
Book of the Dead. And religious texts mostly 
accompany these scenes. This development is 
only partially evident in the fragmentarily 
preserved Memphite material, but it is ap- 
parent if one studies the abundant Theban 
material. 

Simultaneously with the change in the mo- 
tifs of tomb decorations - soon they are 
almost always derived from the religious 
sphere - one can observe an increasing stiff- 
ness in form and composition. The style be- 
comes stereotyped and uninspired. This is of 
course dependent on the repetitive character 
of the religious motifs 29 . After a transitional 
period from the Amama age to the beginning 
of the long reign of Ramesses II, when a 
stylistic influence of the Amarna age is still 
living as a reflex and when the represen- 
tations still have a life and strength of their 
own, the stiff and lifeless style in the tomb 
reliefs begins, a style which is only too signifi- 
cative of the nineteenth dynasty and the fol- 
lowing period of the Ramessides. 


A similar stylistic development is evident 
in the contemporary royal art too, such a> 
this can be seen in temple reliefs. After the 
end of the Amama age there is an attachment 
to stylistic ideals which were dominant during 
the reign of Amenophis III. This backward- 
looking tendency is best displayed by the life- 
less, insensitively polished representations in 
the temple of Sethos I at Abydos, represen- 
tations in a sterile and hieratic style. The 
living royal art of the nineteenth dynast)' is 
exemplified in the big temple reliefs with a 
profane accent, which with representations of 
battles and royal sports form an independent 
genre, sharply contrasting with the increas- 
ingly stagnant tomb art. 

The Memphite origin of the tomb reliefs 
here published is indisputable. Two of them 
(MM 52014 & MM 52015) are inscribed 
with the name and title of a high priest of 
Ptah in Memphis, Pahamnata, whose tomb 
we must suppose to have been built in the 
Memphite necropolis. Because of the epi- 
graphical similarity between MM 52015 and 
MM 52015, the latter slab can be assigned 
to the same tomb; the correctness of such an 
attribution is partly confirmed by the title 
preserved on MM 52015, 4 \s/m-priest, Great- 
est of Master Craftsmen . . Further MM 
5201 1 could perhaps also be assigned to the 
tomb of Pahamnata because of its epigraphy. 
But MM 52012 and the unimportant frag- 
ment MM 52016 cannot be localized; there 
can, however, be no doubt of their Memphite 
origin, especially when they are compared 
with numerous parallels from that necropolis 

The style and the contents of the reliefs 
are conventional. The scenes representing 
offering-carriers and the accompanying re- 
ligious texts always occur in the tombs. The 
scenes here published do not diverge from 
the traditional patterns. In style, on the other 
hand, they offer some interesting details. The 
technical execution of the human figures is 
generally of quite a fairly high quality; the 


12 


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:ontours are clean and strong, the persons 
have a well-balanced carriage. There is, how- 
ever, no elegance; the technical work is in- 
sensitive and routinary. But the artists have 
taken pains to produce a fine shading-ofF of 
the faces. On MM 52011 , for instance, they 
ire of a rather sensitive workmanship; they 
have indeed no individual features, but the 
work is serious and careful. The head of the 
Master of Ptah's altar Ptahemheb on MM 
32014 has been meticulously hewn, in con- 
trast to the sketchy representation of his 
body. The face has a realistic expression, 
portraying the old man with wrinkled fore- 
head. Further also the upper part of his body 
shows a realistic representation. MM 52015 
has a fragmentarily preserved but masterly 
picture of a human body. The diaphanous 
garment accentuates the body; the artist's 
skill is excellent. Details like these, the 
wellcharacterized faces in MM 52011 and 
MM 52014 and the sensuous body in MM 
32015 , are reflections of the artistic freedom 
and the tendency towards a strong desire 
to reproduce reality which were prevalent 
in art during the Amama age. Still a faint 
echo from the time of art’s liberation from 
the fetters of the traditional religious dogmas 
lives on. But the representations here set 
out are also examples showing how soon 
that free art broke down because of the 
changed attitude of the art patrons to the art 
they were purchasing; again the prescriptive 
forms became dominant, but details like those 
pointed out here disclose that the hands of 
the artists did not move as swiftly as the 
mutable thoughts of their patrons. 

Two of the Stockholm monuments bear the 
name and title of the high priest Pahamnata, 
and a third one probably belonged to the 
tomb of the same person. There are, how- 
ever, certain difficulties in establishing the 
date of this tomb, as we know of at least three 
high priests with this name. It is possible to 
distinguish some of their monuments: 


I: One Pahamnata had probably been in of- 
fice in the eighteenth dynasty. He belonged to 
the family of Ptahmose 30 . A statue in Firenze, 
Inv. No. 1750 81 , of a high priest Ptahmose, 
mentions his son or descendant, the high 
priest Pahamnata. Ptahmose lived under 
Amenophis III and his statue had apparently 
been made during the reign of that king; its 
style, especially that of the face, is close to 
the style of portraits of Amenophis III. 

II: Two Pahamnatas lived in the nineteenth 
dynasty, one in the beginning, one in the end 
of that dynasty. The datable monuments of 
them are: 

a / Pahamnata in the beginning of the nine- 
teenth dynasty: 

l/A statue published in PSBA 14 , 1892 , pp. 
165 ff 82 , mentions the high priest Paham- 
nata as father of the wazir Rahotep. This 
wazir lived in the end of the reign of 
Memeptah 88 . 

2/A stela in the British Museum, no. 185 84 , 
mentions high priests of Memphis, among 
them Pahamnata. This stela, as H. KEES 
has suggested, is a monument of the Raho- 
tep family and must be dated to the time 
of Ramesses II 86 . 

b/ Pahamnata in the end of the nineteenth 
dynasty: 

l/A limestone statue in the Louvre, A 72 s ®, 
represents two seated men. They are the 
wazir Hori and the high priest Pahamnata. 
The relation of the two men is unknown. 
The statue is of Raniesside date as indi- 
cated by j. vandier 87 . h. kees wants to date 
this Hori and thus the representation of 
this Pahamnata to the end of the nineteenth 
dynasty or the beginning of the twenteeth 
dynasty 88 . It cannot be disputed on stylistic 
grounds. 

2/ A stone pillar from a tomb represents 
the high priest Pahamnata on its four sides, 
Firenze no. 2607 89 . This Pahamnata is son 
of Mhj and . I am rather inclined 

to date this pillar to the end of the nine- 


Digitized by VjOOQle 


is 



teenth dynasty on stylistic grounds. Also, 
as h. kees has pointed out 40 , there is a 
resemblance to the pillar of the high priest 
Hori, probably from hte beginning of the 
twenteeth dynasty, which was picked out 
from the Apa Jeremias monastry 41 . 

3/ A granite stela in Cairo, Ent. 27322 41 , 
mentions the high priest Pahamnata and 
four relatives, the connections of which are 
unknown. This stela has been ascribed to 
the nineteenth dynasty or later by h. kees 4 *. 
Ill: There are some other monuments, in- 
completely published, which it has not been 
possible for me to assign to any one of the 
three Pahamnata now mentioned. They are: 
l/A granite sarcophagus with cover in the 
British Museum, no. 18 44 . It has belonged 
to the high priest Pahamnata and is as- 
cribed to the nineteenth dynasty. 

2/A wooden coffin in Berlin, no. S3 46 , has 
belonged to the high priest Pahamnata. h. 
kees suggests that this coffin and the 
London sarcophagus could have belonged 
to the same burial 40 . 

3/ Two fragments of an alabaster palette 
in Leiden, AAL 157 47 . 

In 1950, however, in a structure of Coptic 
date at the Apa Jeremias monastery, several 
slabs with reliefs and inscriptions were found, 
slabs bearing the name of the high priest 
Pahamnata 48 . Also a limestone statue in a 
niche of the same man was found 49 . As the 
slabs are not completely excavated nor 
published, it has not been possible to compare 
them with the previously known monuments 
of the Pahamnatas and to ascribe them to one 
of the high priests of this name. The statue, 
however, seems to be rather close to that of 
Pahamnata in the group statue Louvre A 72. 
Thus it ought to belong to the end of the nine- 
teenth dynasty. But only after a thorough 
field investigation it will be possible to es- 
tablish the date of these new Pahamnata 
monuments and perhaps to make clear the 
distribution of those already known. 

14 


On stylistic grounds one is inclined to as- 
cribe the Stockholm monuments mentioning 
Pahamnata - only MM 32014 and MM 
32013, the latter of uncertain attribution, are 
relevant - to the beginning of the nineteenth 
dynasty. Thus they have to be added to the 
list under II a above. But the criteria for a 
definitive dating are too weak and with the 
material now accessible the definitive ascrip- 
tion of the Stockholm reliefs is impossible. 
All of them have the stamp of the repetitious 
art of the nineteenth dynasty, but with their 
realistic features they fit well into the be- 
ginning of that dynasty. Repeated investiga- 
tions in the Memphite necropolis, publication 
and comprehensive studies of the now widely 
scattered Memphite material could in the 
future lead to more exact datings and ascrip- 
tions. 


*A survey of Memphis and her Antiquities in H. Kefv 
A ncient Egypt, A Cultural Topography, London 19M, 
pp. 147 ff 

•Cf. H. Bonnet, Reallexikon der igyptischen Religions- 
geschichte, Berlin 1952, p. 617; cf. also M. Sandm.w- 
Holmberc, The God Ptah, Lund 1946, pp. 54 ff. 

•Cf. especially J.E. Qitbell, Excavations at Saqqans 
(1908-9, 1909-10). The Monastery of Apa Jeremias 
Cairo 1912. 

4 T. SXve-Soderbergh, De egyptiska reliefema i Un- 
kopings stifts- och landsbibliotek, Linkdpings Bibliotek^ 
Handlingar, N.S. Band 4:2, 1950, pp. 1-8. 

•For S.F. Lidman, see B.J. Peterson, Swedish Travel- 
lers in Egypt during the Period 1700—1850, OpuscuU 
Atheniensia VII 1967, p. 14 ff. 

•It is not possible to decide which reliefs were a pan of 
the gift. In a letter of 1826 in the archives of the Natioml 
Museum there is mention of: “fyrkantiga Kalkstens-Pilast- 
rar af itskilliga storlekar, forestSllande i uphdjdt arbetc 
offerscener, samt dessutom prydde med hieroglyphic 
inhuggningar”. In any case, what can be stated is that the 
reliefs came to Stockholm before 1868, when J.D.C. Lite- 
i.ein publislied his “Katalog dfver egyptiska fomlemningar 
i National- Museum”, Stockholm 1868. 

7 On Anastasi and his work for the benefit of egyptolo*}. 
cf. W.R. Dawson, Anastasi, Sallier, and Harris and their 
Papyri, JEA 35, 1949, pp. 158 ff. 

•The earlier inventory numbers of the National Museum 
are given below as NME. 

•Mentioned by Lieblein, op. cit., pp. 25 f. The inscrip- 
tions have Ixen incompletely reproduced by M. Moorv 
sfn, Steles ^gvptiennes au Mus6e National de Stockholm. 
C openhagen 1919, pp. 41 f. Both Lieblein and Mogem*' 
thought that this slab belonged to MM 32012. This N 
however, incorrect. 


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10 Cf. J. Vandier, Manuel d’arcWologie £gyptienne IV, 
Paris 1964, pp. 4*1 AT. There are several parallels in Mem- 
phite tombs of the 18th and 19th dynasties, cf. e.g. Quibell, 
3p.cit.,pl. LXXI-LXXIV. 

“For gazelles as offerings, cf. H. Kees, Bemerkungen 
zum Tieropfer der Agypter und seiner Symbolik, Nach- 
richten von der Akad. d. Wiss. in Gdttingen, Philologisch- 
Hist. Klasse, 1942:2, pp. 72 f. 

“Mentioned by Lieblein, op. cit., pp. 25 f. The inscrip- 
tions have been incompletely reproduced by Mogensen, 
op. cit., pp. 41 f. Both of them thought that this slab be- 
longed to MM 32011. Cf. above note 9. 

14 Cf. above note 10. 

14 Cf. N. de G. Davies, A Peculiar Form of a New King- 
dom Lamp, JEA 10, 1924, pp. 9 ff. 

“Cf. idem. Seven Private Tombs at Kumah (Mond 
Excavations at Thebes II), London 1948, pi. XXIV (left) 
and p. 34. 

“Mentioned by Lieblein, op. cit., p. 25. The inscrip- 
tions have been incompletely reproduced by Mogensen, 
op. cit., pp. 27 f. 

“One of the above-mentioned reliefs in Linkdping also 
has some passages of spell 182, cf. Save-S5derbergh, op. 
cit., pi. 2. 

“Mentioned by Lieblein, op. cit., p. 28. 

“Emending with wr before the group krp hmt. 

••A less important official, as can be seen on the Berlin 
relief 12411, where such an official is depicted, cf. A. Er- 
ik an, Aus dem Grabe eines Hohenpriesters von Memphis, 
ZAS 33,1895, p. 19 and pi. I. Judging from that relief, 
according to the position and attitude of the man, he is not 
among the higher officials. 

“Mentioned by Lieblein, op. cit., p. 28. 

“Mentioned by Lieblein, op. cit., p. 30. 

“B. Porter & R. Moss, Topographical Bibliography 
etc. Ill, Oxford 1931, p. 191. 

“Idem, op. cit., pp. 195 ff.; for more recent works on 
the tomb of Haremheb, cf. W. Wolf, Die Kunst Agyptens, 
Stuttgart 1957, p. 706, note 42. 

“After the disorganization of the Amama court its 
artists were most probably employed in Thebes and 
Memphis, cf. idem , op. cit., p. 535. 

“Cf. L. Curtius, Die Antike Kunst I, Agypten und 
Vorderasien ( = Handbuch der Kunstwissenschaft), Berlin- 
Neubabelsberg 1923, p. 190. 

“Above all Berlin 12411; Porter & Moss, op. cit., Ill, 
p. 197; Wolf, op. cit., p. 707, note 48. 

**Cf. Curtius, op. cit., p. 173. 

“Cf. N. de G. Davies, Two Ramesside Tombs at 
Thebes, New York 1927, p. XVI: “What inspiration could 
an artist find in gods and demons, temple furniture and 
rites, and the worshiping figures of his patron’s family? 
Interesting episodes are nearly always the best painted, 


and many a dull tomb . . . wakes into beauty and bright- 
ness as it touches a dramatic scene. But these get rarer and 
rarer.” 

“Cf. R. Anthes, Die hohen Beamten namens Ptahmose 
in der 18. Dynastie, ZAS, 72, 1936, pp. 60 ff. 

%1 Ibidem , p. 62. Professor G. Caputo lias most kindly 
sent me photographs of this statue and also of the pillar 
Firenze 2607 mentioned below. 

“Cf. J.D.C. Lieblein, Dictionnaire de noms hteroglyphi- 
ques, Supplement, Leipzig 1892, 2562; W. Helck, Zur 
Verwaltung des Mittleren und Neuen Reichs ( = Probleme 
der Agyptologie 3), Leiden-K61n 1958, pp. 319 f., cf. also 
pp. 453 ff. 

“Cf. Helck, op. cit., pp. 318 ff. 

“British Museum, A Guide to the Egyptian Galleries 
(Sculpture), London 1909, p. 203; Lieblein, op. cit., 
Christiania-Leipzig 1871, 997. 

“H. Kees, Das Priestertum im Sgyptischen Staat vom 
Neuen Reich bis zur SpStzeit ( = Probleme der Agyptolo- 
gie 1), Leiden-K61n 1953, p. 103, p. 64, note 4. 

“Lieblein, op. cit., 2051; J. Vandier, Manuel d’arch^o- 
logie £gyptienne III, Paris 1958, pp. 482, 494, 496, 534 
and Album de planches pi. CXLV:6; cf. A. Weil, Die 
Veziere des Pharaonenreiches, Strassburg 1908, p. 109 
and Helck, op. cit., p. 328. 

“Vandier, op. cit., pp. 482 and 494. 

“Kees, op. cit., p. 1 14; so also Helck, op. cit., p. 329. 

••Two of its sides are reproduced by A. Hermann, Eine 
ungewolinliche Gesichtsdarstellung des Neuen Reiches, 
ZAS 75,1939, pi. VIII a. 

40 Kees, op. cit., p. 1 14, note 2. 

41 Quibell, op. cit., pi. LXX. 

4, G. Daressy, Remarques et notes, Rec. de Trav. 10, 
1888, p. 150; cf. Helck, op. cit., p. 320, note 1. But Helck 
erroneously assigns the stela to the Firenze museum. 

“Kees, op. cit., p. 64: Nachtrage, Leiden-Koln 1958, 
p. ii. 

“British Museum, Guide (Sculpture), p. 182. 

From the former Anastasi collection. H. Ranke, Die 
agyptischen Personennamen I. Gliickstadt 1935, p. 115:16 
refers to this coffin as “Spat”. 

“G. Roeder, Aegyptische Inschriften aus den Staat- 
lichen Museen zu Berlin II, Leipzig 1924, pp. 374 ff. 

“Kees, op. cit., p. 112, note 1. 

47 C. Leemans, Description raisonn£ des monumens 
£gyptiens du Mus£e d’antiquit^s des Pays Bas, Leiden 
1840, p. 110. 

“J. Leclant, Compte rendu des fouilles et travaux men£s 
en figypte durant les campagnes 1948-1950, Oriental ia 
N.S. 19, 1950, p. 492 and pi. LV. For this and some other 
references I am indebted to Dr Rosalind Moss, Oxford. 

“ Idem , op. cit., pi. LVI. The statue now in the Cairo 
museum, Ent. 89046. 


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15 



A Red Lustrous Wheel-made Spindle Bottle 
and its Contents 


PAUL ASTROM 


The Swedish physician Johan Hedenborg 1 
( 1787-1865), who lived in Rhodes for many 
years, acquired during his travels in Egypt, 
Cyprus and the Near East many antiquities 
which he sent to Swedish museums. Some of 
the objects first found their way to the 
National Museum and the Royal Academy of 
Letters, History and Antiquities in Stock- 
holm, but they have recently been transferred 
to the Museum of Mediterranean and Near 
Eastern Antiquities ( Medelhavsmuseet) in 
Stockholm*. The collection includes inter alia 
Egyptian pottery and stone vases; Cypriote 
pots of the Middle and Late Bronze Ages and 
of the Iron Age 8 ; two Corinthian aryballoi 
and stamped amphora handles, probably from 
Rhodes; a Mycenaean III A 1 alabastron- 
shaped vase, possibly from Egypt 4 ; a frag- 
mentary Latin inscription with the name of 
Trajan. 

The collection also includes two Red Lus- 
trous Wheel-made spindle-shaped bottles. One 
of the bottles will be illustrated in the forth- 
coming volume IV: lC of The Swedish Cyprus 
Expedition 5 ; the other bottle 6 is of special 
interest, not least because of its contents, and 
will therefore be discussed in detail below. 

The bottle (see Fig. l) has a very tall, 


narrow, spindle-shaped body, tapering to the 
base, which is ring-shaped with conical ex- 
terior. The neck is high and narrow and 
tapers upward to a flat, carinated rim. The 
fairly flat, vertical handle (with sharp edges) 
is attached to the upper part of the neck and 
to the shoulder. The centre of the base is 
slightly raised on the interior and a pot-mark 
consisting of a cross (Fig. 2) was incised on 
it before the firing. The neck, handle and 
body have been vertically knife-trimmed be- 
fore firing. The light brown clay is homo- 
geneous and extremely finely mixed, con- 
taining mica and a few particles of white grit. 
The red slip is vertically burnished to a very 
high lustre. The bottle is 39.5 cm. high and 
its maximum width is 6.5 cm. The vase was 
broken into several pieces ( Fig. 3) but has 
been mended recently. It contained a black 
resinous substance (see further below). The 
provenance of the bottle is unknown. 

The bottle belongs to type lb of Sjoqvist s 
typology 7 . There are nine examples from 
Cyprus of about the same shape and size as 
Hedenborg’s bottle 8 . One of these parallels 
is from Hala Sultan Tekke in Cyprus and has 
the same type of pot-mark incised on the base 
before firing®. The same pot-mark also occurs 


16 


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Fig. 1-3. Red lustrous wheel-made vase. MM SHM 
607:172 

Fig. 1. The restored bottle; Fig. 2. The base with 
the pot-mark ; Fig. 3. Original condition of the bottle. 


on the lowest part of the handle of a lentoid 
flask from the Bronze Age Sanctuary at Ayios 
Iakovos 10 . This is a sign in the Cypro-Minoan 
syllabary 11 , but it is common enough as a 
pottery mark presumably without a sign- 
value 12 . It is possible that the pot-marks on 
the two above-mentioned Red Lustrous 
Wheel-made vases were made by the same 
potter or in the same workshop. 

It is not yet possible to prove where Red 
Lustrous Wheel-made Ware was manufac- 
tured. 18 The ware is most frequently found in 
Cyprus with about 350 recorded items, follow- 
ed bv Anatolia and Egypt with about 100 
occurrences each, North Syria with about 
half that number, Palestine with about a 
dozen specimens and finally by the Aegean 
area, where Crete and Rhodes have yielded 
one example each. The specimens found in 
Palestine and in the Aegean area are un- 
doubtedly imports. It remains for us to dis- 
cuss the other areas as possible centres of 
manufacture of this fabric. 

It may be significant that Red Lustrous 
Wheel-made Ware is most frequent in Cyp- 
rus, although the intensive archaeological 
activity in the island may account for the 
great number. All the known types of the 
fabric have been found in Cyprus and - what 
is more important - there are specific shapes 
which occur only in the island. Bowls, jars, 
biconical and ovoid jugs and the tankard are 
known only from Cyprus. The ware is so 
common at a site such as Hala Sultan Tekke, 
as surface surveys show 14 , that it is not out 
of the question that is was manufactured there 
either by Cypriote or foreign potters. It is 
also significant that about a dozen of the pot- 
marks occurring on Red Lustrous Wheel-made 
Ware are equivalent to signs in the Cypro- 
Minoan syllabary, while about half a dozen 
of these also correspond to signs in the Cypro- 
Minoan variety at Ras Shamra; the remaining 
pot-marks were probably incised by potters 
who could not write. 


While tall bottles are known in the Middle 
Cypriote Bronze Age 14 , the lentoid pilgrim 
flask is probably of Anatolian derivation. The 
spindle bottle is not so common in Anatolia, 
while Red Lustrous Wheel-made libation 
vessels are abundantly represented there 14 . 
Some of the latter are considered to have 
been locally made, but a North Syrian origin 
is proposed for the others. It should be noted 
that no Late Cypriote pottery has been re- 
corded from central Anatolia and the inference 
may be that Red Lustrous Wheel-made Ware 
did not reach Anatolia from Cyprus, at least 
not directly. The Hittite Red Burnished Ware 
may be an ancestor of the fabric. An unusual 
spindle-shaped bottle from Enkomi in Cyprus 
has an exact counterpart at Tarsus 17 . 

Syria is usually claimed to be the home of 
the Red Lustrous Wheel-made Ware. It is 
well represented at Alalakh and Ugarit, but 
Woolley did not believe that it was made at 
the former site 18 . The Red Burnished Wheel- 
made Ware of the Middle Bronze Age may 
be a prototype of it; the broad-shouldered jug 
with conical body 18 may well be the ancestor 
of the spindle bottle with broad shoulder. 

Red Polished Ware of almost the same 
quality as Red Lustrous Wheel-made Ware 
was made in Egypt before the New Kingdom. 
Stewart's 20 impressions and my own, after 
having seen the rich repertory of shapes of 
Red Polished - Red Lustrous Ware in Egypt, 
were that Red Lustrous Wheel-made W are 
as a fabric may have evolved from Egyptian 
prototypes. Whether it was manufactured 
there is another question; it was at any rate 
imitated there 21 . The spindle bottle is proba- 
bly depicted on Egyptian tomb paintings 
among foreign, perhaps Syrian, tribute- 
bearers 22 . 

Perhaps we shall have to envisage more 
than one manufacturing centre for Red Lus- 
trous Wheel-made Ware. Schaeffer has sug- 
gested that it was made both in Cyprus and 
in Syria 23 , Stewart that it was manufactured 


18 


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at several sites in Western Asia and Egypt* 4 . 
It is an international ware in a period of 
lively contacts. Egyptian, Hittite, Syrian and 
Cypriote ingredients formed part of its cre- 
ation. The sole place in the Late Bronze Age 
where the mixing of styles and forms from 
many areas is characteristic and normal, is 
Cyprus, situated as it is in focus. If there was 
only one manufacturing centre, this was like- 
ly to be in Cyprus, while Syria is another 
candidate. 

Red Lustrous Wheel-made Ware occurs in 
Cyprus from Late Cypriote IB to IIC or c. 
1525-1225 and in Syria it is of about the 
same date; in Cyprus there are a few later 
stray occurrences of sherds from Enkomi and 
Sinda. In Egypt the ware possibly occurs 
already in the late phase of the Second Inter- 
mediate period and it disappears at the end 
of the fourteenth century 25 . In Anatolia the 
ware is fashionable from the late fifteenth to 
the thirteenth century. The broad-shouldered 
bottle is - as Schaeffer has observed - earlier 
than the slender type 26 . It is true that the 
slender type appears almost simultaneously in 
Late Cypriote IB, but it outlives the broad 
type. The date for Hedenborg's bottle cannot 
be precisely given. The Cypriote parallels to 
it of known contexts date from the end of the 
fifteenth and the fourteenth century; the 
lentoid bottle with the same pot-mark comes 
from the Bronze Age Sanctuary at Ayios 
Iakovos which is well dated to the first quar- 
ter of the fourteenth century B.C. 

Hedenborg’s spindle bottle is particularly 
interesting because of its contents (see Fig.S). 
Dr. O. Arrhenius suggested in a letter of 
the 25th October, 1962, that the contents 
’’seemed to be some kind of asphalt or bi- 
tumen". Professor Holger Arbman has in- 
formed me that Hjalmar Ljung once analyzed 
the contents, but his report of the results can 
no longer be found. A new analysis has been 
made by Margareta Viklund, who suggests 
that some kind of reducing sugar is present. 


Dr. Karl Afzelius suggests that the contents 
were honey. See Appendix I -I I below for 
further details. 

This is not the first Red Lustrous Wheel- 
made bottle which has its contents preserved. 
A spindle bottle from Ras Shamra contained 
a resinous deposit 27 . A broad-shouldered 
bottle from Deir el Medineh contained a 
"liquide huileux et visqueux de couleur 
brune’’, and other bottles from the same site 
contained greasy or oily liquids or a sub- 
stance resembling resin 28 . The contents of a 
lentoid flask with two handles from Enkomi 
Tomb 98 were analyzed for me by Dr. O. 
Arrhenius, who could not find anything but 
a clayey substance in it; he informed me that 
clay is sometimes used as fixative for per- 
fume 29 . Red Lustrous Wheel-made pots from 
Egypt analyzed on Merrillees’ initiative con- 
tained fat 80 . It is then clear that the contents 
of these vases were not always the same. 

F. von Bissing suggested that Red Lustrous 
Wheel-made bottles contained oils and resins 
just as the Mycenaean stirrup jars did 81 . Infor- 
mation about the contents of pottery is so 
rare that some references may be given here. 
A stirrup jar from a collection formed in 
Egypt contained some preparation of coconut 
oil 82 . The big stirrup jars from the so-called 
House of the Oil merchant at Mycenae proba- 
bly contained perfumes and unguents 88 . A 
Black Lustrous Wheel-made juglet from 
Balabish contained ointment with a sweet 
scent 84 . A Base-ring II juglet from Tell el- 
Amama contained a dark brown viscous 
vegetable oil, the identity of which could not 
be determined 85 . Other Base-ring juglets 
contained wax and fat and possibly opium 86 . 
Resin has been found in wine jars and in a 
Black slip II bowl from Cyprus 87 . A black 
resinous pitch was smeared on the interior 
of a (wine?) jar from Kalopsidha to make it 
impermeable 88 . It would no doubt be a re- 
warding task for a chemist to undertake a sys- 
tematic analysis of thecontentsof ancient vases. 


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19 



•For biographical details see A.W. Persson, Med hacka 
och med spade, Stockholm 1934; Svenska min och kvinnor, 
Biografisk uppslagsbok, 3, Stockholm 1946, pp. 349-350 
(biography by S. Lindman); VIr svenska stam pi utllndsk 
mark, Stockholm 1952-1953, I, p. 457; 111, pp. 172, 263; 
T.J. Arne, Svenskama och dsterlandet, Stockholm 1952; 
S. Rabe, Rhodos, Stockholm 1964. A biography of Johan 
Hedenborg has been written by A me Holmberg. On 
Hedenborg in Egypt see a recent paper by B.J. Peter- 
son in Opuscula Atheniensia VII. An effort is now being 
made to publish Hedenborg’s magnum opus , a history of 
Rhodes in several volumes; a description of that manuscript 
was given by the writer in the newspaper Sydsvenska Dag- 
bladet, Malmd, 12 August 1959. 

•Inv. no. 607. There are ancient coins collected by 
Hedenborg in the Royal Coin Cabinet and material per- 
taining to ethnography and natural history is preserved in 
Stockholm’s Riksmuseum. The University of Uppsala, the 
Royal Library and other institutions also received material 
from Hedenborg. 

•White Painted Ware, Base-ring I— II, and a barrel- 
shaped jug of Black Polished III (V) Ware. Some of the 
pots, MM SHM 607: 184a— e, were said to be from 
"Atlyenia”, Cyprus, which could be an error for Athienou. 

4 To judge by its somewhat dark and oily consistency; 
organic matter was better preserved in Egypt than else- 
where. Cf. A. Furumark, The Mycenaean Pottery, Stock- 
holm 1941, type 84, p. 597, with a variant of motif 32 
(rock-pattern) on the shoulder and with concentric circles 
on the base, cf. ibid., p. 405. 

•As fig. LIV:6. MM SHM 607:5. Height 31 cm., width 
of body 8.6 cm. 

•Medelhavsmuseet, inv. no. MM SHM 607:172. 

7 E. Sjoqvist, Problems of the Late Cypriote Bronze 
Age, Stockholm 1940, p. 53, fig. 13. 

•Enkomi Tomb 12 nos. 13 and 14; Enkomi Tomb 76 
(Cyprus Museum inv. no. A 1414); Katydhata Tomb 5 
no. 9; Hala Sultan Tekke Tomb XI (Cyprus Museum inv. 
no. A 1415); F. Behn, Vorhellenistische Alterttimer der 
dstlichen Mittelmeerlftnder, Mainz 1913, p. 90, no. 715; 
Art Museum, Princeton, inv. no. 29-79; Art Museum, 
Seattle, inv. no. 20.15; Archaeological Institute, Turin, 
inv. no. 8064. 

•Cyprus Museum, inv. no. A 1415. Opuscula Atheniensia 
V, p. 117. 

19 Unpublished, Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm. From 
Square E, 0-20. Cf. also J.L. Myres, Handbook of the 
Cesnola Collection of Antiquities from Cyprus, New York 
1913, p. 41, no. 378, with a short vertical incision to the 
left of the cross, perhaps accidental (personal examination). 
See also C.F.A. Schaeffer, Ugaritica II, Paris 1949, fig. 
96: lc, le, for crosses combined with an incised line. 

••See M. Ventris & J. Chadwick, Documents in Myce- 
naean Greek, Cambridge 1956, p. 62, fig. 11. The sign 
also occurs in the script of Cvpro-Minoan character found 
at Ras Shamra, ibid, and O. Masson in C.F.A. Schaeffer, 
Ugaritica III, Paris 1956, p. 245, fig. 213. 

••The Cypriote material is assembled in the writer’s 
Excavations at Kalopsidha and Ayios Iakovos in Cyprus, 
Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology II, Lund 1966. 

1# For a recent summary of the opinions on the origin of 
this ware see R.S. Merrillees, Bronze Age Spindle Bottles 


from the I^evant, in Opuscula Atheniensia IV, pp. 187-197. 
For further references see The Swedish Cyprus Expedition 
IV: 1C. 

••Cf. Opuscula Atheniensia IV, p. 163, no. 90; v, pp. 
117, 1 19, n. 11. There are many fragments of Red Lustrous 
Wheel-made Ware from this site in Lund and Oxford. 

14 P. AstrOm, The Middle Cypriote Bronze Age, Lund 
1957, fig. XIV. 

••F. Fischer, Die hethitische Keramik von Bogazkov, 
Berlin 1963; K. Bittel et alii, Bogazkoy III, Berlin 1957, 
pp. 33 If. Cf. also American Journal of Archaeology 51, 
1947, p. 155, fig. 3, PI. XXXVIc for a bottle and a'flask 
in Hittite pottery. 

17 C.F.A. Schaeffer, Enkomi-Alasia I, Paris 1952, fig. 
42:10; H. Goldman, Tarsus II, Princeton 1956, fig. 385: 
1191. 

18 L. Woolley, Alalakh, Oxford 1955, pp. 360 f. 

1§ C.F.A. Schaeffer, Ugaritica I, Paris 1939, p. 60, fig. 
48. 

••American Journal of Archaeology 64, 1960, p. 291. 

••See R.S. Merrillees, Cypriote Bronze Age Pottery 
Found in Egypt, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 
XVIII, Lund 1968. 

•*J. Vercoutter, L’Egypte et le monde £g£en pnf- 
helllnique, Cairo 1956; R.S. Merrillees, op. cit. 

••C.F.A. Schaeffer, Ugaritica III, Paris 1956, p. 234, 
n. 4. 

••Cf. above n. 20. 

M R.S. Merrillees, op. cit. 

••C.F.A. Schaeffer, Missions en Chypre, Paris 1936, 
p. 73; Idem, Stratigraphie compare, London 1948, p. 378. 
Contra: E. Sjoqvist, op. cit., p. 103, n. 4. 

* 7 C.F.A. Schaeffer, Ugaritica II, p. 228, text to fig. lh. 

••For references see R.S. Merrillees, op. cit. 

••An analysis by Dr. Arrhenius of clay of oily consisten- 
cy inside a Mycenaean III A 2 stirrup jar from Dentin 
Tomb 14, excavated in 1962, gave the same result. - The 
flask from Enkomi Tomb 98 (Cyprus Museum, Nicosia, 
inv. no. A 1404) was illustrated by E. Gj erst ad. Studies 
on Prehistoric Cyprus, Uppsala 1926, p. 203, Red lustrous 
III Ware, 2. 

••R.S. Merrillees, op. cit. A Red Lustrous Wheel-made 
spindle bottle in Toronto is still sealed and contains its 
original oil, see D.M. Robinson et alii, A Catalogue of the 
Greek Vases in the Royal Ontario Museum of Archaeology 
Toronto, Toronto 1939, pp. 18 f., no. 73. 

••Jahrbuch XIII, 1898, p. 55. 

••American Journal of Archaeology X, 1906, pp.SOO- 
301. 

**L.P. Palmer, Mycenaeans and Minoans, London 1961, 
pp. 108 f., 170. 

M G.A. Wainwright, Balabish, London 1920, pp. 61, 
66, n. 4, 5; Opuscula Atheniensia IV, p. 218, n. 1 . There is 
a fat, yellow matter inside a jug of the same fabric frorr: 
Enkomi Tomb 3, supplement ( in Stockholm, not yet ana- 
lyzed). 

••A. I .ucas. Ancient Egyptian Materials & Industries 
3rd rev. ed., London 1959, p. 380; 4th ed.. London 196- 
p. 328. 

••References in R. S. Merrillees, op. cit. 

•’Opuscula Atheniensia IV, pp. 229 f. 

••See the writer’s publication, quoted in note 12, p 44. 


20 


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APPENDIX I 

Extract from a report of Margareta Viklund, 
January, 1966. 

Chemical analysis by the wet method has 
been carried out and analyses of a number of 
inorganic substances have given a negative 
result. 

Combustion tests showed that the sub- 
stance burned readily with a smokeless or 
blue flame and was carbonized into a residue 
of greyish white ash. The sample melted and 
bubbled during combustion and a smell, not 
directly characteristic, was observed. This re- 
sult indicates that it is a question of an 
organic material, the aliphatic compound and 
the bubbling possibly being due to the pre- 
sence of sugar. A distinct reduction effect was 
noticeable through the decoloration of po- 
tassium permanganate. A weak reduction 
effect could also be noted when copper was 
reduced in different solutions containing 
copper (II) sulphate, which could indicate 
the presence of some kind of reducing sugar. 
Analyses of other organic compounds have 
given a negative result. 

In both microscopic and macroscopic study 
certain parts appear to consist of quantities 
of ball-shaped particles. This observation and 
the above results lead to the assumption that 
the contents are some kind of fruit. The small 
round particles, which are the size of fig- 
seeds, would then be fruit seeds. 

APPENDIX II 

Extract from letter of 23rd February, 1966, 
from Dr. Karl Afzelius to Dr. O. Vessberg. 


I have let the material stand in cold water for 
a long time to test its solubility. After some 
days the water takes on a yellowish colour, 
but the material appears to be largely in- 
soluble. When boiling it dissolves to some 
extent, and the liquid acquires a brownish 
yellow colour and gives off a not easily 
identifiable smell, which could perhaps be 
described as oily. The liquid is viscous and 
deposits on the walls of a pottery bowl a 
yellowish brown layer which, when dried, is 
extremely difficult to remove with cold water 
but on the other hand is very readily soluble 
in warm water. These observations gave me 
a sudden idea that it could conceivably be 
honey, which had dried up and during the 
long lapse of time and possible variations in 
climate and weather had hardened stiff and 
changed in consistency. The chemical analysis 
has indicated the presence of reducing sugar, 
and that is just what honey consists of. In 
examining very many samples of solid ma- 
terial in varying degrees of disintegration 
and at both weak and stronger magnifications 
I have not as yet succeeded in finding any solid 
and clearly defined particles that might be 
interpreted as seeds or the like, nor any 
distinct cellular structures, the whole sub- 
stance appearing to consists in my view of 
an amorphous mass, which might indicate 
that it had originally been some substance 
such as honey for instance, which as it harden- 
ed may first be thought to have assumed a 
crystalline structure that in course of time 
disappeared. This idea about honey is natu- 
rally mere conjecture. 


21 


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Uschebtis aus der agyptischen Spatzeit 


STEN V. WANGSTEDT 


Das Uschebti, unter welchem Namen die 
kleine, meistens mumienformige 1 , aus ver- 
schiedenem Material hergestellte Figurgeht 8 , 
welche dem Toten als Beigabe mitgegeben 
wurde, erscheint zum ersten Mai im Mitt- 
leren Reich (2155-1786 v. Chr.) 8 . Die An- 
zahl ist anfangs begrenzt, was auch fUr das 
Ende der 2. Zwischenzeit (17, Dynastie 
[[1680 ( ?)- 1580 v. Chr.]]) gilt, als es wieder 
auftaucht, so wie in der 18. Dynastie ( 1580- 
1514v. Chr.). In der letzteren Halfte der 18. 
Dynastie werden in einzelnen Fallen dem 
Toten mehrere Uschebtifiguren mitgegeben, 
und mit dem Ausgang der Dynastie wird dies 
zur Regel 4 . Die Anzahl wechselt stark, und 
haufig sind Hunderte von Figuren in einem 
und demselben Grab gefunden worden. 

Das Uschebti des Mittleren Reichs er- 
scheint ab und an mit Symbolen in den Han- 
den 5 . Die Symbole, die sich auch in der 18. 
Dynastie halten, iiberlassen in der zweiten 
Halfte der Dynastie ihren Platz Ackerbau- 
geraten: die Breithaue und die Spitzhacke, 
entweder allein oder zusammen. Spater er- 
halten die Hauen fast ausnahmslos die Spitz- 
form. Von der 25. Dynastie an (751-656 v. 
Chr.) ist die eine Spitzhacke durch einen 
anderen Typ mit kurzer, spitzer Klaue er- 
setzt worden. Ausser den Hauen werden 
andere Attribute hinzugefugt: geflochtener 


Korb, zwei Krtige mit Tragriemen, Ziegel- 
form, KUbel, und in der 19. Dynastie (1514- 
1200 v. Chr.) Joch mit Wasserkriigen*. Bis 
auf den Korb verschwinden diese Attribute 
mit dem Ausgang der 19. Dynastie. 

Die Aufschrift ist dem zu Gebote stehenden 
Raum angepasst. Wenn dieser ungenugend 
gewesen ist, hat man sich damit begniigt, den 
Namen des Toten, allein oder mit Titel(n) 7 , 
nebst im allgemeinen dem Namen der Mutter 
anzugeben 8 . Soweit Platz vorhanden war, ist 
das 6. Kapitel des agyptischen Totenbuchs, 
entweder im ganzen oder mehr oder weniger 
stark abgektirtz, wiedergegeben. Auf den 
Uschebtis kommt der Totenbuchtext in seehs 
Versionen vor 8 . Die letzte Version, die sai- 
tische, welche auf Uschebtis der 26. Dynastie 
erscheint, lautet 10 : 

sW SI ^TrSMiSk 

■=-'k3rfi 


2 2 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Vorschrift des Osiris NN, der Selige. Er sagt: 
„0 diese Uschebtis. Wenn Osiris NN, der 
Selige, aufgezahlt wird um alle Arbeiten zu 
tun, die in der Unterwelt zu tun sind - siehe, 
Hindemisse sind dort errichtet - als ein 
Mann bei seinen Pflichten, „Hier bin ich!" 
sollt ihr sagen. Wenn ihr aufgezahlt werdet 
zu jeder Zeit (um) dort tatig zu sein, um 
(das) Feld zu bestellen, um (das) Uferland 
zu bewassem, um (den) Sand von Westen 
nach Osten zu transportieren und umgekehrt, 
„Hier bin ich!" sollt ihr sagen." 

Wie aus dem Text hervorgeht, wird von 
dem Uschebti die Verrichtung verschiedener 
Ackerarbeit im Jenseits gerfordert - eine 
Tatigkeit, welche auch durch seine Gerate 
unterstrichen wird. Es liegt deswegen nahe, 
das Uschebti als Dienerfigur (oder Sklave) 
zu betrachten. Diese Funktion geht auch aus 
den Aufschriften „Diener der (Frau) /§- 
uhd 4 ‘ 11 bzw. „ O Uschebti, Diener seines 
Herm, bei jeder Arbeit, die ausgefuhrt wer- 
den muss in der Unterwelt" 12 , hervor. Die 
Funktion des Erdarbeiters ist von den Diener- 
figuren iibemommen, welche bis in das Mitt- 
lere Reich haufig, spater nur selten auftreten. 
Die Dienerfiguren stellen u.a. Erdarbeiter 
dar, und die Ackerbaugerate der spateren 
Uschebtis sind auf diese Dienerfunktion zu- 
ruckzufuhren. 

Das Uschebti ist aber nicht einzig und allein 
als Dienerfigur aufzufassen. Es ist auch Stell- 
vertreter des Toten selbst 18 . In seiner Eigen- 
schaft als Substitut ist das Uschebti an Stelle 
der in den Grabem des Alten Reichs auf- 
gestellten Statuen getreten. Die Mumienform 
des Uschebtis ist von dem Osirisglauben, 
dessen Ansehen im Mittleren Reich immer 
mehr zunahm, beeinflusst, und der Wunsch, 
sich dem Gott Osiris, dem Herrscher des 
Totenreichs, anzugleichen, fiihrt schliesslich 
dazu, dass der Tote mit dem Gott selbst 
identifiziert wird 14 - eine Identifizierung, 
welche in der Aufschrift des Uschebtis durch 
die Bezeichnung des Toten als „Osiris" zum 


Ausdruck kommt. 

Die Arbeit, welche im Jenseits ausgefuhrt 
werden muss, ist in der Aufschrift des Uscheb- 
tis genau spezifiziert. Der Tote soil, wie im 
Erdenleben von dem Ackerbauer verlangt 
wurde, die Felder bestellen, bei niedrigem 
Wasserstand die Acker des Uferlands be- 
wassem, und - wie es heisst - „den Sand 
von Westen nach Osten transportieren und 
umgekehrt", mit welcher Phrase wahrschein- 
lich das Fortschaffen des Wustensands von 
den Feldem gemeint ist 15 . 

Die im Medelhavsmuseet befindliche 
Sammlung agyptischer Uschebtifiguren ist 
zahlenmassig ziemlich bescheiden. Etwa funf- 
zig Figuren sind unbeschriftet. Von den be- 
schrifteten - etwa einhundertsechzig - sind 
gegen sechzig der 18. bis 21 . Dynastie ( 1580- 
950 v. Chr.) zuzuschreiben, wahrend vier- 
undneunzig der 26. Dynastie (665-525 v. 
Chr.) oder spater zuzuweisen sind 15 . 

Die im Folgenden veroffentlichten sieben- 
undzwanzig Figuren sind eine Auswahl der 
letzten Gruppe. Die Inventarbezeichnungen 
bedeuten: MM Medelhavsmuseet, NME 
Nationalmuseum und SHM Statens historiska 
museum. 


1. Uschebti des 

tmiMH 1 

Inv. Nr. NME 120. (Fig. l). 

Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Hellgriin, mit braunlichen Verfar- 
bungen. 

Grosser 189 mm. 

Datierung: 26. Dynastie. 

Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Fuss fehlt; im ubrigen unbescha- 
digt. 

Herstellung: Ausserordentlich gut; sorgfaltig 
eingravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 


Digitized by 


Google 


2 8 



PfS\ 31 tlTO MM'S SUIT— 

jstwyi:aidis.-VAtiui 
MHtS?»«SP9?USriV 
iJ1l l “M'JJlvflS*\TT*ft 
5^ HkAiv; ( 
4T«V.-»Pf**¥?lUSEJlt 
sraOfSt—SfkSMl 

(^■^Stra 

Die Figur ist fUr eine Person namens 
c hA-M 3, Sohn der Hausfrau nb-ml c .t( ?)-Ar-/£y, 
gemacht, die die Titel, „Domanenvorsteher'\ 
„Sprecher des Konigs" ftthrt. Ein zweites 
Uschebti des c nb-likZ findet sich in der Vati- 
kan-Sammlung 17 . Ober den Fundort der 
Figur liegt keine Auskunft vor. Der Name 
c nb-/rf% [\vortl. „Es lebt (der Gott) Heka“] 
deutet aber darauf hin, dass der Fundort 
wahrscheinlich in dem Nekropolengebiet von 
Memphis, in welchem ein dem Gott Heka 
(in der Spatzeit als Sohn des Ptah und der 
Sachmet betrachtet) geweihtes Heiligtum 
gelegen war, zu suchen ist 18 . 


2. Uschebti des 



lnv. Nr. NME 191 (Fig. 2). 

Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Blassgriin, mit gelbbraunen Verfar- 
bungen. 

Grosse: 207 mm. 

Datierung: 26. Dynastie. 

Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Fuss fehlt; geringe Beschadigungen 
an Handen, Gesicht und Hauen. 

Herstellung: Ausserordentlich gut; schlecht 
eingravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 


prs\3ijvft“Z?2:±^3*n? 

J4S£iKV«aKilllP??JUSfi* 

JHSlIdSIPWJliMETlc: 

Der Priester uib-ib-r*, Sohn des Vor- 
stehers der Leinen Ar-trc/i und O-fcu'tj, ist 
von einem der Turiner-Sammlung gehorigen 
Uschebti (Nr. 2694) bekannt. u%h-ib-r z 
nennt sich hier (NME 191) ,, Priester des 
4«^-/Vwr=/-zr c4<19 , „Priester des 
6/A“ ao , „Vorsteher der Leinen", wahrend das 
Turiner-Uschebti ihn als „Priester des knp - 
ib-mr=f-u' c “, „Priester des NefertunT, 
„Vorsteher der Leinen" 



bezeichnet 81 . Das folgende Uschebti (Nr. di 
scheint auch diesem wifr-tb-r G zu gehoren. 

3. Uschebti des 

JVkTMS 

lnv. Nr. NME 119. (Fig. 3 ). 

Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Griin, mit braunlichen Verfarbungen 
Grosse: 160 mm. 

Datierung: 26. Dynastie. 

Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Fuss fehlt; Bart und rechte Haue 
etwas beschadigt. 

Herstellung: Sehr gut; wenig sorgfaltig ein- 
gravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 



24 


Digitized by CjOOQle 




Fig. i. NME 120 


Fig. 2. NME 191 


Fig. 4 . MM lHOKi 


Digitized by 


► - m 




SPl-WlS.iallU'MUfSTl 
lJi>”1 l li’:ff Tt 


W 




w?A-/6-r c (vgl. Nr. 2) fiihrt hier die Titel 
„Priester des Horus von Nechen*' 22 , „Vor- 
steher der Leinen“.Nur der Name der Mutter 
tZ-fawtj, ist angegeben, was auch in dem Text 
des Turiner-Uschebtis Nr. 2694 der Fall ist. 


4. Uschebti des 

TSK 

Inv. Nr. MM 18046. (Fig. 4). 

Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Grun, mit graubraunem Flachen- 
belag. 

Grosse: 167 mm. 

Datierung: 26. Dynastie. 

Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: GeringfUgige Beschadigungen an 
Bart und Sockel. 

Herstellung: Gut; ziemlich sorgfaltig ein- 
gravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 


pfirvfiKKiPsrw&ijn 


Die Figur ist fur einen Mann namens 
wZh-ib-r^-m-ik.t [worth „(Der Konig) w%h- 
ib-r c ist im Horizont“[]> Sohn der Hausfrau 
s<z j> gemacht. Noth vier Uschebtis dieses 
Woh-ib-r c -m-£h.t sind mir bekannt: 23 . 


Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Blassgriin, mit schwachen bra un- 
lichen Verfdrbungen. 

Grosse: 195 mm. 

Datierung: 26. Dynastie. 

Herkunft: Saqqarah. 

Zustand: UnbeschOndigt. 

Herstellung: Ausserordentlich gut; sorgfal 
eingravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 

sdyi-iikVatf'JHik 

u: 

Von den Uschebtis des nfr-ib-r c -si-n.t 
[[worth „(Der Konig) «/r-/W c ist ein Sohn 
der (Gottin) Neit“[], geboren von sp-(n)- 
b%st.t> im ganzen 336 St., sind zwei im 
Besitz des Museums. Das zweite, MM 14983, 
aus griin glasierter Fayence, misst 1 85 mm und 
ist bis auf vorkommende braunliche Verfar- 
bungen unbeschadigt. Auch diese Figur ist 
ausserordentlich gut hergestellt und der ach t, 
Zeilen umfassende Text ist sorgfaltig ein- 
graviert. Die Texte der beiden, in vei* 
schiedenen Gussformen hergestellten Uschebi 
tis stimmen bis auf die Proposition r „nach - 
vor dem Wort tebt.t „Osten", die auf MM 
14986 ausgelassen ist, genau uberein. Das 
Grab des n/r-/6-r c -$3-».f, bei der Pyr amide 
des Konigs Userkaf gelegen, wurde im Jahr 
1929 entdeckt 24 . 



5. Uschebti des 


6. Uschebti des 


str&v 

Inv. Nr. MM 10226. (Fig. 5). 


sioravr: 

Inv. Nr. NME 121. (Fig. 6). 


26 


Digitized by CjOOQle 



W TtfWlft H 

[ * i 

1 1 9 v n 

. 


iK I 

. M 


Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Blaugrun, mit kleineren briiunlichen 
Verfarbungen. 

Grosser 160 mm. 

Datierung: 26. Dynastie. 

Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Unbeschadigt. 

Herstellung: Gut; ziemlich nachlassig ein- 
gravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 

aiP-\rtlvlL\TItAV.r 

i s 

Die Figur ist fUr den General psmtk-sZ-n.t 
[[worth „Psavnetich ist ein Sohn der (Gottin) 
Neith"]], geboren von n.t-m-hZ.t (worth 
,,Neith ist an der Spitze“), gemacht. Noch 
ein zweites Uschebti dieses Generals gehort 
zu der Sammlung (NME 161, Fig. 6a). Auch 
diese Figur ist bis auf eine Absplitterung an 
der rechten Hand unbeschadigt. Sie hat die- 
selbe blaugriine Glasur, mit nur kleineren 
Verfarbungen, hauptsachlich an der Riick- 
seite. Sie misst 160 mm und ist etwas breiter 
als NME 121 und tragt im Gegenteil zu ihm 
Gotterbart, was darauf hindeutet, dass eine 
andere Gussform verwendet worden ist. Der 
schlechte wenig genau wiedergegebene Text 
zeigt ausserdem, dass die Gravierungen von 
verschiedenen Schreibem ausgefiihrt worden 
sind. 

Text: 

pi ini 1 skhED v~ - n k 

Si 

om “ r scu&ai 


mm v| JA.7XC 

n=>0o = — . t **“ 

7. Uschebti der 


Inv. Nr. MM 14706. (Fig. 7). 

Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Turkisblau, mit braunlichen Ver 
farbungen. 

Grosser 145 mm. 

Datierung: 26. Dynastie. 

Herkunft: Faijum. 

Zustand: Unbeschadigt. 

Herstellung: Ausserordentlich gut; ziemlid 
sorgfaltig eingravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 

Die Figur ist fUr eine Frau nanieni 
^3-(n./)-n/r-Ar [[worth „Die (Dienerin) de 
(Gottes) nfr-hr “]], geboren von h.t-hr-m 
ih.t (worth „Hathor ist im Horizont”), ge 
macht. 

8. Uschebti des 

Inv. Nr. MM 10210. (Fig. 8). 

Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Grim. 

Grosser 185 mm. 

Datierung: 27. Dynastie. I 

Herkunft: Saqqarah. 

Zustand: Unbeschadigt. I 


28 


Digitized by CjOOQle 



lerstellung: Ausserordentlich gut; an dem 
lUckenpfeiler eine Textzeile mit sorgfaltig 
ingravierten Hieroglyphen. 

'ext: 

>TJ 35 01.35 nj*.:!S 

6-m-$3=/ [wortl. „(Der Gott) Heka ist 
sin Schutz"]], fUr den die Figur gemacht 
it, fiihrt den Titel „Vorsteher der Konig- 
chen Schiffe". Ausser diesem Exemplar 
nden sich mehrere in verschiedenen agyp- 
schen sammlungen. Das Grab des h/co-m-so 
=/, ostlich der Unaspyramide gelegen, wurde 
n Jahr 1905 entdeckt 26 . 

. Uschebti des 



nv. Nr. NME 171. (Fig. 9). 

Material: Fayence. 
rlasur: Tiirkisblau. 

Jrosse: 155 mm. 

)atierung: 26. Dynastie. 
lerkunft: Unbekannt. 
lustand: Schwere Schaden am Kopf. 
lerstellung: Ziemlich gut; wenig sorgfaltig 
ingravierte Hieroglyphen. 

'ext: 

Die Figur ist fur einen Mann namens 
l-dj-wstr , geboren von sp-(n)-spd.t , gemacht. 
'.in zweites Exemplar (NME 155, Fig. 9a) ist 
twas grosser, 125 mm, blauglasiert und un- 
eschadigt. Herstellung wie NME 171. 

>xt: 


10. Uschebti des 

Inv. Nr NME 145. (Fig. io). 

Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Blaugriin, mit braunlichen Verfar- 
bungen. 

Grosse: 145 mm. 

Datierung: 26. Dynastien. 

Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Unbeschadigt. 

Herstellung: Gut; wenig sorgfaltig ein- 
gravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 

qaniiin - 011 y-j+t 

«»njiMk.vT*-£ek 

•.-qikXrcjBtrssui 

?k QW-, 

Die Figur ist fiir eine Person hr-m-Zh-bj.t 
(worth „Horus ist im Chemmis 26 "), geboren 
von t*-kzvtj 9 gemacht. Eine zweite (NME 
151, Fig. 10a) weicht von der obigen inso- 
fem ab, als der Text nur acht Zeilen umfasst 
und das Personalsuffix am Ende der letzten 
Zeile ausgelassen ist. 

1 1. Uschebti des 

t BE I 

Inv. Nr. NME 118. (Fig. 11). 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


29 




Fig. 9a. NXfE is. 


ll. NXfE 1 IS 


Fig. 12. XfXf 11701 


Fig. 13 . MM 1-1972 


Digitized by 






il I 


Bi 





m 


B / 

hi m 

B 


m 

■ ■ 


■ m 


■» «= 


Vlaterial: Fayence. 

jlasur: Blaugriin, mit hellbraunen Belagen, 
pauptsachlich am Ruckenpfeiler. 

Grosse: 200 mm. 

Oatierung: 26. Dynastie. 

Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Kleinere Beschadigungen an der 
linken Hand, am Gesicht und an den Hauen. 
Herstellung: Ausserordentlich gut; etwas 
unscharf eingravierte Hieroglyphen. 

[Text: 

kvHP^I l 41v«SA > i:atf= 
!k>=. ^ 

Die Figur ist fUr einen ,,Domanenvor- 
steher" und „Priester“ An-§/(j)(?), geboren 
von t%-jjw , gemaeht. 

12. Uschebti des 

fSHs\T 

Inv. Nr. MM 14701. (Fig. 12). 

Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Gelbgriin. 

Grosse: 165 mm. 

Datierung: 26. Dynastie. 

Herrkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Unbeschadigt. 

Herstellung: Ausserordentlich gut; zum Teil 
unscharf eingravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 

PITir\3i)t5U=y ?! *'i±^ 







2 



i i i 


Die Figur gehort einer Person namens 
ir.t-(n.t)-hr-ir.w (worth „Das Auge des 
Horus ist gegen sie gerichtet"), die den Titel 
si nb—j m (fr.t)-nn-nsw.t „Der Schutz seines 
Herm in Hennensu" fiihrt 27 . Den Namen der 
Mutter habe ich nicht deuten konnen. 


16. Uschebti des 

Inv. Nr. MM 14972. (Fig. 16). 

Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Grungelb. 

Grosse: 165 mm. 

Datierung: 26. Dynastie. 

Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Unbeschadigt bis auf eine geringe 
Absplitterung an dem Sockel. 

Herstellung: Sehr gut; wenig scharf ein- 
gravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 

PT*\ ji -V r ~ 

S ^ T 


Die Figur ist fur eine Person namens 
ir.t-(n.t.)-hr-ir.w , die p-wdo genannt wird 28 , 
und die den Priestertitel s§-wr=/ 29 fiihrt, 
gemaeht. Die Lesung des Namens der Mutter, 
als „Hausfrau“ tituliert, ist mir nicht ge- 
gliickt. 


Digitized by CjOOQle 


31 



14. Uschebti des 

raisin 

Inv. Nr. NME 169. (Fig. 14). 

Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Braungriln. 

Grosser 1 10 mm. 

Datierung: 26. Dynastie. 

Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Beschadigungen an Nase und Bart. 
Herstellung: Gut; wenig sorgfaltig ein- 
gravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 

inwrfsirswiPMM 

Die Figur gehort dem ,,Koniglichen 
Schreiber", dem ,,Priester des Min“ pth-htp 
(word. „Ptah ist zufrieden“), geboren von 
nfr.t. 


Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Gelbgrun, mit blaugrunen Fart 
ungen. 

Grosser 108 mm. 

Datierung: 26. Dynastie. 

Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Unbeschadigt. 

Herstellung: Gut; ziemlich gut eingravierti 
Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 

Die Figur ist fUr einen Mann namen< 
dd-hr , geboren von nfr-mu'{ ?), gemacht 
Die Sammlung enthalt noch ein Uschebt 
(NME 155, Fig. 16a), inderselben Gussform 
hergestellt. 

17. Uschebti des 


15. Uschebti des 

Inv. Nr. NME 158. (Fig. 15). 

Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Graugelb. 

Grosser 105 mm. 

Datierung: 26 Dynastie. 

Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Unbeschadigt. 

Herstellung: Gut; ziemlich nachlassig ein- 
gravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 

riOZJMMimrJTvg 

Die Figur ist flir den ,,Gottesvater" 
po-dj-hko, geboren von sto-lr.t-bin.t (word. 
„Reisse das bose Auge aus”), gemacht. Ein 
zweites Uschebti (NME 183, Fig. 15a), et- 
was grosser ( 1 10 mm), fangt mit dem Wort 



16. Uschebti des 

tV 

Inv. Nr. NME 140. (Fig. 16). 


n 


on: 


Inv. Nr. MM 14699. (Fig. 17). 

Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: GrUn, mit braunlichen und schwarzen 
Verfarbungen. 

Grosser 120 mm. 

Datierung: 26. Dynastie. 

Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Unbeschadigt. 

Herstellung: Gut; ziemlich sorgfaltig eio-J 
gravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 




Die Figur ist flir einen Mann nan 
prj-ib-b&st.t [word. „Das Herz der (Goti 
Bastet kommt heraus"], geboren 
tZ-sn-Zs.t, gemacht. 


18. Uschebti des 

Inv. Nr. NME 166. (Fig. 18). 
Material: Fayence. 


32 


Digitized by CjOOQle 




Fig. 16a. NME l 


Fig. 19. NME 842 Fig. 19a. NME 173 Fig. 20. NME 161 


Fig. 18a. NME 163 


Digitized by 


■ ft 

F , 


w 

^ T — 

Hf ( 











Glasur: Gelbgriin. 

Grosse: 114 mm. 

Datierung: 26. Dynastie. 

Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Unbeschadigt. 

Herstellung: Sehr gut; etwas nachlassig ein- 
gravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 

nwjtDD-ivs^risji 

aO u 

Die Figur ist filr den „Gottesvater" 
und „Domanenvorsteher" psmtk-^uj [worth 
„(Der Konig) Psametich schiitzt"]], geboren 
von fe~bhn.t (?), gemacht. Noch zwei Uscheb- 
tis dieses Mannes finden sich in der Samm- 
lung, SHM 6819:797 und NME 166. Das 
erste, 115 mm hoch ist an der Vorderseite 
braungelb,an der Ruckseite graugelb glasiert. 
Die Inskription ist dieselbe wie auf NME 166. 
Das letztere (Fig. 18a), in Kniehohe ge- 
brochen, misst 177 mm. Die Glasur ist grau- 
griin, an der Ruckseite grauweiss. Die Titu- 
latur lautet .1 lit HD „Gottesvater", „Be- 
kannter des Konigs", „Domanenvorsteher". 

19. Uschebti des 
□ 

—it— 

Inv. Nr. NME 842. (Fig. 19). 

Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Blaugrun, mit braunlichen Verfar- 
bungen. 

Grosse: 100 mm. 

Datierung: 26. Dynastie. 

Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Unbeschadigt. 

Herstellung: Gut; ziemlich sorgfaltig ein- 
gravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 

rt^TIS(HI , F„5=“ 

Die Figur ist fur einen Mann namens 
p%-dj-su\ geboren von %s.t-rs.tj (worth ,,Isis 
freut sich"), gemacht. Fine zweite Figur 


(NME 176, Pig. 19a), ist bis auf das Deter- 
minativ des Frauennamens, das stark ver- 
mindert ist, mit NME 842 genau gleich. 

20. Uschebti der 



Inv. Nr. NME 161. (Fig. 20). 

Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Griin, mit braunlichen Verfarbungen. 
Grosse: 125 mm. 

Datierung: 27. Dynastie oder spater. 
Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Unbeschadigt. 

Herstellung: Wenig gut; ziemlich nachlassig 
eingravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 

•PtTnfiWieilMES'*!: 

Die Figur ist fur eine Frau namem 
fe-wfy-imn, geboren von to-rmt-(n.t)-l£sU 
Qwortl. „Die Frau der (Gottin) Bastet“", 
gemacht. Die Sammlung enthalt noch zwei 
ahnliche Uschebtis, SHM 6819:796 und NME 
126, von denen das erste mit der Figur 
NME 161 identisch ist. Das zweite misst 
122 mm, ist blaugrun glasiert, mit aus- 
gedehnten braunlichen Verfarbungen. Die 
Hieroglyphen sind nachlassig eingraviert und 

an der Vorderseite fehlt das Zeichen mr , an 
der Ruckseite die Hieroglyphe ^ . 

21. Uschebti der 



Inv. Nr. NME 162 30 . 

Material: Fayence. 

Glasur: Blaugrun, mit braunlichen Verfarb- 
ungen. 

Grosse: 127 mm. 

Datierung: 27. Dynastie oder spater. 
Herkunft: Unbekannt. 

Zustand: Unbeschadigt. 

Herstellung: Wenig gut; ziemlich nach- 


64 


Digitized by CjOOQle 



lassig eingravierte Hieroglyphen. 

Text: 

Die Figur ist fur eine Frau namens 
geboren von tZ-w%h-t£st.t, ge- 

macht. 

1 Eine besondere Form ist die im Gewand eines Le ben- 
den hergestellte Figur der 18. Dynastie. Vgl. L. Speleers, 
I-es figurines funlraires ^gyptiennes, Bruxelles 1923, PL 
12, 13, 16-20; F. Petrie, Shabtis, London 1935, PI. 30. 

•Die Bedeutung des Wortes Uschebti ist immer noch 
nicht eindeutig festgelegt worden. 

•Das Gesicht des Uschebtis, von Peruckenzdpfen um- 
rahmt, und die Hande der uber der Brust verschrtnkten 
Arme sind freigelegt. Uschebtis ohne sichtbare H£nde 
kommen im Mittleren Reich auch vor. Die grobgeschnitte- 
nen Holzfiguren der 17. Dynastie sind dagegen immer 
ohne Hande dargestellt. Von der 26. Dynastie an erscheint 
das Uschebti auf einem niedriegen Sockel mit ROcken- 
pfeiler; bei spaten Figuren fehlen RQckenpfeiler. 

4 VgI. Speleers, a.A., S.4 ff. 

•Vgl. Speleers, a.A., S.22. 

•Vgl. Speleers, a.A., Croquis 5. 

7 Der Titel ist stets vor dem Namen geschrieben. 

•So Nr. 14 ff. 

•Vgl. Speleers, a.A., S.80. 

,0 In Transkription: — shd wsir NN m% c -hrw 44— f f 
2 

u sbtj(.w) ipn ir y ip.tw wsir NN m% c -hrw r ir(.t) Ht(.w) 

3 

nb(.t.) ir(.t.w) im m-hrt-ntr istw kw(.t) immsr hr.t. «’=/ 
4 5 

- m c k = wi = tn ip. tw — tnrnw y nb ir( J.w) im r srd sht 

6 7 

r smh(.t) -wdbr hn(.t) s e .wn imnt.t r iZbt.t - ts-pkr m c k 
=ivi k%—tn 


u Vgl. ZAS 49, 1911, S.127. 

"Vgl. ZAS 42, 1905, S.81. 

"Vgl. Gardiner in ZAS 42, S.58, Anm. 1. 

"Vgl. A. Wiedmann, Die Uschebti-Formel Amenophis* 
III. (Sphinx 16, 1912, S. 47); vgl. auch W.C. Hayes, The 
Scepter of Egypt, Part 1, New York 1953, S. 26. 

"Vgl. M.H. van Voss, De Sjawabti's en het Zand- 
mysterie (Phoenix 9, 1963, S. 53 ff.). 

"Nach Ablauf der 30. Dynastie kommt das Uschebti 
vereinzelt in fruhptolemaischer Zeit vor. 

"Vgl. H. Ranke, Die agyptischen Personennamen 1, 
Gluckstadt 1935, S. 66, 5. 

"Vgl. H. Bonnet, Reallexikon der agyptischen Reli- 
gionsgeschichte, Berlin 1952, S.302. 

"Der Name eines stierkdpfigen Gottes mit Messer. 

••Wahrscheinlich eine heilige Statte, die in Verbindung 
mit dem Horus-Falken gestanden hat. 

,l Nach freundlicher Mitteilung von Herm Prof. Silvio 
Curto. 

"Nechen (Hierakonpolis), Ort auf der Westseite des 
Nils im Gebiet des 3. oberagyptischen Gaues; der Gott 
von Nechen, urspriinglich Nehenj „der von Nechen“, 
spater „Horus von Nechen“ genannt, erschien in Gestalt 
eines hockenden Falken mit einer Doppelfeder auf dem 
Kopf (vgl. Bonnet, a.A., S. 299 u. S. 307). 

“Petrie, a.A., PI. 23; Recueil de travaux relatifs etc. 
29, 1907, S. 143:5; Maria Mogensen, Inscriptions hi^ro- 
glyphiques du Mus£e National de Copenhague, Copen- 
hague 1918, S.74.1660. 

“Siehe ASAE 29, 1929, S.68 f. 

“Siehe ASAE 5, 1904, S.69 ff.; vgl. auch B. Porter- 

R. L.B. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient 
Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts etc. 3, Oxford 1931, S.175. 

••Der Name einer lnsel in der N3he des Tempels von 
Buto, auf welcher ein Heiligtum des Horus lag (vgl. Bon- 
net, a.A. s.v. Chembis.). 

"Herakleopolis magna. Hauptort des 20. oberagyp>- 
tischen Gaues. Die Lesung des Titels verdanke ich Prof. 
H. Brunner. 

"Die I^esung des zweiten Namens verdanke ich Prof. 
Dr. H. Brunner. 

“A. Erman-H. Grapow, Agvptisches Wdrterbuch 3, 

S. 410.-3. 

“Dieselbe Form wie Fig. 20. 


Digitized by Ljooole 


35 



An Etruscan Terracotta Head 


ARVID ANDRfiN 


The head reproduced in Figs. l-4( MM 1966:5) 
was purchased in Rome in 1965 and presented 
to the Museum by H.M. the King. It repre- 
sents the features of a beardless man with a 
longish, triangular face characterized by a 
high, smooth forehead, slightly curved brows, 
a thin nose, almond-shaped eyes slightly slant- 
ing down away from the nose, with thick lids 
meeting without overlapping at the outer 
comers, a small mouth with parted lips and 
drooping comers, and a firm, pointed chin 
faintly divided, with a stronger depression 
below the mouth. The hair, growing far 
down at the nape of the neck and in front of 
the ears, is rendered like a tight-fitting cap on 
which the locks are indicated by curved 
furrows made with a modelling tool. The 
ears have a simplified form, slightly concave 
without inner modelling, and outlined by a 
furrow made with the same tool. In front of 
each ear is a small hole bored horizontally 
into the head to a depth of about 0.5 cm. 

The head is modelled entirely by hand and 
is hollow. The clay is light reddish-grey and 
strongly mixed with mica, black particles of 
augite, and red grains of pozzolana. The sur- 
face is covered all over with a thin, cream- 
coloured slip which, however, does not con- 


ceal the coarseness of the clay. On the hair 
are traces of brownish-red colouring, on the 
left ear, traces of red. The neck is broken oft 
obliquely, the break running from above the 
left shoulder to just below the chin and further 
up below the right ear and the hair on the 
right side of the neck. The ridge of the nose 
is also broken away. For the rest the head is 
very well preserved, except for some slight 
damage to the chin and above the forehead to 
the left, a small cavity above the left temple, 
where a particle of mica, augite or pozzolana 
seems to have fallen off, and a similar tiny 
cavity on the left cheek. The height of the 
head proper is 10.5 cm., the total height, 
including the preserved portion of the neck, 
is \ c 2.0 cm. The clay walls at the break below 
have a thickness varying between 1 .5 and 2.8j 
cm. There is no vent-hole. The holes in front! 
of the ears were probably made at an early 
stage of the modelling, to mark the place of 
the ears, and were left unfilled probably be- 
cause the head, to judge from its coarse and 
summary form, was completed rapidly and 
without great care. 

The execution of the head suggests that it 

Fig. 1-4. Etruscan terracotta head . MM 1966 J 


36 


Digitized by CjOOQle 



Digitized by ^jOOQle 


did not belong to a figure intended for archi- 
tectural decoration or as the effigy of a god, 
but probably to a small statue made as a votive 
offering. No information is available as to 
its provenance, but the head itself presents 
several traits indicating that we have to do 
with an Etruscan work of the archaic period. 
This is clear not so much from the archaic 
form of the eyelids, which appears in many 
Etruscan works of much later date , 1 but above 
all from the form of the face and the coiffure, 
and also from the quality of the clay. A long 
face more or less triangular, characterized by 
a strong, pointed chin sometimes divided, and 
by a coarse mouth sometimes with drooping 
comers, seems to be a cast of features de- 
veloped from early Chiusinian canopic ums, 
bronze masks, and stone sculptures , 1 to be 
met with, more or less refined and hellenized, 
in works such as, for instance, the seated 
terracotta statuettes from Caere , 1 the sand- 
stone warrior from Chiusi now in Munich , 4 
the bronze statuette from Elba in Naples , 6 
another bronze statuette from Falterona in 
Paris , 6 the terracotta heads of Apollo and 
Hermes from Veii , 7 and some funerary statues 
from Chiusi . 8 The way of letting the hair 
hang or grow thickly far down in front of the 
ears seems to have been a favourite male 
coiffure in Etruria in the fifth century B.C., 
to judge from representations such as, for 
instance, the bronze statuette from Isola di 
Fano in Florence,® the statuette from Falte- 
rona just cited and many other bronzes , 10 and 
several painted male figures in the Tomba 
degli Auguri , 11 the Tomba dei Leopardi , 11 
the Tomba del Triclinio , 11 and the Tomba 
delle Olimpiadi 14 at Tarquinia. The quality 


of the clay, finally, with its strong admixture 
of mica, augite, and pozzolana, is similar to 
that of Etrusco-Italic architectural terracottas 
of the archaic period . 16 The head may thus be 
reasonably ascribed to the first half of the 
fifth century B.C. 


l Cf., for instance, some of the fictile votive heads of the 
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco recently treated by G. Hafner. 
RUm.Mitt., 72, 1965, pp. 41 ff., Taf. 14 ff.; 73/74, 
1966/67, pp. 29 ff., Taf. 5 ff. 

•Cf. P. Ducati-G.Q. Giglioli, Arte etrusca (Roma- 
Milano 1927), Figs. 29-31, 32 b; G.Q. Giglioli, L’arte 
etrusca ( Milano 1935), Pis. LlX:2-3, LX-LXV; L. Goli> 
scheider, Etruscan Sculpture (Oxford-New York 194K 
Fig. 14; M. Pallottino-H. and I. Jucker, Etruskisrix 
Kunst (Zurich 1955), Figs. 1, 20, 21; O.W. von Vacano. 
Die Etrusker (Stuttgart 1955), Pis. 23-30, 41a; G.M.A 
Hanfmann, Etruskische Plastik (Stuttgart 1956), Pis. 1-2 
5. 

•Giglioli, op. cit., PI. LXV11:1— 2; Goldscheider, op. 
cit., Figs. 24-25; Pallottino-Jucker, op. cit., PI. 23; v. 
Vacano, op. cit.. Pis. 32-33; Hanfmann, op. cit., PI. 10 

•Giglioli, op. cit., PI. LXXV:1; v. Vacano, op. cit. 
PI. 39. 

•Giglioli, op. cit., PI. LXXXIII; Pallottino-Jucker, 
op. cit., Fig. 65; v. Vacano, op. cit., PI. 71 right. 

•Giglioli, op. cit., PI. CXXIIL3. 

’Giglioli, op. cit., PI. CXCV; Goldscheider, op. cit.. 
Figs., 34-35; Hanfmann, op. cit., PI. 18 b. 

•Giglioli, op. cit., Pis. CCXXXI, CCXXXII1; Pallot- 
tino-Jucker, op. cit., Figs. 92-93. 

•Goldscheider, op. cit., Fig. 108. 

10 Giglioli, op. cit., Pis. CXX II 1:2-3, CCXX:9: PJ 
Rus, Thyrrhenika (Copenhagen 1941), PI. 17:3; E. Hiu 
Richardson, in Memoirs of the American Academy in 
Rome, 21, 1953, pp. 77 ff., Figs. 34-38, 41; Pallottino- 
Jucker, op. cit., Figs. 73, 76; Hanfmann, op. cit., PI. Ij. 

••Giglioli, op. cit., PI. C1X:1; Pallottino, La peinture 
brusque (Gen&ve 1952), PI. on p. 39; H. Leisingfr. 
Malerei der Etrusker (Stuttgart without Year), Figs. 39 - 
40. 

••Giglioli, op. cit., Pis. CC1, CCIII, CCV:1; Pallut- 
tino, op. cit., Figs, on pp. 67-71; Leisinger, op. cit.. 
Figs. 50-58. 

••Giglioli, op. cit., Pis. CCV:3, CCVI-CCVI1; Pallot- 
tino, op. cit., Figs, on pp. 73-78; Leisinger, op. cit., 
Figs. 59-73. 

• 4 R. Bartoccini-C.M. Lerici-M. Moretti, La Tomba 
delle Olimpiadi (Milano 1959), Figs. 12, 13, 16. 

15 A. Andr£n, Architectural Terracottas from Etrusca 
Italic Temples ( Lund-Leipzig 1939-40). p. CXXIII. 


38 


Digitized by ^jooole 



An Etruscan Terracotta Ash Urn 


ARVID ANDRfiN 


The cinerary urn described here(MM 1966: 1, 
Fig. l ), like the terracotta head treated on the 
preceding pages, was bought in Rome in 1965 
and presented to the Museum by H.M. the 
King. It consists of a small, rectangular chest 
decorated in front with a figured scene in 
relief and provided with a cover on which is 
the figure of a reclining young man. The urn 
is made of well purified clay burnt a light red. 
It is fairly well preserved, some small pieces 
only having been knocked off from the body 
of the reclining figure, at the front comers of 
the cover, and at the lower left comer of the 
front of the chest. The dimensions are: total 
height, 64.5 cm.; length of chest at top, 64 
:m., at bottom, 64.2 cm., breadth of same at 
top, 17.8 cm., at bottom, 15.5 cm., height of 
same, 21.5 cm.; length of relief at top, 29.6 
mi., at bottom, 62 cm., height of relief at 
right end, 16.7 cm., at left end, 16.7 cm.; 
length of cover, 36 cm., breadth of same, 19.5 
:m. 

The relief represents a scene of combat, in 
which a man, nude except for a piece of cloth- 
ing wound around his waist, is knocking down 
a warrior with a primitive plough, while a 
second warrior to the left is attacking with 
a sword and a third warrior to the right seems 


to protect himself with his right arm from the 
swinging plough-tail. The warriors have 
round shields and flying cloaks; the one to 
the left, in addition, has a crested helmet; the 
one hit with the plough wears a cuirass with 
two rows of tabs protecting the thighs, and 
raises his sword in a vain effort to ward off 
his aggressor. The relief preserves consider- 
able traces of its original polychromy, show- 
ing that the colours were applied on a white 
coating, the flesh of the figures being painted 
in pink, the hair and the cuirass in dark purple, 
the cloaks and the crest of the helmet in red, 
the shields also in red, with a yellow rim and 
a circle of dark purple inside the rim, and the 
background in black. The relief is very blurr- 
ed, which, since the polychromy is so well 
preserved, cannot be ascribed to wear, but 
to its having been made with a very worn 
mould. 

The figure on the lid lies on his left side, • 
his body wrapped in a mantle and his head 
supported by two pillows. He has youthful 
features, large ears and hair rendered by long 
furrows running from the back of the head 
towards the face. The figure is hollow and 
modelled with a tool. It presents a more 
distinct form than the relief but has lost most 


Digitized by CjOOQle 


39 




Fig. 1. Etruscan cinerary urn. MM WV6:1 


of its white coating and all traces of its poly- 
chromy, except for some scanty remains of 
red and yellow preserved in the folds of the 
mantle, between the pillows, and on the cover. 
Below the pillows on the right side of the 
cover is a small vent-hole. 

Above the relief is a painted inscription, 
which was largely covered by a thin layer of 
calcareous matter but after cleaning in the 
museum presents the following sequence of 
red letters clearly legible: 


6a: cainei: canznasa 

There is nothing missing between the la$! 
two letters ( sa ) and the preceding letter (j), 
the large spacing being caused by the pro- 
jection of the crest of the attacking warrior's 
helmet upon the upper frame of the relief. 

The battle scene represented on our um 
is repeated on numerous ash urns from Chiusi 
and Volterra described in H. Brunn-G. Kbrte^ 


40 


Digitized by CjOoq le 


I rilievi delle ume etrusche, III (Berlin 1916 ), 
pp. 5 ff.. Pis. VI-VII. Korte regarded the 
(scene as a representation of a national Etruscan 
imyth, refuting the theory of Winckelmann 
land many later scholars who interpreted it as 
Idepicting a mythical episode connected with 
Ithe battle at Marathon, where the hero Echet- 
(los was said to have appeared in the guise of a 
peasant, slaying many Persians with a plough, 
a scene painted by Polygnotos in the Stoa 
Poikile at Athens (Paus., 1 . 15.5 and 1 . 52 . 5 ). 
(Other scholars have suggested a represen- 
tation of Kadmos. 1 

Among the terracotta ash urns originating 
(from Chiusi, Korte distinguished two variants 
of this battle scene, one smaller and common- 
er (A), comprising four persons and appear- 


ing in two sizes, and one larger and less 
common (B), comprising the four persons of 
variant A and in addition a Fury. A fine speci- 
men of variant B is to be seen on a carefully 
executed and excellently preserved ash urn in 
the Museo di Villa Giulia in Rome (Fig.2). 2 
In all probability the original composition is 
represented by variant B, in which the Fury 
to the left and the warrior to the right are 
counterparts enclosing the triangular arrange- 
ment of the fighting figures in the middle, 
whereas variant A is probably due to an 
amputation made in order to adapt the relief 
to smaller urns. 

Such smaller urns, adorned with the in- 
complete battle scene, were mass produced 
at Clusium, as is shown not only by the great 


Fig. 2. Museo di Villa Giulia 2d 162 



Digitized by ^jOOQle 


41 


number of specimens preserved, but also by 
the different dimensions of the reliefs, owing 
to the use of moulds made over earlier casts,* 
and by the fact that the relief is often blurred, 
and, in one cast at least, traversed by an ir- 
regular, slightly raised line, showing that the 
moulds were worn and sometimes cracked. 4 
The casts taken from such moulds were gener- 
ally retouched with a tool before the firing; 
the dentil adorning the top of the original 
relief panel was sometimes retained and some- 
times cancelled. 

For the dating of these ash urns reliance 
has often been placed on the fact that one of 
them was found at Chiusi together with other 
urns and a Roman coin of the first half of the 
second century B.C. 6 The value of this dis- 
covery has, however, been denied by J. 
Thimme,® who emphasizes that “wir wissen 
weder, wieviel Generationen in den einzelnen 
Grabem beigesetzt waren, noch zu welcher 
Beisetzung die Munze gehorte; so gibt der 
Munzfund nicht einmal einen terminus post 
quern.” Considering also the fact that this 
series of urns, to judge from the technical 
peculiarities described above, was probably 
manufactured over a considerable length of 
time, it would be unrealistic to ascribe to a 
single specimen of the series an exact date in 
the third or second century B.C. 

The inscription : cainei : canznasa gives 
us the regular sequence of praenomen, nomen 
gentile and nomen uxorium, indicating that 
the urn contained the ashes of Qania ( or Oana) 
Cainei , wife of Canzna , or in Latin: Thania 
Cainnia Canusii uxor. 1 Since the urn is thus 
evidently that of a woman, it must be con- 
cluded that the cover with the reclining male 
figure originally belonged to another urn. 
This also explains the fact that the poly- 
chromy is fairly well preserved on the chest 
but almost completely gone from the cover. 

The glossy surface of the relief, traces of a 
lost label once glued on to the left short side 
of the chest, and the figure 10 written at the 


back of chest and cover, suggest that the urn 
has been preserved for a long time in another 
collection, or in other collections. This is 
proved, moreover, by the fact that the in- 
scription of the urn is registered in Lanzi’s 
Saggio di Lingua Etrusca of 1789 and in 
Fabretti's Corpus Inscriptionum Italicarumof 
1867, and is included in the Corpus Inscriptio- 
num Etruscarum, Vol. I (1896 ff.), as No. 
1887, with the comment that it was to be 
read on an ossuarium repertum Clusii , ohm in 
museo publico Florentino , nunc videtur perisst. 
It would probably be a difficult or impossible 
task, however, to try to discover at what time 
in the nineteenth century, and in what manner 
- sale, exchange, theft? - the lost and now 
recovered ash urn left the Florentine museum, 
and where it was afterwards preserved, until 
it was acquired for the Swedish museum. 


*Cf. A. Comotti, in Enciclopedia dell’arte arnica. III 
(Roma 1960), s.v. Echetlos. 

*A. Della Seta, Museo di Villa Giulia (Roma 19b . 
pp. 115 f., No. 25162; G.Q. Giglioli, L’arte etrusca 
(Milano 1935), PI. CCCCX:3 (with cover from another 
urn); R. Vighi, 11 nuovo Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulu 
(Roma 1955), PI. 76; R. Bartoccini-A. De Agostiv 1 , 
Museo di Villa Giulia: Antiquarium e Collezione dei vk 
C astellani (Milano, 1961), pp. 21 f., Tav. XV; Encicl^ 
pedia dell’arte antica, 111, l.c.. Fig. 254; Etruscan Culture, 
Land and People (Malmd 1962), PI. 40, where the urn, 
however, is wrongly said to be of alabaster and to be pre 
served in the Museo Archeologico in Florence. 

•Cf. E. Jastrow, Abformung und Typenwandlung in der 
antiken Tonplastik, in Opuscula Archaeologica, II (1941 . 
pp. 1 ff. 

4 Cf., in addition to the works already cited, Morceui 
Fea-Visconti, La Villa Albani (Roma 1869), No. 

W. Amelung and E. Reisch, in Helbig’s FQhrer, 3rd ec, 
II (I^ipzig 1913) Nos. 1635-37, 1871; L.A. Milam, HR 
Museo Archeologico di Firenze (Firenze 1923), p. U& 
Nos. 19-44; Doro Levi, 11 Museo Civico di Chius 
(Roma 1935), p. 71; R. Noll, Etruskische Denkniiler nut 
lnschriften in Wien, in Studi Etruschi, 9, 1935, pp. 308 f. 
PI. XLIII:l-2; A. Andr£n, Classical Antiquities in the 
Zorn Collection, in Opuscula Archaeologica, V, 1948, p>h 
No. 204, PI. XXXVII; J. Thimme, Chiusinische Aschen- 
kisten und Sarkophage der hellenistischen Zeit, in Stud: 
Etruschi, 23, 1954-55, pp. 25 ff, and 25, 1957, pp. 87 1 
Figs. 23 and 28; Fiihrer durch das Kestner-Museur 
(Hannover 1961), p. 37, with Fig.; T. Dohrn, in Helbig* 
Fiihrer, 4th ed., I (Tubingen 1963), Nos. 673 and 79* 
A. Andr£n, Classical Antiquities of the Villa San Michek. 
in Opuscula Romana,V, 1965, p. 133, No. 2S,P1.XII;Ma* : 
A. Del Chiaro, Etruscan Art from West Coast Collection* 
(Santa Barbara 1967), No. 23, with Fig. 


42 


Digitized by ^jooole 



*Cf. Notizie degli Scavi, 1897, pp. 101 ff.; Doro Levi, 
totizie degli Scavi, 1928, p. 77. 

•J. Thimme, in Studi Etruschi, 23, 1954— 55, pp. 26 f. 
ind note 4. 

7 For Cainnia cf. the bilingual inscription CIE, I 1671: 
l alfni-nuiri cainal — C. Alfius A.f. Cainnia natus and W. 


Schulze, Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen, p. 81. 
For Canzna = Canusius cf. Schulze, op. cit., p. 143 and 
note 3 on the bilingual inscription CIE, I 890: ar-canzna 
varnalisa = C. Caesius C.f. Faria nat(us). For the nomen 
uxorium cf. G. Buonamici, Epigrafia etrusca (Firenze 
1932), p. 302. 


Digitized by t^ooole 


43 



The Roman She- Wolf on a Terracotta Tablet 


HANS FURUHAGEN 


The large, cast terracotta tablet, no. MM 
SHM 4166, of unknown origin, may possibly 
have come to Stockholm through an art- 
dealer in Rome. Since the 1860's it belonged 
to the Museum of National Antiquities ( His- 
toriska Museet) in Stockholm as a gift do- 
nated together with other antiquities by 
Bernhard von Beskow, who had acquired 
them in Rome and Pompeii. In 1957 it was 
transferred to the Museum of Mediterranean 
Antiquities. The tablet measures, in length: 
32 cm., in height: 28.5 cm.; the upper edge 
is chipped and so is the right hand part of it. 
Remnants of the painting are distinguishable. 
The relief depicts a she-wolf suckling two 
children. The scene is set inside a schematic- 
ally drawn cave, a tree bending over it. 

(Fig- 1). 

An undamaged replica can be used to re- 
construct the picture: it is a so-called Cam- 
pana relief in Berlin. Here the scene in the 
cave is viewed by a shepherd standing to the 
right, a gesture showing his surprise; he is 
Faustulus finding the children of Mars and 
Rhea Silvia, the twins Romulus and Remus. 
(Fig- 2). 

This and other Campana tablets with differ- 
ent motifs were found in the ruins of the Baths 


of Constantine in Rome, where they had beef: 
used to cover a sewer and therefore could 
hardly any longer have served any decorative 
purpose. The fact that more than one tablet 
made from the same mould was found there 
might indicate that here we have to do with 
rejected copies that were never used to deco- 
rate any building. If so, they could be dated 
from the beginning of the fourth century, but 
the original of the mould may be very much 
older, von Rhoden dates this Campana tablet 
to the time of Antoninus 1 . 

Of course the she-wolf and the twins is no 
uncommon theme in Roman art, but there 
exists no composition of the group exactly 
like the one on this Campana tablet. There 
are of course signet stones and Republican 
coins depicting Faustulus finding the she- 
wolf and the twins, but here the group 
quite differently composed*. Besides, it i$ 
more common to have two shepherds finding 
the twins with the she-wolf as on the short 
side of a sarcophagus in the Vatican, for ex- 
ample. Here the representation of the she- 
wolf, the cave and the shepherds is very much 
like the representation on the Campana relief 
The style on the terracotta tablet however 
is coarser, but that might be due to the ms- 


44 


Digitized by CjOOQle 



(r. l. Terracotta tablet with the She-wolf and the twins Romulus and Remus. MM SHM 4166 


dal and the branch of art as such and need 
t necessarily indicate that the tablet is later 
in the sarcophagus, which according to 
irtius dates from about 200 A.D 3 . (Fig. 3). 
The motif of the coin-types might repro- 
ce the bronze group that stood already in 
i third century B.C. under the Ficus Rumi- 
lis. This bronze has the twins kneeling 
der the she-wolf reaching for her teats, 
lis group is also reproduced on later coins 
i it is this same group that is depicted on 


the above-mentioned sarcophagus 4 .) 

Already in the late Republican age the 
motif begins to vary in its details: sometimes 
she is bending her head to lick the nearest 
child; the twins face one another or sit back 
to back or are placed diagonally under the 
she-wolf 5 . By the early part of the Empire 
period the motif has moved over from official 
coins and monuments to the private sphere 
and is found on seals and sepulchral monu- 
ments. There is however among the many 


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Fig. 2. ” Campana tablets”. Berlin. Faustulus finding 
suckling the hind. 


variants of the motif none that has the twins 
in the same position and placing as on the 
Campana tablets. 

Most popular became the compositions 
where the twins face one another, the almost 
heraldic character of the group in this posi- 
tion probably being the reason for its popu- 
larity. One may say that it was given official 
sanction by Hadrian's minting and from this 
time it is commonly found as an emblem on 
arms, shields, sepulchral monuments, coins 
from Rome and on provincial coinages. But 
also in this heraldic composition the she-wolf 
may hold her head differently 6 . 

The heraldic group with the she-wolf and 
the twins, sometimes placed in a cave under a 
tree, was also used on the coins of Antoninus 
Pius. It is to be noted that nowhere in the 
literary versions of the tale is it said that the 
she-wolf and the children were found lying 
in a cave; Lupercal was a cleft on the slopes 
of the Palatine Hill where there was a cult 
place to Faunus. The she-wolf was said to 
have run there when the shepherds had found 
the children down by the Ficus Ruminalis in 
the valley 7 . The cave and the tree have not, 



the twins suckling the She-wolf. Heracles finding Telephu j 


like the background reliefs on Trajan's Co- 
lumn, served as guides to the actual localities; 
in our case it is a question of lending pastoral 
colour in a Hellenistic-Augustean way to the 
old legend. No doubt genre pictures like 
those on the Augustean well reliefs from the 
Palazzo Grimani with sheep and lambs or 
lioness and cubs respectively in pastoral sur- 
roundings with rocks, trees and caves have 
served as pattern 8 . Other legendary motifs 
were dealt with in the same way: Aeneas finds 
the Lavinian sow and her grunters in a cave 
under a tree in a rocky, pastoral landscape, 
Heracles finds Telephus suckling a hind*. 
There also exists a Campana tablet, found 
together with the others in the Baths of 
Constantine, which shows Heracles finding 
the hind and Telephus in a cave under a tree 
- in all a perfect counterpart to the terra- 
cotta tablet with the she-wolf and the twins 
and probably intended to be used as such for 
adornment purposes. (Fig. 2). The stories 
that lent motifs to the two Campana reliefs 
are quite similar; the founder of Rome and 
the founder of Pergamum were both found- 
lings who were taken care of by the animat 


46 ' 


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of the forest. The similarity in motif is under- 
lined by similarities in form, the composition 
being, mutatis mutandis , identical. Faustulus 
and Hercules have almost the same keeping 
and are placed on the same spot, the cave 
and the tree are almost exactly alike on the 
two reliefs and on both tablets the child is 
placed in the same position by the animal's 
hindlegs. As the way of depicting the very 
common motif of the she-wolf and the twins 
is quite unique on the Campana tablet, the 
fact must be that this unique picture was 
| made as pendant to the Telephus relief, not 
I the other way round. There could be no 
other reason for the manufacturer to give up 
the codified heraldic group-picture of Anto- 


ninian type. 

The placing together of Telephos and the 
Roman twins is not unique. The same constel- 
lation can also be found among the relief 
decorations by pteryges on an armoured 
statue of Trajan (Fig. 4a-b) and on a grave- 
altar from the middle of the first century 
(Fig 5a-b). Furthermore two series of coins 
(Fig. 6) with Octacilia, wife of Philip the 
Arab, on the obverse, were minted in Damas- 
cus, and on the reverse of these coins alter- 
nated the she-wolf with the twins and the 
hind with the infant Telephus 10 . 

J.W. Salomonsson, starting from the statue 
of Trajan, has dealt with the combination of 
motifs on these monuments. His opinion is 


Fig. 3. Detail of sarcophagus. Vatican 
Museum. 



4 7 


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that the scenes on the armour decorations 
have been chosen chiefly because of their 
formal conformity, but apart from that he is 
also looking for an internal bond between 
the motifs. It is obvious that such a bond 
exists between the motifs on the Trajan 
statue. The two mirror-turned pendants have 
been so placed that together with twro also 
mirror-turned eagles they frame Mars Ultor. 
It is easy to understand the figurative symbol- 
ism: the emperor is the new Romulus and the 
new Hercules, who protected by Mars and 
the eagle of Jupiter personates Fatum Im- 
perii. There were other ways of expressing 
the Romulus-Hercules symbolism: the reason 
for choosing the suckling children with the 
she-wolf and the hind respectively was no 
doubt the advantage of the small size and 
the love of counterparts that is so apparent 
in Roman taste and that can be traced every- 
where in Roman art. 

The Damascus coins were certainly minted 
at the time when the city became a Roman 
colony, the Telephus reverse recalling the 
fact that the city according to tradition was 
founded by people from Arcadia 11 . 

The fact that the group of the Roman twins 
has been combined with the group of Tele- 
phus on Roman grave-altars is partly due to 
formal considerations and partly to the 
common meaning of the groups in such con- 
nections. Now, to be correctly understood, 
this combination of motifs must be examined 
in a larger context. An animal suckling either | 
her own offspring or a child was already in 
Archaic times a common motif in sepulchral 
art. Both the hind with Telephus and the she- 
wolf with the twins (or with only one child) 
appear separately in such connexions. Later, 
during the first century of the Imperial age, 
the Roman she-wolf in particular became a 

Fig. ha. Statue of Trajan. Leiden , Rijksmuseum ran 
Oudheden. 


4K 


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Fig. 4b. Detail of the armour decoration of the statue fig. 4a. 


common ornamentation on grave-altars, and 
it is obvious that we must reckon with the 
possibility that the she-wolf was one of the 
standard ornaments of a certain manufacturer. 
On the altar, Fig. 5a-b, carrying the inscrip- 
tion DIS MANIBUS SACRUM, the paral- 
lelism is very elaborate; apart from the she- 
wolf with the twins and the hind with the 
infant Telephus there are also birds, on one 
side of the altar feeding their young, on the 
[>ther side teaching them to fly. This kind of 
altar is very heavily ornamented and an 
attempt to interpret the ornaments ends in a 
confusing mass of symbols too difficult to 


interpret. And it might well be overdoing it 
to try to interpret all the different elements 
as grave-symbols. 

Mostly these altars were built over the 
graves of slaves and freedmen and the orna- 
mentation with its heavy garlands of flowers 
and fruit, its little birds, swans, eagles, jugs, 
ribbons, suckling animals, gorgons and my- 
thical animals is an example of how the art 
of the Augustean court reached the private 
sphere. But some of these representations 
had an old apotropaion character, and that 
is the reason why they were used on grave- 
altars. Even the suckling animals may have 


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49 




Fig. 5a. Grave-altar . Vatican Museum. After Alt matin. Die romische (7 r a bait are der Kaiser zeit y Abb. 6 V. 


had such power; as an emblem on swords and 
shields the Roman she-wolf was used for 
apotropaion purposes 12 . The fact that the 
hind with Telephus and the she-wolf with the 
twins both appear on the same sepulchral 
monument means nothing more than a doubl- 
ing of the apotropaic power. But the repre- 
sentations on the Campana tablets are no- 
thing but architectural ornaments, and the 
motifs on such ornaments were chosen from 
the best known mythical episodes or from 
Dionysian scenes. Antithetically placed figures 
or mirror-turned groups were very often 
used, so often in fact that they can be said 
to be the rule in this branch of art. 

So it must be vain to try to find a deeper 
relationship between the Campana relief with 
the she-wolf and the one with the hind and 
Telephus. It is quite obvious that in this case 
the formal conformity has influenced the 
choice of motifs as it has on other monuments 
where the same combination of motifs appears 
and where the meaning of the representations 
also differs from case to case. The artistic 
quality of the two Campana tablets is not 
very high; they are products of industry. But 

5 0 


in spite of that - or perhaps because of it 
in these tablets we find, unmingled, some ci 
the basic characteristics of Roman decorativi 
art: the wish to wed the old Roman legendari 
motifs to the Hellenistic pastoral: and doinj 
so by adopting old designs as well as creating 
new heraldic compositions. It is a play wit! 
well-known designs and shapes, one may sa; 
that it is a pictorial counterpart to the alliter 
ations and antitheses of the Latin sentence? 
It seems as if the way of expressing the ide 
was very often more important to Roma 
taste than the idea itself. 

Ml. von Khoden-H. Winnefeldt: ArdiiteKtonksdj 
romische Tonreliefs der Kaiserzeit, S. 96 (Die Antik 
Terrakotten, Band IV) Taf. CXXVIII. 

1 Denarius minted by Sex. Pompey Fostlus 1 24 B.I 
Sydenham: p. 54,46*1 ; Gruber: 1, 926; Belloni: p. 53. 5$1 
A. Boyce, Archaeology 7— 1.954, p. 12, Fig. 1.9. Sardonyx* 
at the British Museum, Cat. of Gems pi. XIV, 

*A mem no, kat. II, 9, 37 b; Rom. Mitt. 48-1.935, p.** 
Abb. 1 2 (cf. the reliefs on the altar from Ostia, the alu 
from Arezzo, the so-called Ara Casalis and the 
fountain formerly at the National Museum, Stockholm, 
in the collections of antiquities of Gustavus 1 1 1 at the KoC 
Palace. There are pictures of all four of them in Capitol ' 
WIV - 1.94.9. Cf. also Sardonyx at the British Muscu* 
Cat. of (Jems pi. XV, 987. 

Fig. 5b. One side of the altar fig ■ 


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' S * 1 

. - i 

j ) 

4 I A 

MOL vV* * 



^ L \ 

* 7 " 



\ > • / / / o J 




* . \ ■ .'4 V J 1 

:« T 1 Al v * 

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4 • | .* , M 

V; y > f [ r ^ \ / 


' '*•/ 

1 % ,4 P P %. , * . W 






% s X W 

Fig. 6. Reverse of coins , 

minted in Damascus, with Octacilia , wife of Philip the Arab , on the obverse. 


♦Denarius with the “lupa romana”: Sydenham: p. 9, 5)5; 
GrCber II p. 137, 120; Belloni p. 13, 140; Boyce p. 12, 
figs. 17-18. 

•It is the “heraldic” group with the children facing one 
another that is depicted on the above-mentioned altars and 
on the signet stones. On coins see: Hadrianus ( Bmce 111, 
444 and 448), Antoninus Pius (Bmce IV, PI. 6*, 10, PI. 30, 
8, Marcus Aurelius (Bmce IV, PI. 90, 5). 

•Many variations of the motif are found on terra 
sigillata. Oswald: Index of Figure-Types on Terra 
Sigillata, 1936, part 1 1, PI. XL1, nos. 848, 848a, 849, 850, 
851. 

7 Liv. 1 , 5, 2; Dion. Hal. 1 , 32, 3; 1 , 79, 8; Vell.Pat. 
1, 15; Ovid: Fasti. 11,411. 

•The well reliefs from the Palazzo Grimani are now to 
be found in Vienna, see also Schober, Wiener Jahrb. 
16-1923. 

•Aeneas finding the sow in a cave: Antoninian marble 
relief in the British Museum (British Museum Quarter- 
ly 2 - 1927/28, p. 84, pi. Lll) and on a medallion minted 
by Antoninus Pius (Gnecchi 1 1 p. 20,5)9 Tav. 54,9; Cohen 
p. 393, 1171). 

‘•Armoured statue of Trajan from Utica, now at I^iden, 
Rijksrnuseum van Oudheden inv. H 11 Bl (Salomonson: 
Telephus und die romische Zwillinge, Oudheidkundige 
Medelingen uit bet Rijksrnuseum van Oudheden te Leiden 


Nr XXXVI 11-1957, p. 15); grave-altar in the Vatican 
Amelung, Die Skulpturen des Vatikanischen Museums 1 
S 497 nr. 198, Taf. 46; Altmann, Die romischen Gravak 
tare dcr Kaiserzeit nr. 43 Abb. 69; Salomonson Taf. IV, 1 
Coin from Damascus: Bmc, Galatia, Cappadocia and Syria 
Damascus nos. 24—25, PI. XXXV, 2; Salomonson Taf 
111 , 2 . 

“Stephan. Bvz. s.v. Salomonson (p. 24, note 3* 
assumes that Damascus was granted Roman colonial right* 
under Alexander Severus, basing his opinion in this respect 
on Benzinger’s statements in RE Band 4(1901). According 
to A.H.M. Jones in the Oxford Classical Dictionary. 
Damascus became a Roman colony under Philip the Arab: 
Jones bases his opinion on Watzinger-Wulzinger, Da- 
niaskus ( 15)22). 

‘•Juvenalis, Sat. XI, 100 ff. Vergil, Aen. VIII, 113 
Mounting of a sword at WJndonessa: Romische Alrer- 
tiinier in Vindonissa, Zurich 1862, Taf. 1. Mounting of a 
sword at the British Museum: Strong, Scritti in onore <ii 
Bartolomeo Nogara p. 488, PI. LXX1,2. Sarcophagus wid 
erotes holding a shield with the emblem: Bachofen, Annal 
1868, p. 43 nr. 11, Tav. OP, 4 ( Marseille, Museum) The 
shield of Constantine the Great on a silver medallion in 
1 ami ingrad and Munich resp.: Jahrbuch fOr Numismatic 
und Geldgeschichtc 5/6-1955 p. 151, Taf. XI, 1-2. 


52 


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A Roman Togatus 


OLOF VESSBERG 


Among the sculptures acquired by the Mu- 
seum during the nineteen sixties a Roman 
statue of the early Empire is of particular 
interest. 1 It is a statue of an elderly man in 
tunica and toga. The material is Italian marble 
and the height of the statue, with socle, is 204 
cm. The man is standing on the left leg and 
has the right one bent. He has the right arm 
bent and resting in the folds of the toga; the 
left arm is directed downwards. The hands 
are broken off, the left having presumably 
held a roll. 

On his feet he wears calcei with a fairly 
heavy sole and over this a piece apparently 
of lighter leather covering the forepart of the 
foot, and a heavier piece covering the top of 
the foot and the ankles. This seems to consist 
of two side pieces laced in front and together 
forming an angular termination in front. They 
have fold-like markings and thus resemble the 
shoes with overfolded flap or tongue that are 
often seen on statues and reliefs from the first 
two centuries of the Empire. 2 This, however, 
is clearly a laced shoe and has no visible 
tongue. Two strokes on the top of the right 
shoe indicate eyelets 2 . 

At the foot of the statue stands the scrinium , 
a cylindrical box with a broad border at top 


and bottom. The prototypes were generally 
made of wood and used for storing book rolls 
or important documents and records. In toga 
statues, where the scrinium naturally filled an 
important r61e as a support, it is so common 
that it can almost be described as a con- 
ventional detail. Thus, one can hardly sup- 
pose that this attribute is any special indi- 
cation of the status of the person portrayed, 
for instance that he may have been a librarian 
or an official concerned with state or private 
archives. Its purpose is rather to give a gener- 
al idea of his importance and background. 
The toga is of the early Empire type, wide 
and voluminous and reaching down to the 
feet. The drapery is worked with great as- 
surance and feeling for effect and gives the 
statue a strong stamp of Roman dignity and 
magnificence. The folds sweep upwards in 
soft and powerful curves which underline the 
representative character of the work and fi- 
nally create an impressive framework for the 
fine head. The head, which has been knocked 
off but is original, is softly and powerfully 
modelled, and the face has decided features 
of portraiture. The forehead is high, the eyes 
large and prominent under thick eyebrows, 
the nose straight, the mouth full with pro- 


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53 



jecting lower lip, the area of the jaw rather 
powerful. The hair, which fits the skull tight- 
ly like a cap, is hardly more than rough-hewn, 
and only on the tongue jutting towards the 
forehead, defined by deep inlets at the temples, 
is it worked in slightly curved tufts. The fine 
face is stamped with melancholy; it is the 
picture of an elderly disillusioned man. It is 
not the severe matter-of-fact type that pre- 
dominates among the portraits of the last 
decades of the Republic, but conveys the 
impression of a man educated in the Hel- 
lenistic tradition. 

The draping of the toga is only roughly 
sketched on the back of the statue and the 
head is not entirely worked out from the 
marble, but has a support for the neck like 
Egyptian statues. So the statue did not stand 
free, but was placed against a wall or most 
probably in a niche. It is certainly a tomb 
statue, which presumably adorned the facade 
of a sepulchral monument. 

In trying to determine the date of the 
statue the first thing to be considered is the 
type of toga. The toga we see on the earlier 
Republican monuments from roughly 150-75 
B.C. is very scanty and relatively short ( toga 
exigua). It is the type of toga worn, for in- 
stance, by the famous Arringatore in the Mu- 
seo Archeologico in Florence 4 or Aurelius 
Hermia on the fine tombstone in the British 
Museum*. The draping of this toga is not 
the same as that of our statue. The straight 
side of the toga - the toga, as we know, is 
shaped like the segment of a circle - is flung 
over the left shoulder so that one flap of the 
toga, lacinia , drops a short distance under the 
left knee. The straight seam continues diago- 
nally across the back, is then drawn under the 
right arm in a narrow roll of folds slanting 
over the breast - velut balteus , like a sword- 
belt - to the left shoulder, from which the 
rest of the stuff falls down the back. The 
rounded seam forms the lower edge of the 
toga at the front and leaves the feet and about 


half the lower part of the left leg free. 

In statues and reliefs from the middle of the 
last century B.C. - and even earlier — we find 
however a different arrangement of the toga. 
It is not draped under the right arm but is also 
flung, as in our statue, over the right shoulder 
too, and forms, in the earlier statues, a rather 
tight sling or sinus over the breast, in which 
the right arm rests entirely enveloped in the 
toga. This new fashion of toga is undoubtedly 
an imitation of the rectangular himation of 
the Greeks, which the Romans called pallium, 
whose draping is familiar to us from a long 
series of portrait statues from different times 
right from the classical statues of Sophocles* 
and Aeschines 7 to later works such as the 
Youth from Eretria in the National Museum 
in Athens 8 or a statue from Epidauros in the 
Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek®, the latter a work 
from the early Empire, to mention only a few 
examples. Such a transition to a Greek style 
of dress is natural during the strong process 
of Hellenization in the Rome of the last pre- 
Christian century. Examples of toga statues 
with this draping of the toga h la himation 
are: the early sepulchral statue in the Villa 
Celimontana whose toga greatly resembles a 
himation 10 , a toga statue very closely related 
to it in the Museo delle Terme which B.M. 
Felletti Maj dates to c. 60 B.C. 11 , the togatus 
of the “Statilia relief" in the Museo Nuovo“ 
and the Copenhagen Glyptotek’s fine statue, 
the head of which formerly put on has proved 
not to belong to the body 18 but which, as a 
statuary motif, is still an important monument 
from the last decades of the Republic. Ex- 
amples of the new draping with the right arm 
resting in the sinus of the toga (or himation) 
are also provided in abundance by the Roman 
tomb reliefs with busts, dating roughly from 
75-25 B.C . 14 They also show that the toga 
became more and more voluminous and conse- 
quently more richly folded, and the statues 
show that it also increased in length. 

This Greek toga draping, if we may charac- 


54 


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Roman toga statue. 
MM 1963:9 



55 


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Roman toga statue. MM 1963:9. Details 


terize it thus, still survives in the early Em- 
pire. We find it in a few isolated cases on 
the Ara Pacis, where otherwise there is a 
transition to a new type of drapery that is to 
become the toga of the early Empire. 

The straight part is again drawn under the 
right arm, but the wide voluminous cloth is 
formed over the right thigh into a pendant 
sinus and a piece of the straight seam is drawn 
out at waist height over the balteus to form a 
pendant flap, the so-called umbo. A famous 
work, the “Via Labicana” statue of Augustus 
in the Museo delle Terme 16 , gives a very clear 
idea of this kind of draping. Our statue be- 
longs to the Greek toga-drapery period, but 
undoubtedly to its later part by reason of the 



length, wealth of stuff and the broad low- 
hanging lacinia. The Ara Pacis (9 B.C.) is 
the lastest monument clearly determinable 
chronologically in which this type of toga 
occurs. But it would be unrealistic to regard 
the date of the altar as an absolute limit in 
time for the wearing of this type of toga. 
However, it certainly did not last long after 
the turn of the century. A group of four toga 
statues at Chiusi, earlier discussed by me 11 , 
comes very close to our statue in composition 
and toga-drapery. This group belongs to the 
second half of the last century B.C. 

But naturally we would like to determine 
the date of the statue more exactly. We are 
very familiar with the style that still pre- 


56 


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lominates in Roman portraiture at the middle 
)f the century. The portraits we find on the 
•oins, on the tomb reliefs, in statues and busts 
ire objective and lifelike analyses which by 
letailed observations of skin, flesh and bone 
structure are intended to create a faithful 
, mage and only in a lesser degree aim to present 
r he personality. Here we ought to make a 
reservation. The grim pictures of aged men 

f vhich are evidently a favourite motif in the 
ealistic or veristic trend in Late Republican 
portrait art, naturally give the expression of 
a special ideal, the severe Romans of earlier 
Itimes such as Cato the Elder. It was an ideal 
much cultivated in the literature of the first 
naif of the last century B.C., not only - al- 
though rather half-heartedly - by Cicero, but 
hlso - and chiefly - by Marcus Varro, who 
in his satires extolled cana Veritas and whose 
sane wisdom and cynical philosophy of life 
seem to form the spiritual background to the 
grim portraits of old men from the middle 
of the century. Lucretius' realism without any 
illusions also gives a literary background to 
this realistic art. 

The head of our statue obviously does not 
belong to this group of portraits. The surface 
is smoothed out and the portrait is extreme- 
ly well synthesized. The face has a solid 
irchitecture, built up of the tight mouth, the 
lasolabial wrinkles and the furrows of the 
rheeks and the forehead. The dissolution of 
he form which characterizes the portrait art 
it the middle of the century has given way to 
i new r stringency. This is characteristic of the 
>ortraits during the second triumvirate and 
everal of the portraits from this period are 
tylistically very close to the head of our 
tatue. It may be compared with the head from 
^emi in the Museo delle Terme 17 , a very 
haracteristic example of the almost geomet- 
ically firm portrait style of the second tri- 
imvirate, and also other works from the same 
ime 18 . To this group belongs also the por- 
rait of Caesar in the Vatican, earlier called 



Roman toga statue. MM 1963:9 


Caesar Chiaramonti, now placed in the Brac- 
cio Nuovo 19 . The prototype of this Caesar 
portrait was already created during the second 
triumvirate, when a “monumentalizing" of 
the Caesar portraits began. But the portrait 
in the Vatican has a spiritual profoundness 


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57 



and a serene character indicating that the type 
has been retouched during the Augustan peri- 
od. Our statue shows a similar ideal profound- 
ness and its serene impression reinforces our 
conviction that in an endeavour to date this 
work we should go down into the time of 
Augustus. I think that a dating to the third or 
second decade B.C. might be most reasonable. 
Our statue shows very much of the ethical 
dignity of the “court style'' of the Ara Pads 
but also, in the features of the portrait, a 
Hellenistic inheritance of warm humanity and 
intellectuality. 

*MM 1963:9. Fig. l^L Donation to the Medelhavmuseet 
by AB Marabou through Director Henning Throne-Holst 
to mark the Jubilee in 1962 of His Majesty King Gustaf VI 
Adolf. Bought in the USA in 1962. Said to have been found in 
Southern Etruria. 

•Cf. e.g. Magi, I Rilievi Flavi del Palazzo della Cancel- 
leria p. 14, Fig. 6. 

% calcei of this type are common on toga statues from the 
last century B.C., cf. Vessberg, Studien zur Kunstge- 
schichte der romischen Republik Taf. XXIII, XXVII, 
XXIX:2— 3, LXXXV. 

4 Hekler, Die Bildniskunst der Griechen undRdmer 131; 
Giglioli, L’arte etrusca Tav. 369; Vessberg, Studien Taf. 


XIX; Hanfmakn, Roman Art 48. 

•Vessberg, Studien Taf. XXIV:2, with literature. 

•Arndt-Bruckmann, Griechische und romische Portrb 
Taf. 113-115; Hekler, Bildniskunst 52. 

t Arndt-Bruckmann Taf. 116-118; Hekler, Bildniskjrs: 
53. 

•Brunn-Bruckmann, DenkmSler griechischer und n»- 
mischer Skulptur 519; Vessberg in Opuscula Areheologhj 
IV pp. 158 f. 

•Fredf.rik Poulsen, Catalogue of Ancient Sculpture in the 
Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 462, Tillaeg til Billedtavier pis Ml 
and VIII. 

1# Vessberg, Studien Taf. XXIII. 

n Museo Nazionale Romano, I Ritratti 42. 

‘•Mustilli, II Museo Mussolini, pi. 102 n. 9. 

‘•Frederik Poulsen, Catalogue 528; Vagn Poulsen, I & 
Portraits Romains I, 28, pi. XL. 

14 Cf. Vessberg, Studien Taf. XXV-XLV. 

“Museo Nazionale Romano, I Ritratti 97; Hekler, R&- 
niskunst 172. 

‘•Vessberg, Studien pp. 240 f., Taf. LXXXV. 

I7 Museo Nazionale Romano, I Ritratti 74; Vessbef. , 
Studien p. 233, Taf. LXXVIII; Buschor, Das heUenisriscnt 
Bildnis p. 62. 

‘•For instance one of the “great unknown” of the bit 
“Republicans”, the so-called Cicero in the Uffizi, wrtf 
several replicas. Hekler, Bildniskunst I46a; Vagn Pou- 
sen, I^s Portraits Romains 1, 3, PI. VI -VI I; Vessberg, Stu- 
dien pp. 235 ff. Taf. LXXXI; Buschor, Das hellenistbcie 
Bildnis pp. 54, 61, Abb. 56. 

••Amelung, Chiaramonti 107; Vessberg, Studien p. 
Taf. LXXX; Buschor, Das hellenistische Bildnis pp. 61 f 

This article has been translated from the Swedish by Mi* 
Kathleen Pain, B.A., Fil. kand., Ix>ndon. 


58 


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Photos: 

O. Ekberg, pp. 5, 6,7,9, 11. 

N. Lagergren, pp. 55, 56, 57, and photo on the cover. 
M. Sjoblom, pp. 17, 25, 27, 50, 33, 37, 40, 45. 


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Price: L 20 Swedish Crowns 


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THE 


MUSEUM OF MEDITERRANEAN AND NEAR EASTERN ANTIQUITIES 


STANFORD UNIVERBITV 
LIBRARIES 

STACKS 


MEDELH AVSMUSEET FEB4 1975 

DU 



BULLETIN NUMBER 6 1972 





THE MUSEUM OF MEDITERRANEAN AND NEAR EASTERN ANTIQUITIES 

MEDELHAVSMUSEET 


)UL IN NUMBER 6 
973 


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CONTENTS 


Notes on some Cypro-Mycenaean Vases in the Medelhavsmuseet 
Vassos Karageorghis 3 

Anns, Armour and Dress of the Terracotta Sculpture from Ajia Irini, Cyprus 
Sylvia Tornkvist 7 


Published with the aid of a grant from Humanistiska Forskningsr&det and 
Konung Gustaf VI Adolfs 80-irsfond for Svensk Kultur. 

Distribution Office: 

Medelhavsmuseet, Storgatan 41, 114 55 Stockholm, Sweden 

Stockholm 1973 
Rosenlundstryckeriet AB 


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Notes on some Cypro-Mycenaean Vases 
in the Medelhavsmuseet 


VASSOS KARAGEORGHIS 

Through the generosity of the Director of 
the Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm 1 , the present 
writer was able to re-examine some of the 
Mycenaean vases from Cyprus which are kept 
in this Museum in spring 1970. No major “dis- 
coveries” were made, as in 1957, when an 
impressive number of Mycenaean vases mainly 
of the pictorial style were studied and sub- 
sequently published 2 , but a few supplementary 
observations on two Mycenaean vases from the 
Swedish excavations at Enkomi may not seem 
superfluous. Both vases come from the extra- 
ordinarily rich side-chamber of Enkomi Tomb 
18 s , and have been made up from fragments. 
(1) Enkomi Tomb 18 S.46 (Figs. 1—2): Sjo- 
qvist 4 describes the decoration of this vase as 
follows: “A frieze of running bulls between the 
landles. The bodies of the bulls are decorated 
vith small stars; the shoulders and hind quarters 
ire dotted; from three of the bulls hang wavy 
-ibbons from the horns. Lattice lozenges, chev- 

* I am grateful to Dr. O. Vessberg who facilitated 
n every way my study in the Medelhavsmuseet, to 
kfiss Gisela Walberg for her valuable assistance during 
ny stay in the Museum, and Mrs. Margareta Sjdblom 
or the preparation of drawings and photographs of 
be vases which are described here. 

a See V. Karageorghis, “Supplementary Notes on 
be Mycenaean Vases from the Swedish Tombs at 
•nkomi." Op. Ath. m (1960) 135ff. 

* See The Swedish Cyprus Expedition I, 547ff. 

4 Ibid.. 556. 


rons and small spirals serve as filling ornament”. 
The figured representation is rendered by a 
drawing 5 which also shows an obliquely lying 
human figure in front and below the head of 
one of the bulls. The long legs of the human 
figure lie below one of the handles of the vase. 
The head of the human figure is not represented 
in the drawing published by Sjoqvist, except 
three small lines joining at right angles but 
not connected with the body. The human figure 
in fact is not headless, and a careful examina- 
tion of the original will show that the three 
lines joining at right angles form part of the 
outline of the head which is of the usual rec- 
tangular type as seen on a large number of 
vases of the Mycenaean pictorial style. 6 It is 
not clear if he is wearing a conical helmet like 
some other toreadors on Mycenaean vases. The 
paint is almost completely obliterated, but its 
traces are clearly seen, and Mrs. Sjoblom’s new 
detail drawing is a faithful copy of the original. 
The head looks to the right to the same direc- 
tion as the bulls. This of course is not a natura- 
listic posture, if we interpret our composition 
as a scene from the bull-ring. But as we wrote 
elsewhere, the 13 th century vase-painter of 
bull-ring scenes is no longer inspired from the 
actual bull-ring or from the major art of fresco 

* Sjoqvist, Problems of the Late Cypriote Bronze 
Age, fig. 21, 2. 

• Cf. A. Furumark, The Mycenaean Pottery, Ana- 
lysis and Classification, fig. 25, c, i, 1, m. 


3 


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painting but represents a scene be has heard 
about but which be probably never actually 
saw i * * * * * 7 . A toreador in front of the bull should 
face the anim al, ready to grasp its horns for 
the jump. 

There is one more bull-ring scene on a bell 
crater from Cyprus, in the G. G. Pierides Col- 
lection, where the toreador is in an oblique 
position behind the bull, obviously represented 
just after he has heapt to the ground. 8 * 

Our vase belongs chronologically to the ripe 
period of Cypro-Mycenaean pictorial style. The 
main characteristics of this style are: (a) the 
abandonment of rich floral ornaments against 
the background of the pictorial composition 
(here only lozenges are scattered in the field), 
(b) the elaborate decoration of the outlined 
bodies of animals (mainly of bulls) with small 
motifs recalling tapestry and weaving, (c) a 
renewed interest in the human figure as part of 
pictorial compositions. This style may be dated 
to the first half of the 13th century. 

Bull-ring scenes appear also on two frag- 
ments of Mycenaean vases from the Greek 
Mainland.* The toreadors on both these frag- 
ments wear conical helmets, like the one on 
the Pierides vase from Cyprus; it is, however, 
unlikely that the conical helmet formed part 
of a toreador’s attire 10 . 

(2) Enkomi Tomb 18 S.48 (Figs. 3—5): The 
decoration of this vase has been described by 
Sjoqvist as follows: “A panel pattern of squares, 
filled with U-shaped ornament framed by 


i He may have seen such scenes on works of art 

which could travel such as seals or tapestry weaving. 

Cf. V. Karageorghis, ‘Two Mycenaean Bull craters in 

the O. G. Pierides Collection, Cyprus”, AJA 60 

(1956), 146. 

s ibid., pi. 56, figs. 5a, 5b. 

» Ibid., 146 notes 31, 32; Furumark, op.cit., 440. 

i® Cf. H. L. Lorimer, Homer and the Monuments, 

229f. 

t* The Swedish Cyprus Expedition I, 556. 


vertical, fringed lines. Below the handles art 
conventionalized designs of small horses or 
bulls . .” This vase was illustrated in a group 
photograph 18 , but only the front view is show- 
ing; the pictorial motifs below the handles 
have never been illustrated. The paint is very 
worn off, hence the hesitation for their identi- 
fication. A close examination, however, and 
Mrs. Sjdblom’s drawings show beyond doubt 
that here we have two bull figures with pro- 
minent horns. One of these bulk (Fig. 4, 
left) is drawn according to the tendencies of 
the ripe Cypro-Mycenaean pictorial style: the 
animal’s body is drawn in outline, and is filled 
with small arrows 18 . The second bull is smaller 
and rather awkwardly drawn. The paint is very 
faint and the outlined figure is not filled with 
any motifs. 

The space below the handles of Mycenaean 
IIIB bell craters is usually not decorated with 
pictoral or any other motifs; this is more fre- 
quent with amphoroid craters, where small 
motifs (usually birds, flowers or spirals) appear 
below the vertical handles 14 . 

The above notes on two Mycenaean vases 
from Enkomi, as mentioned earlier, do not add 
much new to our knowledge of Mycenaean 
vase-painting. They are written exactly forty 
years after the discovery of these vases, as a 
hommage to their discoverers, and an indica- 
tion of the revival of interest in the Mycenaean 
pictorial style. 


i* Ibid., pi. XC, second row from top, fourth from 
left. 

i* For a similar rendering of an animal motif, 
within a rectangular panel, see CVA Cyprus, pi. 10.6 
(a fragmentary bell crater decorated with stags). For 
bull figures of the same style cf. The Swedish Cypna 
Expedition I, pi. CXVI1I, 10 (a jug decorated with > 
bull on the shoulder, from Enkomi Tomb 18 S. 5). 

>* Cf. CVA Cyprus pl.5, 2. 


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Arms, Armour and Dress 
of the Terracotta Sculpture 
from Ajia Irini, Cyprus 


SYLVIA TORNKVIST 

Introduction 

The results of the excavations at Ajia Irini in 
Cyprus in 1930 were reported by Einar Gjer- 
stad in the Swedish Cyprus Expedition Vol. II, 
Stockholm 1935 1 . The report covers architec- 
ure, stratification and finds, according to the 
schedule of the whole expedition report. In 
1933 Erik Sjoqvist wrote an article called “Die 
Cultgeschichte eines cyprischen Temenos” on 
he religious aspects of the place 2 . A synthesis 
>f the finds of the expedition from the Geomet- 
ic. Archaic and Classical periods was given by 
>rofessor Gjerstad in 1948 in the SCE IV:2, 
rhere the Ajia Irini terracottas from ca. 650— 

00 B. C. were discussed in relation to other 
Cypriote and contemporary non-Cypriote sculp- 
iire 3 . 

The terracotta sculpture group from Ajia 
rini is still a unique find: there are ca. 2000 
tatuettes of varied size and quality, found in a 
hronologically well defined context and the 
lajor part of them in a very good state of 
reservation. Half of them are now at Medel- 
avsmuseet, Stockholm, and the other half has 
imained in the Cyprus Museum, Nicosia. A 

1 Pp. 642—824, pis. CLXXXVH-CCL. 

* Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft 30. Leipzig /Be r- 

Q 1933, pp. 308-359. 

* Pp. 94-211, 339-361, 424 and 456 f. 


few figurines are in museums at Lund, Malmo 
and Uppsala 4 . 

In the “Medelhavsmuseet Bulletin no. 3” in 
1963 E. Gjerstad described a number of “new” 
Ajia Irini figurines, put together of fragments 
during the years after the excavation 5 . Apropos 
of that Gjerstad suggested to me to take up a 
study of arms and armour among the figurines 6 . 
It appeared that the problems of armour were 
inseparately involved with problems of dress, 
so I have had to study the equipment on the 
whole. 


4 See list below p. 55. 

» The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern 
Antiquities. Stockholm 1963, pp. 3—40. 

® I want to express my gratitude to professor Gjer- 
stad for this suggestion of his and for the kind interest 
he has later taken in my study of the terracottas. In 
1970 my studies resulted in a cyclostyled dissertation 
at Lund, of which this article is an abbreviation. Also 
with the late professor K. Hanell, Dr H. Thylander 
and the members of the archaeological seminar of 
Lund there have been valuable discussions over some 
problems. Further the director of the Department of 
Antiquities, Nicosia, Dr V. Karageorghis, the former 
director of Medelhavsmuseet, now professor O. Vess- 
berg, Stockholm, and the present director of Medel- 
havsmuseet, Dr C.-G. Styrenius, and their staffs have 
been most generous and helpful by giving access to 
the not very easily accessible objects. Also for the 
illustrations (when not prepared by myself) I thank 
the Cyprus Museum, Medelhavsmuseet and Antikmu- 
seet, Lund. Finally I want to thank Mr and Mrs A. 
Parker, Chestnut Hill, Mass., who have read and 
corrected my manuscript, for their generous assistance. 

7 


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During die yean that have passed after the 
excavation much has happened in Cypriote and 
other Mediterranean archaeology which has 
thrown light upon formerly dark points. Going 
through the material I have also met some 
incongruities between the objects and the cata- 
logue of die SCE, inevitable in such an immense 
number of finds 7 . 

This study takes litde or no interest in the 
dating of the statues 8 . The intentions are to 
discuss what can be learnt from the statuettes 
about the equipment and further which way the 
sculptors have shown various details with more 
or less success owing to difficulties and advan- 
tages due to the terracotta material. 

i Those who might in future take a special interest 
in the Ajia Irini sculpture will have to visit the 
museums of Nicosia and Stockholm where they are 
advised to consult my thesis for some corrections. 

» See below p. 54. 

ARMOUR AND DRESS. 

Cypriote dress has not been subject of any 
thorough examination or general survey. In 
“Homer and the Monuments” H. L. Lorimer 
describes “Dress in Cyprus”, beginning with the 
schematically drawn garments on Mycenaean 
chariot-vases from Cyprus 1 . Of later periods 
she mainly counts fibulas in tombs, e. g. of 
Amathus, but she does not take any interest 
in sculptured or painted representations of 
dress. 

The way of dressing among our figurines 
cannot be taken as representative for civilians 
of archaic Cyprus, since, as will be discussed 
below, a large number of them are apparendy 
armoured with some kind of jerkin. They are, 
however, not naked but dressed in chitons or 
tunics and in some cases also mantles. 2 

Mantles are draped in different ways. One 
way is to drape the mande simply over the 
breast and both shoulders with the ends falling 

1 London 1950, pp. 391—394. 

* Nos. 1763+1845 (SCE II pi. CXCV1II), 1490 and 
1470 (SCE II pi. CCI) are perhaps naked on upper 
part of body. 

8 


down back (e. g. nos. 1 141, SCE n pi. CCXII. 
6-7 or 1796 and 2079 + 2105, SCE II pL 
CCXIII, 6 and 7). This is obviously done with- 
out any use of fibulas or pins. Another way is 
draping the mande only over one shoulder (e. g. 
no. 1741, SCE U pi. CCXXXVIII, 7-8), prob- 
ably using pins, in which case the effect ob- 
tained is often that of an oblong piece of doth 
with its ends sewn together like a bandolier. 
Upon these themes there are many variations. 
The mantle of e. g. no. 1824 + 2139, (Figs. 1- 
2 and SCE II pi. CCVII, 3) is quite evidently 
draped over the shoulder and not sewn. 

Some of the mantles draped over one shoul- 
der may be compared to Assyrian predecessors. 
Mary G. Houston describes some Assyrian 
drapery very thoroughly 8 and one will find that 
many mandes appear in a more decorative than 
functional way. Among our mantles there are 
also some ones which would be impossible to 
imitate without making folds or seams, which 
are at least not visible on the statues now, e. g. 
no. 2072 + 2075 (SCE H pi. CCXIV). When 
the mandes appear as with both ends sewn to- 
gether, what is seen is certainly merely a simpli- 
fication for a drapery too complicated for the 
sculptor. However, one end of the very simple 
bandolier-mantle of no. 1739 + 2345 (Figs. 3— 
4) is hanging back free over the left shoulder. 

Especially interesting are the mantles of nos. 
1044 + 2495 (SCE U pis. CCV, 2 and CCVI, 
2-3), 1028 + 2077 (Fig. 5 and SCE II pi. 
CCVIII), and 1727 (SCE II pL CCXI). The 
mande of the first mentioned statue (no. 
1044 + 2495) is according to the SCE H “slung 
round both shoulders and falling along back of 
figure; . . . incised with horizontal lines at short 
intervals.” It is unique in form and as regards 
the parallel incised lines, which may suggest 
folds of a very large mande. Probably this gar- 
ment should be understood as an oblong, rec- 

* M. G. Houston , Ancient Egyptian, Mesopotamian 
& Persian Costume and Decoration. 2nd ed. repr. Lon- 
don 1964, pp. 132-148. 


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c igs. 1-2. No. 1824+2139. Profile and back. 
Zyprus Museum, Nicosia. 


Figs. 3—4. No. 1739+2345. Front and profile. 
Cyprus Museum, Nicosia. 


angular piece of cloth, even if realism is far 
!rom obtained by the straight lower border. The 
ncised lines of course may be purely decorative 
ather than indicating folds. This way of drap- 
ng the mantle over both shoulders can be seen 
llso on sculptures from other places in Cyprus 4 . 

The mantle of no. 1028 + 2077 is one of the 
nost puzzling garments of our statues. It is 
dung over both shoulders, but the r. arm is 
ield up over the upper border. It differs from 
nost of the other mantles slung over both 
shoulders in falling down on the lower part of 
he figure. Then it “disappears” on r.side bot- 
om. The r.side-flap logically ought to be cov- 
;red by the mantle but is fully visible. Seen 
rom behind (Fig. 5) it seems as though the 
nantle turned to the left and finished on the 
'.side, but on the l.side it reaches down to the 
niddle of the lower part of the statue. Thus, 

« E. g. SCE m pis. XIV f. and CXI. 


front and back sides of the statue do not agree. 
Were it not for the fringed border seen on l.side 
back, one might have believed that the mantle 
were draped over both shoulders but with the 
ends on front side. As it is now, the mantle 
looks as if provided with three ends. A sugges- 
tion about two mantles would not help much. 
One has to reckon with (now) invisible folds 
of drapery, for no cutting of a piece of cloth 
would give an effect like this. 

No. 1727 (SCE II pi. CCXI) is according to 
the catalogue of the SCE II “. . . dressed in a 
chiton reaching feet; short sleeves; broad lower 
border marked by oblique incisions . . . plain 
mantle draped over both shoulders and falling 
down to the waist.” Probably the “lower bor- 
der” is rather to be understood as another gar- 
ment of a thinner quality with folds. Cf nos. 
1824 + 2139 (SCE II pi. CCVII, 3) and 2072+ 
2075 (SCE n pi. CCXIV)! A comparison to 
no. 2079 + 2105 (SCE II pi. CCXIII, 4 and 7) 

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Fig . 5. No. 1028+2077. Back. 
Cyprus Museum , Nicosia. 


or no. 1796 (SCE II pi. CCXIII, 6) will under- 
line the impression that the lower border of the 
mantle is at the waist, although the colour may 
induce the eye to see a mantle as a long apron 
in front. If the mantle finishes at the waist (as 
it surely does), there must be two chitons and 
one mantle — a somewhat extensive way of 
dressing. 

Here it might be an occasion to remember 
Assyrian mantles cut in semicircular form 5 . A 
combination of two mantles is hardly relevant 

* M. G. Houston, op. cit. fig. 130. 

10 


here, but what has been written* about folds, 
which must often be imagined in Assyrian 
representations of costume is likewise true of 
our statuettes. Cf our no. 1028 + 2077 (SCE 
II pi. CCVni) with e. g. the statue of Ashurna- 
sirpal II or the obelisk of Shalmaneser III 7 ! Our 
mantle is simplified. j 

In Homeric Greece heroes were often dressed 1 
in skins of lions, panthers etc. and other people I 
in skins of goats or sheep, a custom which 
country people preserved long after textiles had 
become the normal material for dress among 
the nobles and town people. 8 The mantles of ! 
our statues have normally more evenly cut 
borders than would be probable for skins, and 
when the borders are painted, cloth is most j 
likely the material to have been used. It is. | 
however, not to be denied that the fringes of j 
no. 1028 + 2077 (SCE II pi. CCVIII) might be 
a way of indicating a hairy pelt, and in quite I 
another way the incised lines of the mantle of 
no. 1044 + 2495 (SCE II pis. CCV, 2 and' 
CCVI, 2—3) could indicate fur, although the j 
impression of this garment is rather a piece of 1 
starched linen cloth than skin. ! 

About 35 of our statuettes are dressed in 
now distinguishable mantles. Several more may 
have been marked out with now disappeared 
colour. They appear often among the bigger, 
more impressive statues and are more frequent 
in per. 5 than in per. 4. Per. 6 cannot be taken 
into account, being poorly provided with bodies 
of statues. The growing frequency of mantles 
seems to be parallel to a growing interest in j 
naturalistic rendering of drapery on the whole, i 


• Op. cit. pp. 144 and 148. 

7 M. Bieber, Entwicklungsgeschichte der griechi- 
schen Tracht. Berlin 1934, Taf. 5; Y. Yadin, The An 
of War-fare in Biblical Lands in the Light of Archaeo- 
logical Discovery. London 1963, p. 395. 

* S. Marinatos , Archaeologia Homerica I A, Got- 
tingen 1967, S. 14; R. J . Forbes , Studies in Ancient 
Technology V. Leiden 1957 p. 45. 


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But notice no. 1566 (SCE II pi. CXCV, 1-2) 
as early as from per. 4! 

Figurines with mantles wear various kinds 
of helmets or plain bands round the head. No 
special combinations are descernible. Nor is 
this the case with weapons. The only statue of 
bigger size than small idol with shield preserved, 
no. 1385 + 1530 (SCE II pi. CXCIV, 2) has no 
mantle. No. 2344 + 2324 (SCE II pi. CXCIX, 
5-6), who carries a sword, is according to the 
catalogue in the SCE II dressed in a mantle 
which I prefer to call a cuirass (below p. 16). 
No. 1524 + 2333 + 2346 (SCE II pi. CC, 1-2) 
has no visible mantle, nor have nos. 1070 + 
1072 + 1073 + 1075 (Figs. 6-7), 1084 (Fig. 8), 
1276 (BMNE 3, p. 19 Fig. 26) or 2102 (SCE 
II, pi. CCII), who are all armed with swords. 
But no. 1739 + 2345 (Figs. 3—4) has a plain 
but clearly draped mantle and the small idol no. 
893 (SCE II pi. CCXXXI, 3), who carries a 
bow and a quiver, has a plain mantle marked 
out with paint. From these few examples, how- 
ever, one cannot draw any conclusions as to 
combinations of mantles and weapons. 

Our mantles are certainly more decorative 
than functional, often being worn on top of 
cuirasses: nos. 1071 (SCE II pi. CXCV, 3 and 
6), 1044 + 2495 (SCE II pi. CCV, 2), 1824 + 
2139 (SCE II pi. CCVII, 3), and others. One 
must not wholly overlook the chance that in 
these latter cases, instead of a jerkin there is 
only the drapery of the mantle itself, if it is long 
enough to be wrapped twice around the body 
or if there are even two smaller ones. Because 
of the similarity to jerkins worn without mantles 
I have, however, preferred to see mantles also 
there. 

The sculptors have certainly had various 
kinds of drapery in their minds when working 
with the different sculptures, but they do not 
seem to have used living models. If they did, 
obviously they did not hesitate to simplify the 
mantles as well as other details. But before 
looking upon the drapery of chitons, we are 



Figs. 6-7. No. 1070+1072+1073 + 1075. 

Front and profile. Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm. 



Fig. 8. No. 1084. Cyprus Museum , Nicosia. 


11 


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Fig. 9. Bronze warrior from Salamis, T. 79. 
Cyprus Museum , Nicosia. 


going to discuss cuirasses. 

A systematical work about Greek cuirasses 
appeared in Leipzig in 1919, A. Hagemann, 
“Griechische Panzerung. I. Der Metallhar- 
nisch.” 9 During the 50 years that have passed 
since then, it was not until rather recently that 
archaeological finds were made and conditions 
changed so much that the book came out of 
date. In 1950 Miss Lorimer still maintained the 
then current opinion that mentionings of metal 
corslets by Homer must be later interpola- 
tions 10 . P. Courbin, who published his find of 
the Argive geometric corslet in 1957, refers to 
discussions of such Homeric interpolations as 
wasted ink 11 , while Miss D. Gray in 1958 in- 
stead will change the date of all Homeric fights 
to an earlier period because of the Argos find. 12 
The Dendra find in 1960 finally proved metal 
plate corslets to have existed already in the 
Bronze Age 18 . Also an article by N. Yalouris 
in 1960 confirms this 14 . 

A. Snodgrass describes the history of the 
plate corslet in Europe as “extremely compli- 
cated”, influences from the Eastern Mediter- 
ranean upon central European customs return- 
ing home in changed versions 15 , but one may 
hope that future finds will explain some of the 
riddles. He also mentions the scale corslet, 
“long established among Near Eastern peo- 
ples” 16 . While seldom appearing among the 
Greeks it seems natural that it did in Cyprus. 

• Parts II — IV, “Das Lederkoller (einschl. Schup- 
penpanzers)”, “Textile Panzerung,*’ and “Kettenhemd 
(Eisen)” apparently and unfortunately never appeared 
Op. cit . pp. 1% f. 

11 ”Une tombe gfomltrique d’ Argos". BCH 81. 
1957, p. 356. 

** J. L . Myres, Homer and his Critics. Ed. by. D. 
Gray. London 1958 p. 182. 

i* E. Vanderpool, “News Letter from Greece." AJA 
67, 1963, pp. 280 f. pis. 62 f.; G. Daux, “Chroukpc 
des fouilles et d&ouvertes arch6ologiques en Greet 
en 1960.” BCH 85, 1961, pp. 671 ff. figs 1-2. N. M. 
Verdelis, “Neue Funde von Dendra”. MDAl(A) 82 
1967 pp. 8-20. 

14 “Mykenische Bronzeschutzwaffen.” Ml D AHA) 
75, 1960, pp. 42-67. 

i* Early Greek Armour and Weapons. Edinburgh 
1964 p. 83. 

14 Op. cit. pp. 84 ff. 


12 


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Not only have a number of scales been found 17 , 
but there are also representations of scale 
armour on statuettes of stone 18 and bronze 1 *. 
The cuirass of the Cypriote king Kinyras 20 is 
generally accepted as a kind of scale armour 
with its differently coloured strips (o![iot). 

In the Near East scale armour is known from 
he 15th cent B. C. through finds at Nuzi in 
Mesopotamia 21 and from Egypt of the 17th and 
10th centuries 22 . A wall painting from a tomb 
)f 15th cent. Egypt shows a bronze coat of 
nail 28 . Finds and relief pictures of scale armour 
rom Egypt 24 and especially Assyria 26 of later 
imes are abundant, either of corslet type 26 or 
t>ng garments covering the whole body 27 . No 
ronder scale armour was used in Cyprus at the 
ime of our terracotta statuettes, considering 
he political and cultural situation of the 
(astern Mediterranean 28 . But since no scales 
re visible on our figurines, we had better look 
ut also for other materials known from this 
me. 

Except for the Dendra corslet and the frag- 
tents from Kallithea mentioned above, Greek 
iirasses from the Bronze Age are known to 
s only from paintings, namely of the Warrior 
ele and Warrior vase of Mycenae 29 . These 
tter do not seem to be metal cuirasses, but the 

17 SCE 11 pis. V and CL (Amathus), CLXXII (Wa- 
rn); SCE IV:2 fig. 20 (Idalion); A. Westholm, 
'ypro- Archaic Splint Armour.” Acta Archaeologica 
I, 1938, pp. 163-173. 

18 SCE in p. 366 no. 834 (Mersinaki); still later 
E in pp. 495 f. pis. CLXX f.no. 319 (Soli). 

*• Salamis Tomb 79/129 (Figs 9-10), V. Kara- 
orghis, “Chronique des fouilles et d6couvertes 
:h6ologiques It Chypre en 1966.” BCH 91, 1967 
. 339 ff. fig. 142. 

*• Horn. 11. XI, 19-28. 

!1 Y. Yadin, op. cit. p. 196. 

** Op. cit. pp. 197 and 354. 

Op. cit. p. 197. 

t* Op. cit. pp. 192, 196, and 241. 
a Op. cit. pp. 388—461 passim; cf also R. D. Bar- 
t, “Further Russian Excavations in Armenia (1949— 
53).” Iraq XXI, 1959, p. 16, fig. 14! 

* Y. Yadin, op. cit. p. 295. 
ft Op. cit. pp. 400 ff. 

* SCE IV:2, pp. 379 f. 

» H. L. Lorimer, op. cit. pis. Ilf.; Y. Yadin, op. 
p. 354. 



Fig. 10. Reconstruction of bronze warrior from 
Salamis. Cyprus Mus. Nicosia. 

later Geometric-Archaic metal so-called bell- 
corslet 80 reminds of them in its outline. Another 
early form of metal corslet, the tubular one, is 
only known from miniatures 81 . 

Corslets of other materials are only known 
from vase paintings, where it is often hard to 
say, whether metal or e. g. leather is illustrated. 
In Geometric art it is not at all distinguishable. 
When it comes to Proto-Corinthian and Proto- 
Attic art, the left man of the upper scene to the 
right of the handle of the Chigi vase 82 seems 
to wear a cuirass with short sleeves, such as 
would be uncomfortable in metal, but the man 
to the right of the flute-player has hardly any 
sleeves and there is a clearly distinguishable, 
out-standing lower rim of a metal bell-corslet. 

30 A. Snodgrass , op . cit. pp. 73 ff. 

Op. cit . p. 74. 

3* Op. cit. pi. 36; P. E. Arias — M. Hirmer, Tau send 
Jahre griechische Vasenkunst. Miinchen 1960, pis. 
16 and IV. 


13 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



The neck amphora from Melos from ca. 6S0 
B. C. shows a hoplite with bell-corslet and the 
sleeves of his chiton marked out with paint**. 
On the Euphorbos plate 84 from Rhodes ca. 600 
B. C. there is no doubt (metal corslet, no 
sleeves), but on a dinos of the Louvre ca. 600/ 
590 B. C. there is a more dubious kind of a 
cuirass 35 . 

Leather or linen 86 corslets very similar to 
that of our no. 1728+1740 (SCE II pi. CXCI, 
2— 3) 37 , although with horizontal lower borders, 
are seen on a Siana cup fti the Louvre 38 . Exe- 
kias, who provides Achilles with a bell-corslet 
on the London neck-amphora with Achilles and 
Penthesileia 8 *, paints him and Ajax at play on 
the Vatican amphora 40 in another version of 
corslet with pteryges. Whether these corslets are 
of metal with relief decoration 41 or maybe em- 
broidered linen or painted leather is not possible 
to know. 

As we do not have any equivalents to that 
kind of corslet, we had better stop and return 
to the terracotta figurines. The sleeves of our 
jerkins point against a metal material. To the 
objection that perhaps we do not see where the 
plate corslet ends and the presumptive sleeves 
of a chiton come forth to view from beneath 
the cuirass, the answer must be that we can see 
the shoulder seams, which certainly belong to 


w Op. cit . pis. 22 f. 

M Op. cit. pi. 27; A. Snodgrass, op. cit. pi. 6. 

*• P. E. Arias — M. Hirmer, op. cit. pi. 37 bottom. 

*• Cf Opuscula Romana VIII, Lund 1969, pp. 81 f. 

37 No. 1728+1740 (SCE II pi. CXCI, 2-3) seems 
at the first look to be wearing a short tunic (SCE 
II p. 737), but the ridged seams indicate that the 
garment is a leather jerkin (BMNE 3, p. 36). Cf no. 
1 + 1618+1619 SCE II pi. CXCI, 1), a very similar 
statuette, probably made by the same sculptor, but 
the jerkin and the tunic beneath are clearly sculptured 
as two different garments. If the “longer jerkin” of 
no. 1728+1740 has not been painted once to show 
two different garments, this is the only example of 
such a cuirass type, covering also the abdominal parts 
of the body. 

38 p. E. Arias — M. Hirmer , op. cit. pi. 48. 

3» Op. cit. pis. 64 and XVIII. 

Op. cit. pis. 62 and XVII. 

4i Cf the “Crowe corslet”, Olympia IV pi. LIX; 
BCH 7, 1883 pis. I— III! 

14 


one and the same garment, namely the corslet, 
e. g. on nos. 2106 + 2103 (SCE II pi. CXQ 
or 1728 + 1740 (SCE II pi. CXCI, 2-3) 42 . 

After its restoration our no. 1843 + 1726 
(BMNE 3, figs. 21 f.) was described by E. Gjer- 
stad 48 as wearing a leather corslet with a neck 
collar. In connection with this. Professor Gjer- 
stad mentioned that some of the other statuet- 
tes, e.g. nos. 1728 + 1740 and 2106 + 2103 
also had leather corslets, although that had not 
been especially pointed out in the report of the 
SCE II. There they were described as wearing 
chitons or tunics only. However, A. Westhoim 
refers 44 to nos. 1070 etc. (Figs. 6—7) and 1189 
(Figs. 1 1—12) as wearing “sculptured and paint- 
ed cuirasses”. It seems worth while to re-ex- 
amine the statuettes as regards what garments 
they can be supposed to be wearing. 

First, of course, one might ask whether a 
statue that is apparently dressed in a long 
chiton, really wears one or whether the sculptor 
just out of laziness or inability preferred to form 
a cylinder ( = a chiton) before sculpturing two 
free legs appearing under a short tunic. At least 
one of the sculptors was able to make such legs: 
there are some 20 examples preserved among ! 
the bigger statues. The small idols are all pro- 
vided with long chitons, that is, their bodies 
appear as merely wheelmade or handmade 
cylinders. This is only one among several other 
examples of simplifications for technical rea- 
sons. Cf e. g. the way the sword of no. 2102 
(SCE II pi. CCII) seems to pierce through the 
leather or cloth of the jerkin! 

Another reason for doubts about the long 
chiton is that we are not accustomed to seeing 
men from the Greek world dressed like that. 
But we are acquainted with such garments from 
statuettes from the Near East, especially from 

4* No. 1509 (SCE II pi. CCVB, 1-2) is dressed k 
a long garment with a marking of borders and — 
as if indicating a material stiffer than normal for a 
chiton. A long variant of a leather or linen corslet? 

43 BMNE 3, 1963, pp. 35 f. 

44 Acta Archaeologica IX, 1938, p. 163, n. 1. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Igs. 11 — 12. No. 1189. Front and 
rofile. Cyprus Museum , Nicosia. 


Figs. 14—15. Painted terracotta bust from 
Kazaphani. Front and back. Cyprus Museum , 
Nicosia. 




13. Painted terracotta bust from 
pjtani. Cyprus Museum , Nicosia. 


15 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


Assyrian reliefs. The archers, above all, who 
have no hand free for carrying a shield, are 
often protected by long garments, often backed 
with scales. There is no sign of scales, however, 
on the smooth surface of our terracotta fig- 
urines, either in relief or painted. 

If the dress of the statuettes is to be under- 
stood as woollen or linen, the stiffnes is out- 
standing; still the designs are such as for the 
figurines to be able to move in them. How to 
dress and undress seems to have been a prob- 
lem, unless we imagine openings not indicated 
to our eyes. It may be noticed that the chitons 
do not seem less stiff than the eventual leather 
or linen corslets. 

Our nos. 1070 etc. 48 and 1189 (Figs. 6—7, 
11—12) show a certain relationship to some 
painted terracotta busts from Sal amis 4 * and 
Kazaphani (Figs. 13— IS) 47 which may be of 
interest here, showing a scale pattern as a back- 
ground to floral motifs in the squares of the 
painted decoration. This pattern, here merely 
decorative, may reflect the custom of wearing 
scale armour, but the same pattern appears also 
on architectural terracottas 48 and vases of the 
same time. J. A. H. Munro suggested 4 * that 
there were scaled cuirasses worn under embroi- 
dered chitons. The idea might be attractive, but 
still a little adventurous. In Hellenistic sculpture 
folds of a thicker garment are often shown as 

** In the catalogue of the SCE II there is a sug- 
gestion about the painted ornaments on the lower 
part of the tunic as indicating a bag hanging from 
the girdle. That is not very probable. There are no 
other bags among the sculptures and such a thing 
would be likely to appear in relief, if not in round 
sculpture, not only marked out with paint. For other 
ornamentations on the abdominal parts of the bodies, 
cf below pp. 18 ff! 

*• J. A. R. Munro, “Excavations in Cyprus". JHS 
12, 1891 pp. 150 ff. pi. X; H. B. Wallers, Catalogue 
of the Terracottas in the British Museum. London 
1903, pp. 17-20, nos. A 107-119, figs. 4-6. 

Figs. 13—15; Department of Antiquities, Cyprus, 
Report 2, 1935, p. 7, pi. II, 3-4. 

** R. M. Dawkins, The Sanctuary of Artemis 
Orthia. BSA Suppl. Paper 5. London 1929, pis. 
XXII ff.; H. Payne, Necrocorinthia. Oxford 1931, pi. 
11 bis. no. 156 (from Kameiros). 

*» JHS 12, 1891, pp. xliv and 151 ff. 

16 


through a thinne r one, but the artists of our 
period were hardly as sophisticated as that. It 
seems safer only to presume a decorative in- 
fluence from scaled armour upon a cuirass of 
another material, and rather a linen one with 
embroidery than a metal one with relief decora- 
tion. 

For probably one had better not over-esti- 
mate the importance and use of metal cuirasses 
Other kinds of corslets have been current at the 
same time. An explanation of the fact as social- 
ly conditioned — metal being more expensive 
than leather or linen — does not say the whole 
truth. Homer twice provides his heroes with 
linen corslets in the catalogue of ships: Aias. 
Oileus’ son 80 and the Troyan Amphius 51 - 
were they poorer than others? Different matt- 
rials may have been used under various condi- 
tions of temperature, mobility etc. A metal 
corslet must have been terribly hot to wear in 
summer, even if padded with cloth 83 or made 
out of small scales which did not quite exclude 
air circulation. Theories brought ford) about 
the connections between hoplite tactics and 
metal armour are not conclusive 88 . 

If, like the terracotta busts of Salamis and 
Kazaphani (Figs. 13—15), our nos. 1070 etc.. 
1189 (Figs. 6-7, 11-12), and 2344+2324 
(SCE II pi. CXCIX, 5—6) are wearing linen 
corslets, why are these so short? The material 
cannot have been too expensive. An influence 
from metal corslets? That the figures are war- 
riors wearing some kind of cuirass is upheld by 
the fact that no. 1070 etc. and no. 2344+2324 
are armed with swords and no. 1 1 89 has proba- 
bly held a spear in his right hand. The lower 

*• Horn. II. n, 529. 

*« Horn. II. II, 830. 

51 H. L. Lor inter, Homer and the Monuments, p- 
211.; O. Montelius, La civilisation primitive en Italic. 
II. Stockholm 1910, pi. 287, 3.; P. Courbin, "Use 
tombe g£om£trique d’ Argos”. BCH 81, 1957, p. 350, 
figs. 35 f. 

a* H. L. Lorimer, ‘The Hoplite Phalanx". BSA <- 
1947, pp. 76—138; R. Nierhaus, "Eine friihgriechiscte 
Kampfform”. Jdl 53, 1938, pp. 90-113; A. Snot- 
grass, op. cit. p. 89. 


Digitized by t^iOOQLe 



■art of no. 2344 + 2324 is missing. The two 
ither ones wear short tunics slit up at one side, 
lie apparent thickness of these tunics may be 
xplained by the terracotta material of the 
culptures, but it might also be suggested that 
le tunics like the corslets could be leathern or 
lade out of several layers of linen, so as to be 
rotective. The same might be the case with 
os. 1385 + 1530 (SCE II pi. CXCIV, 2) and 
524 + 2333 + 2346 (SCE II pi. CC, 1-2), 
(though their cuirasses are of a somewhat dif- 
srent type, without the tasseled, lower border. 

A jerkin of a similar type, also without the 
isseled lower border, is seen on no. 1 + 1618 + 
519 (SCE II pi. CXCI, 1) and from this one 
e step is not far to no. 1728 + 1740 (SCE II 
. CXCI, 2—3) who looks like his twin, 
though their costumes differ a little. No. 1 + 


1618 + 1619 has, with no doubt, two garments, 
the jerkin and a tunic or kilt, while no. 1728 + 
1740 has only one visible, namely a prolonged 
corslet with a rounded lower border. Here one 
possibly ought to imagine a jerkin finishing at 
the waist and a tunic beneath. 

Very similar to these statues is no. 2106+ 
2103 (SCE II pi. CXQ and, as regards the 
corslet, also a number of other statuettes, nos. 
1049 etc. (BMNE 3, fig. 28), 1010+1030 
(SCE n pi. CCXII, 4-5), 1144 (SCE II pi. 
CXCVI, 3-4), 1746 (SCE II pi. CXCIII, 1-3), 
1805 (SCE n pi. CCXXXVH, 3), and 1843 + 
1726 (BMNE 3, figs. 21 f.). All these have 
girdled chitons and side-flaps, except for no. 
1843 + 1726, where the lower part of the figure 
is missing. 



Fig. 17. No. 1083. Cyprus 
Museum, Nicosia. 


17 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Fig . 18. No. 1320. Cyprus 
Museum , Nicosia. 

Now there is one problem: to which garment 
do the side-flaps belong? To the jerkin or the 
chiton? Gjerstad writes in the BMNE 3, p. 15: 
“The jerkin was provided with side-flaps” and 
on p. 21 of no. 1049 etc.: “The part of the 
chiton on the lower part of the body is provided 
with side-flaps.” Still he presumes a girdle for 
no. 1843: “. . . no girdle indicated plastically 
but probably in paint now effaced; below this 
supposed girdle vertical folds grooved.” If the 
side-flaps belong to the chitons one must under- 
stand them as uplifted cloth bulging out over 
the girdles, while the concentrical folds come 
out as a result of this lifting. If, on the other 
hand, the side-flaps belong to the corslets 54 , 

18 


what will become of the semi-circular lines? We 
cannot be absolutely sure that they are folds at 
all. On statues like nos. 1010+1030 (SCE II 
pi. CCXII, 4-5), 1044 + 2495 (SCE II pi. 
CCV, 2), 1151 (Fig. 16), 1725 (SCE II pi. 
CCIX, 1), 1746 (SCE II pi. CXCIII, 1-3) and 
2106 + 2103 (SCE II pi. CXC) they appear in 
so conventionalized forms 55 that one would not 
recognize folds in the lines, if one did not re- 
member such from other statues like nos. 1016 
+ 2505 (SCE II pi. CCXVII), 1141 (SCE II 
pi. CCXII, 6-7) or 1824 + 2139 (Figs. 1-2 
and SCE II pi. CCV II, 3). On no. 1016 + 2505 
there are also vertical folds, such as will actually 
appear, if cloth is being lifted up in the way 
suggested above. And in the case of no. 1 141 
there are the parallelly drawn folds of the 
mantle to compare with. 

This seems to favour a theory that folds of 
an intelligible form have become conventio- 
nalized into these unnatural, stiff ridges. Most 
of the folds appear already in per. 4, which is, 
however, the longest period to which most of 
the finds belong. The fact that nos. 1016 + 2505 
(SCE II pi. CCXVII) and 2079 + 2105 (SCE II 
pi. CCXIII, 7) with more “natural” folds belong 
to per. 5 does not prove the contrary either, 
for in per. 5 we also find nos. 1010 + 1030 
(SCE II pi. CCXII, 4-5), 1049 etc. (BMNE 
3, fig. 28), and 1725 (SCE I pi. CCIX, 1) with 

m The square form of the sideflaps of no. 1016- 
+2505 (SCE II pi. CCXVII) cannot possibly indicate 
uplifted cloth. - No. 1037+2454 (SCE II pi. CCIX 
5) has rounded sideflaps, but the lack of folds on 
the tunic points towards the belonging of the side- 
flaps to the jerkin. 

as Cf also the straight lines on no. 1071 (SCE II pi. 
CXCV, 3,5-6 and BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 20); the lines 
on no. 1083 (fig. 17) are not concentric but parallel, 
curved lines broken off by or hidden behind vertical 
edges — of an outer garment? (Cf e. g. SCE III pi 
XXXVI, I); the overfold of no. 1099+2735 (SCE Q 
pi. CCXXIII, 4—5) forms an un-broken, curved line, 
altogether decorative; on no. 1320 (fig. 18) the lines 
are curved upside down as compared to all the other 
statues; on no. 1767 ( SCE II pi. CCV, 1.) the “round- 
ed sideflaps** are overlapping, but one had better not j 
call them sideflaps at all, for here is rather something 
like the “hittite” type of a skirt. j 


Digitized by 



7 ig. 19. No. 1059. 

Cyprus Museum , Nicosia. 


ypically conventionalized, semi-circular lines. 
4os. 1141 (SCE n pi. CCXII, 6—7), 1566 
SCE II pi. CXCV, 1-2), and 1824 + 2139 
SCE II pi. CCVII, 3) which seem more “natu- 
ally” draped are all of per. 4. From per. 6 
here are very few statues with lower part of 
lie body preserved. One is no. 926, now restor- 
d with no. 1059 (Fig. 19) as lower part of the 
ody, where the folds are a little clumsy but 
till conventionalized. Other statues of the peri- 
d lack folds. So these chronologically establish- 
d facts do not help here, when we try to find 
ut, if the “natural” folds are older or younger 


than the “conventionalized”. They seem rather 
to be parallel. 

If after all the “conventionalized folds” are 
no folds at all, what else could they be? I would 
like to suggest an altogether different interpreta- 
tion: that they are to be understood as a kind 
of protection for the abdominal part of the 
body, where the jerkin finished, to facilitate 
movements of its wearer. Cf the later Greek and 
Roman pteryges , well-known from vase-paint- 
ings and Roman sculptured cuirasses! Now, in- 
stead of such vertical leather straps, we might 
here be dealing with something like the Homeric 
mitre, known in metal in the form of rounded 
little “aprons”. Many examples are known from 
Crete of the 7th century, especially Axos 56 , and 
from the Greek mainland 57 , possibly of Greek 
origin. The so far latest known version (fourth 
century B. C.) is from Ruec in Thrace 58 , hori- 
zontally divided into two pliable parts and 
provided with rings for suspension. Most of 
the mitrcu are decorated with figural motifs 
within a border marked by an incised line. Our 
parallel semicircular lines may recall these 
incised border lines. 

It is hardly an attractive theory that the lines 
might be understood as seams, compared to the 
ridged seams on the shoulders of some of the 
statues, e. g. no. 2106 + 2103 (SCE II pi. CXC) 
or 1746 (SCE II pi. CXCIII, 1-3). What sense 
would it make to sew a lot of leather strips 
together instead of using a whole piece of 
leather? Decorative reasons? 

The lines may also be only reminiscenses of 
the mitrai which had gone out of use and, 
misunderstood by the sculptors, were changed 

56 D. Levi, “I bronzi di Axos”. Annuario 13—14, 
1930-31, pp. 59-80, figs. 14-21, 24, 28 pis. XIII- 
XV. 

57 References in A. Snodgrass , op. cit. p. 241 n. 56; 
H. Brandenburg , Studien zur Mitra. Munster 1966, 
pp. 25—28; H. Bartels, VUl . Bericht iiber die Ausgra - 
bungen in Olympia. Berlin 1967, pp. 196—207, 263 f., 
pis. 100-105. 

“ L. Ognenova, “Les cuirasses de bronze trouv&s 
en Thrace.” BCH 85, 1961, pp. 519, 522 f., fig. 14. 


19 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 




Fig. 20. No. 1081. Cyprus Museum , Nicosia. 


into folds. However, the “folds” of the chiton 
of no. 1044 + 2495 (SCE II pi. CCV, 2) are 
rather different from the folds of the mantle of 
the same statue. 

I will not stress the probability of the theory' 
of mitrai too much, but the geographical fact 
that Crete seems to be the home of the mitrai 
points at least to the probable knowledge of 
this kind of protection in Cyprus. Anyway, the 
concentrating of the interest to the abdominal 
part of the body is remarkable in our terracotta 
figurines. The unusual circumstance in which a 
metal piece of armour is known from real finds 
but not from artistical representations in the 
Greek world 5 * leaves us without help of com- 
parisons. But we also lack such comparisons 
for the peculiar way of dressing in garments so 
long as to cover the feet, in spite of the fact 
that they are held up by girdles. Even for pa- 
rade uniforms, functional points of view seem 
remarkably neglected. However, the length of 
the garments is perhaps just the result of an 
unwillingness to model the free legs and does 
not prove anything. In Cyprus, most time of 
the year a dress covering the whole body is not 
necessary for climatic reasons. Using them as 
a protection, like the long Assyrian garments, 
it would be utterly unpractical to make them as 
long as to have to girdle them up. The semi- 
circular lines remain puzzling, whether we 
understand them as folds or anything else. 

In one single case, no. 1081 (Fig. 20), there 
are ridged folds and side-flaps also on the back. 
Only the lower part of the figure is pre- 
served. It wears a short tunic, leaving the legs 
free. Very seldom something is clearly indicated 
on the back of a statue. In the cases where there 
are girdled chitons with cloth bulging out over 
the girdles in front, it will be correct to imag- 
ine the backs equal with the fronts. But if 
there are corslets to protect the bodies as far 
as possible, there is no reason for them to finish 


»• A. Snodgrass, op. cit. p. 89. 


20 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


at the waist on the back, where movements 
would not be hindered by a longer jerkin. Or 
were these heroes too brave to protect their 
backs? 

The existence of some kind of protective 
corslets of leather or linen on a major part of 
the bigger statuettes can be taken for granted. 
However, it happens that such a garment is 
worn in altogether civilian circumstances, like 
10 . 1049 etc. (BMNE 3, fig. 28), who is appa- 
ently going to sacrifice a little buck. The 
iresence of shields and weapons in connection 
vith them is very irregular. Such attributes may 
ometimes have got lost, but often there have 
lever been any. Thus the main intentions of the 
culptors cannot have been to illustrate well- 
quipped little soldiers but rather worshippers 
iressed up for a religious ceremony in a shrine 
f a war-god. It may have been correct to wear 
uniforms”, and if somebody preferred, only a 
elmet, serving as a pars pro toto. 

[ELMETS. 

he standard work on Greek helmets is still 
. Kukahn’s “Der griechische Helm”, Marburg 
)36. In H. L. Lorimer’s “Homer and the 
lonuments” one chapter is devoted to hel- 
ets. 1 Important finds have been made since 
at, e. g. at Olympia and Argos. A. Snodgrass 
his first chapter of “Early Greek Armour and 
eapons” gave the latest news available in 
>64 and in the “VIII. Bericht iiber die Aus- 
abungen in Olympia” there is an important 
apter on “Helme” by E. Kunze. 2 
For the Near East there has not appeared any 
neral survey after the chapter on “Helm” in 
Bonnet's “Die Waffen der Volker des alten 
ients” 3 . Still less is there any monograph on 
priote helmets, although such are mentioned 
their relations to Greek and Near Eastern 

London 1950, pp. 211—250. 

Edinburgh 1964, pp. 3—35; Berlin 1967 pp. Ill— 

Leipzig 1926, pp. 201—209. 


ones in the above works and in the SCE IV:2 
there is a survey in the chapter on “Foreign 
Relations” 4 . 

The earliest ones are from the Late Bronze 
age 5 . To the Iron age helmets, parts of helmets, 
and representations of helmets in art mentioned 
by Snodgrass, may above all be added the finds 
of a conical bronze helmet from Kouklia 8 and 
the bronze figurine of a warrior from a chariot 
of Salamis Tomb 79 wearing a helmet with a 
forward-curving crest (Figs. 9— 10) 7 . 

Representations of helmets in archaic lime- 
stone and terracotta sculpture are not few. From 
Ajia Irini there are even two bronze statuettes, 
wearing conical, knobbed helmets, nos. 2029 
and 1479 (SCE II pi. CCXL, 5 and 6-7). In 
limestone there are nos. 1095 and 1228 from 
Ajia Irini (SCE II pi. CCXXXIX) with plain, 
conical helmets. From other places in Cyprus 
are limestone and terracotta helmeted heads, 
now in Nicosia, New York, London, or Stock- 
holm etc. 8 . These and others will be mentioned 
below, in relation to our figurines. 

The major part of our statuettes and idols 
are wearing helmets of various kinds. In a num- 
ber of cases it may be discussed, whether there 
is a cap or a helmet in form of a cap. However, 
most of the helmets are unmistakable. One type 
is conical, not seldom with upturned or hanging 
cheek-pieces. The top may be hollow or closed. 
Another type has the top bent back, indicating 
a softer material. Further there is a number of 
“flat caps” and several of uncertain type, be- 

* SCE IV; 2, pp. 378 f. 

5 H. W. Catling, Cypriot Bronzework in the Myce- 
naean World. Oxford 1964, pp. 137 f., pi. 17. 

* V. Karageorghis, "Chronique des fouilles & Chypre 
en 1965”, BCH 90, 1966, pp. 320 ff., fig. 55; V. Kara- 
georghis, ’’Nouvelles tombes de guerriers & Palaepa- 
phos.” BCH 91, 1967, pp. 234 f., figs. 20 and 24. 

i V. Karageorghis, ’’Chronique des fouilles a 
Chypre en 1966”, BCH 91, 1967, p. 340, fig. 142. 

* Cesnola, Atlas I — II passim; J. L. Myres, Hand- 
book of the Cesnola Collection of Antiquities from 
Cyprus. New York 1914, nos. 1257 ff., 1282 ff., 1351 f.; 
SCE IV:2 pis. II, V and X; P. Dikaios, A Guide to 
the Cyprus Museum, 3rd. ed. Nicosia 1961, pi. XIX, 
4. 


21 


Digitized by ^rOOQle 



cause of damages to the heads or entire lack of 
them. A try to give statistical facts about the 
various types proved to be senseless because of 
the great uncertainty in too many cases. 

No. 1323 (SCE II pi. CCXXXVIII, 3) 
may represent the type with helmet and head in 
one piece and straight spike. No. 1191 (SCE 
II pi. CCXXXVI, 5) is similar but with hollow 
spike. It is not certain that the holes are inten- 
ded for inserting anything at all, but they might 
be there for inserting crest-holders 9 . Sometimes 
there are rather big openings on top, e. g. on 
no. 904 (SCE II pi. CCXIII, 8) and 936 (SCE 
II CCIX, 6), which remind of the bronze sta- 
tuettes nos. 1479 and 2029 of Ajia Irini (SCE 
n pi. CCXL). 

Anyway, the form of the straight helmets 
seems to indicate a metal material 10 . There are 
variants on the theme of straight helmets: e. g. 
no. 1564 (SCE II pi. CCXXXVII, 5) showing 
a “modelled” helmet with its top broken but 
probably having been straight. Other examples 
are those of nos. 1044 + 2495 and 1767 (SCE 
II pis. CCV f.). Both of them might be called 
“conical” and “straight”, although their outlines 
are rather different, the spike of no. 1767 
being much slimmer and taller. Both are closed 
on top. The form of no. 1044 + 2495 is similar 
to that of the Kouklia helmet 11 or the helmet of 
a warrior of an orthostat relief from Tell Halaf 12 
or even to those of soldiers of Ashumasirpal at 
Nimrod 18 . However, the Assyrian types vary: 
our 1767 is very similar in outline to helmets 
on warriors of Tiglathpileser III of Nimrod 14 , 
which are actually also very similar to the 
bronze helmet of Sarduri, found at Karmir 


» Cf P. Courbin, ”Une tombe geometrique d'Argos.” 
BCH 81, 1957 p. 359 fig. 43! 

10 Cf H. W. Calling, op. cil. pi. 17! 

'• Above note. 6. 

'* Y . Yadin, op. cil. p. 360. 

•> Op. cit. pp. 390 f. 

14 Op cit. p. 407. 

22 


Blur, decorated with pictures in relief 15 . On 
helmets are plain but may of course have bee 
painted. A similar type of top has the Greet 
“Kegelhelm” from early 7th Cent Greece 1 *. 

Some helmets have knobbed tops, e. g. the 
very tall helmet of no. 1363 (SCE II pi. CCDI 
3—4, 7—8), and the rather low one of no. 216? 
(SCE II pi. CCXXIII, 1 and BMNE 3, 1963 
fig. 31). Low helmets with knobs are common 
on limestone statuettes of Cyprus 17 . The biggest 
knob belongs to the helmet of no. 2374 (SCE D 
pi. CCVII, 6). Cf knobbed helmets of reliefs 
from Tell Ahmar 18 , Aleppo 19 , and Malatya- 
Further a weather-god and warrior from Zenjir- 
li 21 and the chimaera of Carchemish 22 . 

The material used for knobbed helmets, or 
at least some of them, will be discussed below 
(p. 31). Another kind of conical helmet has the 
top bent back, e. g. nos. 1028 + 2077 (SCE D 
pi. CCVIII) and 1524 + 2333 + 2346 (SCE II 
pi. CC), whose tops are only bent at the very 
end. But a great number of statuettes have their 
bent tops hanging down back quite a bit, like nos. 
1509 (SCE II pi. CCVII, 2) and 1824 + 2139 
(Figs. 1-2 and SCE II pi. CCVII, 3). The soft 
tops must indicate some material softer than 
metal, probably leather, which must, however. 


15 R. D. Bamett — D. Watson, “Russian Excava- 
tions in Armenia.” Iraq XIV, 1952, p. 139 pH 
XXXII f.; R. D. Barnett, “An Assyrian Helmet". Tkt 
British Museum Quarterly XVIII, 1953, pp. 101 f. pH 
XXXI f.; W. Nagel, ”Ein urartaischer Helm aus der. 
Argisti-Magazin”. Archiv fiir Orient forschung XIX. 
1959/60, pp. 144-147 figs. 1-2, 4; E. Kunze. "Eic 
Bronzehelm aus der Perserbeute”. VII. Bericht ubr 
die Ausgrabungen in Olympia. Berlin 1961 pp. 131- 
133, figs. 72—74; B. B. Piotrovski, "Teichebaini, centre 
ourartien du Vn® siicle . . .” Le rayonnement des cni- 
lisations grecque et romaine sur les cultures periu- 
riques. Paris 1965, p. 412, pi. 96, 2. 

A . Snodgrass, op. cit. pis. 5 and 9. 
ir E. g. SCE IV:2, pis. n, V and XIV. 

>8 H. Bossert, Altsyrien. Tubingen 1951, figs. 442: 
>» H. Bossert, op. cit. fig. 495. 

*« H. Bossert, AltanatoUen. Berlin 1942, figs. 769 f: 
*i H. Frankfort, The Art and Architecture of die 
Ancient Orient. London 1958, pi. 160. 

** H. Frankfort, op. cit. pi. 161. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 





Fig. 22. Terracotta figurines from Kaloriziki. Nos. 51, 52 and 55. 
Museum of Episkopi, Cyprus. 





Fig. 23. Terracotta figurines from Kaloriziki. Nos. 52, 53 and 54. Museum of Episkopi, Cyprus. 


24 


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be fairly hard in the case of no. 1028 + 2077! 
For apparent reasons leather helmets are not 
preserved since antiquity. But there are repre- 
sentations of such, e. g. at Tell Halaf 28 , and also 
from Ashur 24 and on the boundary-stone of 
Marduk-Apal-Idina, an extremely long top, 
like a tail 2 ®. That is, however, not the common 
Assyrian type, which is the straight one. 

Only one of our figurines has the top bent 
forwards: no. 1803 (SCE II pi. CCXXX, 9). 
This is probably no mistake, as would be tempt- 
ing to presume, for a large number of figurines 
of similar appearance are known from Kourion 26 . 
And lately, a bronze soldier from a chariot of 
Tomb 79, Salamis, has appeared to wear a 
forward-curving crest (Figs. 9—10) finishing 
with a “cyclop’s eye” in front 27 . Cf also the 
“Oriental” examples of Snodgrass and a similar 
crest from Khorsabad 28 ! 

In the Cyprus Museum of Nicosia there is an 
Archaic terracotta horse rider with a stilted 
crest (Fig. 21) 2 ®. In the Kourion Museum there 
is a terracotta figure from Kaloriziki wearing 
such a one (Figs. 22— 23) 80 . Also from Kourion 
in the Cesnola Collection, New York, are small 
terracotta horse riders with “close crest passing 
over the apex from front to rear” 81 . 

Our no. 2497 + 2478 (BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 
34 a) has a badly damaged helmet, but in the 
neck are remains of what must have been a 
ridged crest of a similar type 82 . Cf also helmets 
pictured on the Amathus bowl 88 ! 

** Y. Yadin, op. cit. p. 363. 

14 H. Frankfort, op. cit. pi. 73 A. 

** H. Frankfort, op. cit. pi. 120. 

*• Cesnola, Atlas II pi. XXX nos. 259 -262; J. H. 
Young — S. H. Young, Terracotta Figurines from 
Kourion in Cyprus. Philadelphia 1955 p. 199 pis. 
26 ff. passim. 

« Above note 7. 

Snodgrass, op. cit. p. 7 fig. 1; Y. Yadin, op. cit. 
p. 420. 

*» P. Dikaios, op. cit. p. 203 no. 27. 

*• Figs. 22 f. no. 52=7. H. Young — 5. H. Young, 
op. cit. pi. 61 no. 404. 

*> Cesnola, Atlas II pi. LXXII no. 655. 

« E. Gjerstad, BMNE 3, 1963 p. 25. 

** E. Gjerstad, “Decorated Metal Bowls from Cyp- 
rus”. pi. VI. Opuscula Archaeologica IV. Lund 1946. 


L. Palma di Cesnola describes in his “Atlas” 
a terracotta head from Dali as provided with a 
“crest (% inch, wide) shaped like a loop or 
a handle” 84 . It has a certain similarity to the 
crest of the Salamis bronze warrior, but it is 
rather, like on our nos. 1741 (SCE II pi. 
CCXXXVin, 7-8) and 1824 + 2139 (Figs. 
1-2 and SCE II pi. CCVII, 3) the top of the 
helmet being bent back. 

H. E. Stier traces the origin of the stilted as 
well as the unstilted crests to the Hittite cultural 
sphere 85 . Which way they got to Cyprus would 
be a complicated thing to find out, since the 
Cypriotes were under influence from various 
cultures. 

Some of the helmets are modelled with a 
neck-cover: nos. 906 + 928 + 931 (SCE II pi. 
CCXV, 3-4) and 1010 + 1030 (SCE II 
pi. CCXII, 1—2) with no doubt, as illustrated 
by the slightly outwards-turned border. Also no. 
1028 + 2077 (SCE II pi. CCVIII) is clear, but 
when it comes to e. g. nos. 1727 (SCE II pi. 
CCXI) or 1016 + 2505 (SCE U pi. CCXVII) 
it seems more likely that what is indicated in the 
neck is just the hair. Unfortunately the dark 
paint indicating hair is often effaced. The length 
of the hair is more or less the same as that of 
the neck-covers. 

Two of our helmets mentioned above, those 
of our nos. 1509 (SCE II pi. CCVII, 1-2) and 
1824 + 2139 (Figs. 1-2 and SCE II pi. CCVII, 
3) are provided with upturned cheek-pieces. 
These are very common components of the 
helmet, whether upturned or hanging, like e. g. 
those of nos. 1025 (SCE II pi. CCXXXVIII, 2) 
or 1804 (SCE II pi. CCXXXVII, 2), the latter 
a little outturned (indicating metal?). Cheek- 
pieces are not exclusively found among soft 
helmets but among the straight ones as well. 

On the terracotta statuettes the cheek-pieces 

Cesnola, Atlas II, pi. XXX no. 256. 

m H. E. Stier, "Probleme der friihgriechischen 
Geschichte und Kultur.” Historia I, 1950, pp. 214 — 
222 . 


25 


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Fig. 24. No. 33. Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm. 

r 



Fig . 26. No. 1505 a. Back of helmet. 
Cyprus Museum, Nicosia. 

26 



Fig. 27. No. 1538. 
Back of helmet. 
Medelhavsmuseet, 
Stockholm. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Fig . 28. No. 1741. 
Back of helmet. 
Cyprus Museum , 
Nicosia. 



Fig. 29. No. 2100. 
Back of helmet. 
Medelhavsmuseet, 
Stockholm. 




c ig. 30. No. 2102. Profile and back of helmet. 
Cyprus Museum , Nicosia. 



Fig. 31. No. 1071. Back of helmet. 
Medelhavsmuseet , Stockholm. 



Fig. 32. No. 2071. 
Profile of head. 
Cyprus Museum , 
Nicosia. 



Fig. 33. No. 
1016+2505. 

Back of helmet . 
Medelhavsmuseet , 
Stockholm. 


27 


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are normally of a simple, oblong form, narrow- 
ing towards the straps, but there is one re- 
markable exception: those of no. 1385 + 1530 
(SCE II pi. CXCIV, 2) have a “scalloped” 
form** according to Snodgrass compared to the 
cheek-pieces of the Late Minoan helmet from 
Knossos 37 and the Submycenaean one of Ti- 
ryns 88 , where the curves, however, are not as 
distinguished as those on our statuette, which 
protect a larger part of the cheeks, thus maybe 
forming an intermediate stage to the later Greek 
form, where much of the face is protected by 
the helmets themselves. The helmet of no. 1385 
+ 1530 is a metal one with tall straight top and 
a sharply profiled outline. The cheek-pieces of 
no. 930 (SCE II pi. CCXVID, 4-5) do not 
seem to lie outside the helmet itself but rather 
to be part of it, as if the helmet were sewn like 
a foot-ball out of several pieces of leather. Since 
the statue is a late one (of per. 6), the signifi- 
cance of the cheek-pieces may have become 
forgotten by the sculptor and the incised lines 
merely decorative. Cf also no. 1010+1030 
(SCE II pi. CCXII, 1—2)! 

The cheek-pieces are of course not to be 
understood as hanging freely down, when the 
helmets were used in battle. There ought to 
have been straps to tie them with. Cf Homer, 
Iliad III, 371! Normally the cheek-pieces do 
not have any straps indicated, e. g. nos. 1 + 
1618+1619, 1728 + 1740 (both SCE II pi. 
CXCI) or 2106 + 2103 (SCE II pi. CXC). The 
straps simply “disappear” under the bent top. 
But straps are indicated in a few of the upturned 
versions: nos. 33 (Fig. 24), 1389 (Fig. 25 and 
SCE II pi. CXCIX, 4), 1505 (a + b) (Fig. 26 


*• A . Snodgrass, op. cil. p. 4. 

,7 M. S. F. Hood — P. de Jong, “Late Minoan 
Warrior-graves from Ayios Ioannis and the New Hos- 
pital Site at Knossos.” BSA, 47, 1952 pp. 256—260, 
pis. 50-52. 

*8 G. Daux, "Chronique des fouilles et ddcouvertes 
archeologiques en Grice en 1957”. BCH 82, 1958, 
pp. 706 f„ fig. 26. 

28 


and SCE II pi. CCXXXVm, 5)*», 1509 (SCE 
II pi. CCVII, 1-2, 4), 1538 (fig. 27), 1562 
(SCE II pi. CCXXXVin, 4, straps not visible), 
and 2332 + 2360 (not illustrated). The cheek- 
pieces of no. 1538 have once continued in 
straps which have fallen off but left dark lines 
showing how they have crossed each other on 
the back of the neck. 

In the Louvre there is a terracotta bead with 
cheek-pieces properly tied under the chin 40 . No. 
1258 of the Cesnola Collection, New York 41 , 
shows the straps tied together in a knot in from 
of the top knob, while no. 1257 of the same 
collection according to Cesnola is “surmounted 
by a top knot, from which two cords, with 
tassels in relief, hold the cheek-bands of the 
head-dress tied up” 42 . 

Holes for straps in the cheek-pieces can be 
seen e. g. on helmets from Olympia 4 *. Remains 
of iron cheek-pieces from Cyprus have been 
found at Idalion 44 . The bronze ones mentioned 
in the SCE II 45 have later been reinterpreted as 
horse blinkers 4 *. For straps ending in tassels cf 
also the faience rhyton of Kition 47 and a vase 
from Kouklia 48 ! Tassels of straps meeting in the 
neck are found also on the above mentioned 
colossal limestone head of Golgoi 4 *, and on a 


*• There are two almost identical statues numbered 
1505, one (a) in Nicosia, identical with the description 
of the catalogue of the SCE II and the photos (Fig. 
26 and SCE n pi. CCXXXVIII, 5), and one (b) in 
Stockholm, nearly exactly the same but ca. 5 cm 
smaller. 

40 H. Bossert, Altsyrien, fig. 133. 

4 ‘ Cesnola, Atlas I, pi. XXXV no. 222; J. Myra 
op. cit. p. 196; SCE IV:2 pi. V (top). 

« Cesnola, op. cit. pi. XXXIX no. 253; 7. Myres, op. 
cit. pp. 1 95 f ; SCE IV:2; pi. II (top). 

«* E. Kunze, "Helme”. VI. Bericht uber die Ausgre- 
bungen in Olympia. Berlin 1958, pp. 140 f., figs. 102 f. 

44 Idalion nos. 505 and 1071. SCE H pi. CLXXVIII. 
14-15; SCE IV:2 p. 133, fig. 20:8. 

« SCE n pi. CLXXVI, 1-4. 

« SCE IV:2 pp. 147 f., fig. 26. 

47 V. Karageorghis, “Chronique des fouiDes et 
ddcouvertes archdologiques & Chypre en 1962*. BCH 
87, 1963, pp. 368 ff., pi. VHI. 

en V. Karageorghis, ”A propos de quelques represen- 
tations de chars sur des vases chypriotes de I'&ge ds 
fer”. BCH 90, 1966 pp. 105 f., fig. 3. 

4 * Above note 41. 


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Cypriote terracotta head found at Samos 50 ; 
urther, outside Cyprus, on reliefs from the 
tear East 51 . 

Of course our tassels, divided into three 
•arts, although formed out of two meeting 
ands or straps, must not be regarded too liter- 
Uy: the decorative effect has out-weighed rea- 
sm also in this sense. Cf the above mentioned 
os. 33, 1505 etc.! There is, however, “method 
i it”: when the double straps of no. 1389 (fig. 
:5) meet in the neck and finish with a tassel of 
ix ends! But the tassel of no. 1741 (fig. 28) is 
ot made out of the straps but is simply formed 
I the end of the back-bent top. Evidently three 
nds is the conventionalized form for a tassel at 
kjia Irini, no matter how the tassel is com- 
osed, but on no. 2100 (fig. 29) there is only 
n “embryo” of a tassel finishing the top. 

The helmet of no. 2102 (fig. 30 and SCE II 
1. CCII) is a singular thing, being decorated 
nth such tassels all around except in front, 
anging down from the center of the skull. Its 
orm is that of a felt cap, but it is probably of 
rather. That it is a helmet is very likely, since 
tie man is armed with a good sword. 

No. 1727 (SCE II pi. CCXI and CCXV, 1) 
fears a helmet with soft, tasselled top and two 
floors” of tassels from straps hanging down 
n the outturned insides of the cheek-pieces, 
'he decoration of the insides of the cheek- 
•ieces is in the case of no. 1389 (SCE II pi. 
'XCIX, 4) limited to a painted square pattern, 
ut no. 1071 (fig. 31 and SCE II pi. CXCV, 3, 
—6) is provided with a lot of tassels (of a 
impler type) on the outturned cheek-pieces and 
i a long row on the back-bent top. The placing 
f tassels on the insides of the cheek-pieces 
hows that the helmet was probably not used 
fith the cheek-pieces down — their decorative 
ffect would then have gone forlorn. A similar 

*• D. Ohly, “Friihe Tonfiguren aus dem Heraion 
on Samos. I." MDAI (A) 65, 1940, pi. 39 no. 419. 

H. Bossert , Altsyrien, fig. 886 (Zinjirli); H. 
'rankfort, op . c/I. pi. 162 (Zinjirli); cf also H. Bonnet , 
p . c/I. pp. 208 f., fig. 103! 


row but only with three “floors” is seen in the 
middle of the neck of no. 2071 (fig. 32 and 
SCE II pi. CCXV, 2), where the rest of the hel- 
met is undecorated, so these neck tassels actu- 
ally, but probably falsely, recall a crest. 

Until now we have avoided discussing the 
surface of the helmets, which is normally plain 
but sometimes decorated in relief, e. g. with 
circled, stamped impressions, like the helmets 
of nos. 906 + 928 + 931 (SCE II pi. CCXV, 
3—4), 1016 + 2505 (Fig. 33 and SCE II pi. 
CCXVI) 52 , 2435 or 2439 (SCE II pi. CCXXII, 
4 resp. I) 53 . 

Another type of relief decoration is shown 
on no. 2374 (SCE II pi. CCVII, 6) which is 
decorated with “contiguous notchings” and the 
same can be said of nos. — 1 1 (?) (Fig. 34), 
1276 (BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 26), “1406” (Fig. 
35) 54 , 1417 (Fig. 36 and SCE II pis. CCXXXII, 
8), and 1421 (BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 41). The 
heads of the five last mentioned are moulded in 
very similar moulds, if not exactly the same 
one 55 . Of nos. 1276 and 1421 only the four- 
five front rows of notchings are visible. They 
are also of a comparatively smaller size than 
those of nos. — 11 (?), “1406”, and 1417, 
which are preserved with seven rows up to the 
back-bent tops. 

This kind of decoration, which cannot pos- 
sibly mean hair curls — for what would then 
become of the bent top? a hair tress? — vividly 

M There is a mistake in the catalogue of the SCE 
II, which can be corrected by an exhange between 
nos. 906+928+931 and 1016+2505. No. 906 etc. is 
badly damaged on top, but on no. 1016+2505 there 
is a round hole, below which there are signs of 
having been a tassel with three ends continuing the 
cork-screw-like top of the helmet. Thus the round 
hole is not likely to have been “for insertion of spike 
of another materiar but rather a venthole like the 
many ones on back of the bigger statues. 

w Cf the head found at Samos, above note 50! 

m The number of the small idol here called 1 1 

(?) is not legible as regards the first two figures; the 
catalogue of the SCE II is mistaken in the descrip- 
tion of no. 1406, which is a small idol (19.5 cm), very 
similar to no. 1417, holding an animal and wearing 
a helmet of the same type with scale-shaped incisions. 

w Cf E. Gjerstad, BMNE 3, 1963, p. 37! 


29 


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Digitized by ^jOOQle 



recalls the Mycenaean boar’s tusk helmets 56 , 
vhich according to H. L. Lorimer did not sur- 
vive the Late Helladic III: “it did not even last 
ill its end” 57 . A fairly great number of tusks 
>r representations of tusks helmets are known 58 
tnd the opinion of Miss Lorimer seems to 
told true in Greece. But remote Cyprus may 
lave preserved the memory of the boar’s tusks 
n form of helmets decorated with contiguous 
lotchings, although the material they are 
ntended to represent cannot be guessed. They 
nay be metal or bone reinforcements to a 
eather backing, or they may be purely decora- 
ive. But the possibility of an inheritance from 
vfycenaean times ought not to be overlooked. 

However, there are also other comparisons to 
)e made: a terracotta “head of a warrior of 
idvanced Assyrian style” in the British Museum 
vears a helmet with its top bent back and the 
lelmet is painted with “close spirals, apparently 
o indicate patterns cut in leather” 59 . Some of 
he helmeted limestone heads from Cyprus have, 
tccording to L. P. di Cesnola a “surface like 
cnitted work” 60 . The combination of this sur- 
ace with big knobs on top strongly points to- 
vards woollen caps with big woollen tassels, 
nit could ancient warriors be credited with 
vearing such a head-dress on occasions, when 
heir “portraits” were made? Even if woollen 
:aps were not at that time regarded as so com- 
nonplace as nowadays, they can hardly have 
ieen more protective than now. 

In his “Handbook of the Cesnola Collection” 
f. Myres describes Cypriote Archaic limestone 
leads wearing a “cap of flexible leather rein- 
breed by an external frame of flat metalwork, 

m Homer, II. X, 261-265. 

* 7 Homer and the Monuments p. 213. 

** H. L. Lorimer, op. cit. pp. 212 ff.; A. Xenaki- 
iakellariou, “La representation du casque en dents de 
anglier.” BCH 77, 1953, pp. 46-58, figs. 1-6; St. 
Vlexiou, ‘The Boar’s tusk Helmet”. Antiquity 28, 
1954, pp. 211-213. 

*• H. B. Walters, Catalogue of the Terracottas in the 
Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British 
Museum. London 1903, p. 40, A 232, fig. 8. 

** Cesnola, Atlas I pi. LVIH no. 401. 


and running up to a peak, sometimes flexible, 
sometimes replaced by an ornamental knob. 
The leather panels were sometimes quilted or 
embroidered, or perhaps even replaced by 
plaited strapwork like the helmet of Meriones 
in Homer (Iliad X, 263). The metal rim fits 
closely round the temples, only occasionally 
exposing a row of small curls over the forehead. 
On either sides are ear-flaps or cheek-pieces 
of the same construction, designed to be tied 
under the chin, but generally raised and secured 
by their chin-straps on top of the helmet, either 
in front of the peak or behind it” 61 . 

But the helmet of Meriones is clearly de- 
scribed by Homer as a boar’s tusk helmet. 
There may be more reason to refer to the de- 
scription of Herodotus of the Assyrian helmets: 
“ ’Aiaopiot atpatso6(j.svot Jtspi (iiv rjjst 
xs^aX^oi styov yaXxsa is xpavea xai jrsirXefi liva 
tpdirov tiva pdp(3apov o'jx soaTcr’ y^tov . . .” 

“The Assyrians of the army wore on their heads 
helmets of twisted bronze made in an outlandish 
fashion not easy to describe.” Even with a cer- 
tain objection to the translation of Herodotus’ 
words, it is quite apparent that the helmets were 
“not easy to describe” 62 . 

The notched helmets of our no. 2374 (SCE 
II pi. CCVII, 6) and the smaller, moulded idols 
are, however, not equivalent to the above de- 
scribed. There must be a reason, even if forgot- 
ten, for the pattern of notchings in contiguous 
rows. That the men are not wearing plain metal 
or leather helmets like most of the figures is 
obvious. No. 2374 belongs to per. 4, when the 
Egyptian influence was not yet as important in 
Cyprus as later, but the ankh-sign he is holding 


J. Myres , op. cit. p. 196. 

82 Herodotus , Hist. VII, 63. English translation by 
A. D. Godley, London 1950. Since it is difficult to 
find an intelligible translation for TCeicXiffiiva, it 
is tempting to presume a mistake of spelling: the word 
rcsrcXYjfjjisva (of rcX^ooio instead of rcXsxto ), “struck”, or 
“hammered”, “wrought” gives a rather wide space for 
the interpretation of a phenomenon that Herodotus 
found difficult to describe. 


31 


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is of course an Egyptian inheritance. The sculp- 
tor apparently was influenced by various cul- 
tures. 

Only two Bronze age helmets of Cyprus are 
known, apart from those represented in ivory 
carvings from the Enkomi draught box and 
mirror handles and single vase pictures* 3 . 
Among our statuettes we have not found any 
exact equivalents to them. But we have found 
various components of various helmets to com- 
pare with similar phenomena of Assyrian 
(straight tops), Syro-Phoenician (knobbed tops), 
Hittite (crests and bent tops), and even Greek 
(cheek-pieces) origins. In their introduction 
J. H. Young and S. H. Young announce that 
“there is no such thing as a typical ’Cypriote’ 
figurine”* 4 . This seems to hold good for Cyp- 
riote helmets too. Even a typical Ajia Irini hel- 
met did not exist! 

«* A. S. Murray — H. B. Wallers — A. H. Smith, 
Excavations in Cyprus. London 1900, pis. I— II. Cf 
also a Levanto-Helladic vase picture, E. Sjdqvist, 
Problems of the Late Cypriote Bronze Age. Stock- 
holm 1940, fig. 20:3. 

** J. //. Young, — S. H. Young, op. cil. p. 1. 

SHIELDS. 

With very few exceptions, wherever Cypriote 
shields are mentioned, they are described as 
round and single-gripped, and often they are 
mentioned as a link between Near Eastern 
round shields and Greek hoplite shields. After 
G. Lippold’s “Griechische Schilde” 1 , apart from 
single specimens in excavation reports e. g. 
from Olympia, Greek shields are of course 
treated by H. L. Lorimer 2 and by A. Snod- 
grass 8 . “Die Waffen der Volker des alten 
Orients” by H. Bonnet has a chapter on 
shields 4 , and what has happened after regarding 
shields in the Near East has to be picked up 

> Munchener archaologische Studied dem Andenken 
Adolf Furtwanglers gewidmet. Munched 1909, pp. 
399-504. 

* Homer and the Monuments, pp. 132—196. 

* Early Greek Armour and Weapons, pp. 37—68. 

« Pp. 181-201. 

32 


out of various excavation reports. In the SCE 
IV :2 there is a survey over the relations between 
Cypriote and Near Eastern shields with refer- 
ences to the literature in question 5 . 

Thus, in the Near East round shields, flat or 
bossed, are known from various periods and 
contexts from the end of the 2nd millenium 
B. C. and later. Cf e. g. the Medinet Habu relief 
of the time of Ramses III with shields of the 
enemies*; a relief from Tell Halaf of the 10th 
cent. 7 ; the reliefs from the bronze doors of 
Balawat, 9th cent. 8 ; Carchemish of the 9th 
cent.*; Nimrud and Chorsabad of the 8th 
cent. 10 . Real metal round shields have been 
found at the Urartian Karmir Blur 11 and there 
have also been found shield bosses for wicker 
shields 12 . Apparently other materials such as 
leather and wood were used, not only before 
metal was used for the shield surface, but also 
at the same time as metal shields. Metal alone 
would have been not only too expensive but 
also too heavy for normal use, at least for the 
bigger shields. 

But the oldest remains so far known of a 
shield from Cyprus itself are not from a round 
shield after all. They were found at Kaloriziki 
(Kourion) 18 and later described and reconstruc- 
ted by H. W. Catling 14 into a form showing 
resemblance with Aegean types, such as those 


* SCE IV:2, pp. 376 ff. 

* Y. Yadin, The Art of Warfare in Biblical Lands, 
pp. 340 f. 

7 Op. cil. p. 360. 

* Op. cil. p. 399. 

* Op. cil. p. 368. 

>• Op. cil. pp. 410 f., 418 ff. and others. 

» B. B. Piotrovski, "Teichebaini, centre ourartkn 
du VII* stecle avant notre ire . . .” 8* Congrts inter- 
national d’archiologie classique (Paris 1963). Lr 
rayonnement des civilisations grecque el romaine nr 
les cultures pirifiriques. Paris 1965, p. 412, pi. 96, 3. 

>* R. D. Barnett, "Further Russian Excavations is 
Armenia (1949-1953).” Iraq 21, 1959, p. 8, pi. Ha. 

i* G. H. McFadden, “A Late Cypriote III Too* 
from Kourion." AJA 58, 1954, p. 140, nos. 30-35. 
figs. 33-34. 

n H. W. Calling, Cypriot Broozework in the Myce- 
naean World, pp. 142 ff., pi. 18 d— e; A. Snodgrass, 
op. cil. pi. 19. 

>* H. L. Lorimer, op. cil. pi. Ill, I. 


Digitized by t^iOOQLe 


of the Mycenaean Warrior vase 15 which fits 
well in with the end of the late Cypriote period. 

From the Cypro-Geometric periods I and III 
are bronze shield bosses from Amathus and 
from Idalion of Cypro-Archaic II, all from the 
Swedish excavations 16 . A reconstructed shield 
from Idalion of the so-called Herzsprung or 
lambda type is probably of the 8th cent, ac- 
cording to Snodgrass 17 and of the next century 
a decorated bronze shield-facing from Ama- 
thus 18 . In a Cypro-Geometric I — II tomb at 
Palaepaphos were found fragments from the 
antral part of a shield 19 . Finally there have 
recently been finds of a shield and shield frag- 
ments in the “royal tombs” of Salamis 20 . 

An oval, slightly conical shield is held by 
the left hand of the “Ingot god” of Enkomi of 
the 12th cent. 21 . 

All the shields carried by our terracotta fig- 
irines are round, but the types vary: one is 
:onvex (no. 1257, SCE II pi. CCXXXI, 7) 
without spike, but most of them are slightly 
:onvex or flat with a boss and/or spike in the 
niddle. The spikes are of course only slightly 
ndicated as the terracotta material does not al- 
ow long, pointed spikes like real bronze spikes, 
it is, thus, difficult to distinguish between which 
ypes are intended to be bossed or spiked, both 
)f them being indicated by rather vaguely 
endered little lumps or just the profile of the 
hield itself: e. g. nos. 991 (SCE II pi. 
XXXXI, 8) and 1032 (SCE II pi. CCXXXII, 
0- Most of the shields are also undecorated, 

16 A . Snodgrass , op. cit. p. 40; with references to 
he SCE n and SCE IV:2, fig. 23. 

17 SCE IV:2, p. 140, fig. 23:30; A. Snodgrass, op. 
it. p. 55, pi. 24. 

is SCE IV:2, p. 140, fig. 23:29; A. Snodgrass, op. 
it. pp. 56 f., pi. 25. 

i* V. Karageorghis, "Une tombe de guerrier de 
’alaepaphos." BCH 87, 1963, p. 273, figs. 10 f. 

*® V. Karageorghis, "Recent Discoveries at Salamis 
Cyprus)". A A 1966, p. 244; Excavations in the Nec- 
opolis of Salamis I, Nicosia 1967, p. 36 no. 25, pi. 
CUV. 

*i V. Karageorghis, "Chronique des fouilles et 
lecouvertes archlologiques a Chypre en 1963." BCH 
!8, 1964, pp. 353 f., pi. XVI. 


obviously because they appear with small idols. 
However, in the chariot groups nos. 1046 (SCE 
II pi. CCXXXIV, 6) and 1170 (SCE II pi. 
CCXXXV, 4) there are small, decorated 
shields, and the little statue no. 1385 + 1530 
(SCE II pi. CXCIV: 2) has a rather flat, bossed 
shield with “circular and heart-shaped pellets” 
of a remarkable size, probably representing 
metal studs. The shield of chariot group no. 
1170 has also a symmetrical decoration of 
pellets radiating from the bossed centre, but the 
left shield of no. 1046 (the one to the right is 
plain) has circular studs all over the bulging 
surface. 

Painted radiating decoration is seen on our 
no. 991 (SCE II pi. CCXXXI, 8) and paint 
may have disappeared in other cases. A similar 
radiating pattern is visible e. g. on the shield of 
an archaic terracotta statuette from Kaloriziki 22 . 
In the same group are one with a square pat- 
tern 23 and others with patterns of more indefi- 
nite type, all flat without boss or spike. Cf also 
a terracotta warrior of the Cyprus Museum 24 
and another one in the Louvre 25 ! Comparing 
with the metal shields one would rather expect 
a concentrical pattern and actually such a one 
is found, but not among our figurines 26 . Relief 
decoration with battle scenes decorate the 
shields of the triple Geryon of the 5th cent. 27 . 

The size of most shields in our group is about 
one third of the warrior. Thus the suggested 
shield of no. 1276 (BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 26) is 
a rather small one, if it is correct to presume a 

22 Fig. 23, no. 53; 7. H. Young — S. H. Young, 
Terracotta Figurines from Kourion in Cyprus, pi. 61, 
no. 405. 

2* Fig. 23 no. 54; 7. H. Young — S. H. Young, op. 
cit. pi. 61 no. 750. 

24 P. Dikaios, A Guide to the Cyprus Museum. 3rd 
ed. Nicosia 1961, pi. XXX, 7. 

25 H. Th. Bossert, Altsyrien. Tubingen 1951, fig. 
148. 

26 Cesnola, Atlas II, pi. XXXI no. 263; 7. My res. 
Handbook of the Cesnola Collection of Antiquities 
from Cyprus, p. 344 no. 2099. 

27 Cesnola, Atlas I, pi. LXXXIII, no. 544; 7. My res, 
op. cit. pp. 204 ff. no. 1292. 


33 


Digitized by kjOOQle 




Fig. 37. No. 921. Cyprus Museum , Nicosia. 

diameter of 8 cm against the height of 35.5 cm 
of the warrior 28 . But the sizes apparently varied 
rather much. Cf the shields of chariot groups 
nos. 1170 and 1998 (SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 4 
and 5), and a mere glance will be enough to 
find a great difference of proportions: the 
decorated one, needing more space for the 
pellets, is much larger. The decorated shield 
of no. 1385 + 1530 (SCE II pi. CXCIV, 2) is 
comparatively seen a rather small one, but its 
dimensions are large enough for decoration 
anyway. Cf also the sizes of the bronze shields 
from Idalion and Salamis: the diameters are 83 
resp. 85 cm! 29 

The flat or nearly flat type is illustrated by 
e.g. nos. 991 (SCE II pi. CCXXXI, 8) and 

28 E. Gjerstad, BMNE 3, 1963, p. 20. 

*• A. Snodgrass, op. cit. pis. 24 f.; SCE IV:2, fig. 
23:30, V. Karageorghis, A A 1966, p. 244. 

34 


1385 + 1530 (SCE II pi. CXCIV, 2). A shielc 
with a “tapering” spike is held by no. 1032 
(SCE II pi. CCXXXII, 7) and a similar one 
by the warrior of chariot group no. 1998 (SCE 
II pi. CCXXXV, 5) who is made in the same 
mould as no. 1032. The decorated shield of 
no. 1170 (SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 4) is also 
provided with a tapering spike. Cf the Amathih 
shield 80 ! 

Shield bosses of a type that should probabh 
be compared to the bronze one of Amathus 
(SCE IV:2, fig. 23:27) are seen on a horse ride: 
no. 921 (fig. 37) and the warriors of chariot 
groups nos. 1124 (SCE II pi. CCXXXV. 2 l 
1781+798 (SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 3) and 
2000 (figs. 38-39 and SCE II pi. CCXXXIY. 
5). 

The small size and not very careful execu- 
tion of most of the statues with shields in the 
chariot groups leave us often in doubt as to 
how the shields were held: with a single hand- 
grip or as the hoplite shield with a central “ r /> 
7ra{ and an avriXapij at the rim 31 ? The shields 
of nos. 991 (SCE II pi. CCXXXI, 8) and 1032 
(SCE II pi. CCXXXII, 7) are held with single 
hand-grips 82 , but the one of no. 1257 (SCE 11 
pi. CCXXXI, 7) seems to be of the hoplite 
type. When not in use, they are carried in a 
strap over the shoulder, e. g. horse rider no. 
921 (fig. 37), like the shield of another Cypriote 
terracotta horse rider (fig. 40), although the 
strap is not indicated. Similar is the case with 
no. 1385 + 1530 (SCE II pi. CXCIV, 2), who 
would soon have dropped his shield, if there 
had not been a strap. This shield is the only 
one where possibly the armband is indicated 
on the inside of the shield (fig. 41). It is, how- 
ever, impossible to know, whether we see the 
continuation of the sword or the armband. 

A. Snodgrass, op. cit. pi. 25; SCE IV:2, fig. 23:2^ 

A. Snodgrass, op. cit. p. 61, pi. 26: cf also * 
Bericht iiber die Ausgrabungen in Olympia. Berlin 
1956, pis. 16, 20 and 21! 

32 Cf J. H. Young — S. H. Young, op. cit. pi. 14 
no. 940! 


Digitized by Ciooole 



igs. 38—39. No. 2000. Chariot 
roup , side and back view, 
yprus Museum , Nicosia. 




Fig. 40. Terracotta horse rider. 

Cyprus Museum , Nicosia. 

Comparisons with the way of holding swords of 
no. 1084 (fig. 8), where the sword is held much 
higher up under the arm, and with no. 2102 
(SCE II pi. CCII), where the sword is not at 
all visible on back, do not help us to any conclu- 
sion. Cf also the sword of the bronze warrior 
of Salamis (figs. 9—10)! The sword of no. 1385 
+ 1530, if such a one it is, of course is held 
very narrowly to the inside of the shield, but, on 
the other hand, if it had not been, it would 
probably have broken. 

The shields of chariot group no. 1046 (SCE 
II pi. CCXXXIV, 6) hang on the outside of 
the chariot box, and the one of the warrior in 
group no. 1781+798 (SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 
3) is actually standing all by itself beside the 
man. As for the decorated shield of chariot 
group no. 1170 (SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 4) it 
has been moved from the awkward position of 
the illustration and is now held with a single 
hand-grip in front of the front warrior by him- 
self. 

One warrior of chariot group no. 1782 (not 
illustrated) is carrying his shield on his back, 

36 



Fig. 41. No. 1385 + 1530. 

Back view. Cyprus Museum, 

Nicosia. 

a practical way also for a horse rider like one 
of the Cyprus Museum (fig. 21). The Assyrian 
way of hanging the shield at the back of the 
chariot 38 could not very well be imitated in 
Cyprus, since the chariots are normally open in 
the rear (cf fig. 39!) 

** Y. Yadin, op. cit. pp. 298 and 386 f. 

DAGGERS AND SWORDS. 

Thanks to its copper mines Cyprus was famous 
for metallurgy already in the Early Bronze Age, 
The tanged swords and daggers may trace 
their origin to Cyprus. Later the much-discussed 
“Naue II” type of swords took over the domi- 
nance 1 . Relations of Bronze Age swords in 
Central and Southern Europe and in the Eastern 
Mediterranean have been studied from various 

i H. W. Catling, Cypriot Bronzework in the Myce- 
naean World. Oxford 1964, pp. 110—117. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


joints of view and different typologies with 
hronological and geographical classifications 
lave been made e. g. by J. Naue 2 , A. E. Re- 
nouchamps 3 , R. Maxwell-Hyslop 4 , H. W. Cat- 
ing 5 and N. K. Sandars 6 apart from general 
urveys by H. Bonnet 7 , H. L. Lorimer 8 , and 
V. Snodgrass 9 who also includes a typological 
:atalogue of late Bronze and Iron age swords. 
Cypriote finds of Iron age swords and daggers 
ire registered in the SCE IV:2 10 and by A. 
inodgrass 11 . Further by O. Masson 12 and V. 
<arageorghis 13 . 

It would seem, thus, as if comparisons with 
:ontemporary swords from Cyprus would make 
t classification of our swords easy. As usual, 
lowever, the condition of our terracotta repre- 
sentations is deplorable: in a few cases only 
here is a little chance of classifying the objects. 
Most of them are very small, broken, and above 
ill, very vaguely rendered. 


• Die vorrdmischen Schwerter aus Kupfer, Bronze 
ind Eisen. Miinchen 1903. 

3 "Griechische Dolch- und Schwertformen. Ein 
kit rag zur Chronologie der europaischen Bronzezeit.” 
ludheidkundige Mededeelingen uit’s Rijksmuseum 
an Oudheden te Leiden. Nieuwe reeks VII, 1926, pp. 
10—76. 

4 "Daggers and Swords in Western Asia. A study 
rom prehistoric times to 600 B. C." Iraq 8, 1946, 
>p. 1-65, pis. I-VI. 

5 "Bronze Cut-and-Thrust Swords in the Eastern 
Mediterranean.” Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 
or 1956. New Series Vol. XXII, pp. 102-125. 

• Later Aegean Bronze Swords. AJA 67, 1963, pp. 
17-153, pis. 21-28. 

7 Die Waffen der Volker des alten Orients. Leipzig 
926 pp. 42-96. 

8 Homer and the Monuments, pp. 261—276. 

• Early Greek Armour and Weapons, pp. 93—113. 
*• SCE II p. 14, pi. CXLIX (Amathus); pp. 537 and 

41 pi. CLXXI (Idalion); SCE IV:2 pp. 130 f., fig. 19. 
“ A. Snodgrass , op. cit. pp. 94, 97, and 102 f., figs, 
f. 

12 ’’Kypriaka I. Recherches sur les antiquites de 
'amasses.” BCH 88, 1964, p. 228, figs. 16 f. 

i* "Chronique des fouilles et d&ouvertes archlolo- 
iques k Chypre en 1964.” BCH 89, 1965, p. 286, fig. 
3; Excavations in the Necropolis of Salamis. Nicosia 
968, pp. 38 and 43, pis. XLV and CXXIX (from 
alarms); ”Chronique des fouilles et dlcouvertes 
rchlologiques k Chypre en 1965.” BCH 90, 1966, p. 
22, fig. 59; "Nouvelles tombes de guerriers a Palae- 
aphos.” BCH 91, 1967, pp. 212 and 242, figs. 21, 24 
nd 25 (from Kouklia). 



Fig. 42. No. 1916. Antikmuseet , 
Lund. 


The weapons of nos. 1070 etc. (Figs. 6-7), 
1084 (Fig. 8), 1276 (BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 26), 
1385 + 1530 (Fig. 41 and SCE II pi. CXCIV, 
2), 1524 + 2333 + 2346 (SCE II pi. CC, 1-2), 
1739 + 2345 (Figs. 3-4), 2102 (SCE II pi. 
CCII), and 2344 + 2324 (SCE II pi. CXCIX, 
5—6) are big enough for observations, but out 
of these not many are very instructive. 

In the catalogue of the SCE II they are all 
called “swords”. When they are broken and the 
ends are missing, there are of course no means 
of calculating their measures, but some are 
intact and these are certainly very short swords, 
if not dirks or daggers. D. H. Gordon has de- 
fined these various types according to which 
system a long sword is 28 inches or more, a 
short sword 20—28 inches, a dirk 14—20 inch- 


37 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


es, and a dagger less than 14 inches 14 . Pro- 
posing an average natural size of 170 cm to our 
soldiers, the intact sword of no. 1276 (BMNE 
3, 1963, fig. 26) would proportionately esti- 
mated be about SO cm, that is on the border 
between a dirk and a short sword. The weapon 
held by the left hand of no. 1739 + 2345 (Figs. 
3—4) would be even a little shorter and the one 
in his right hand is small even to be a dagger. 
The terracotta material must, as a matter of 
fact, be the reason for the strikingly small sizes 
of the weapons of our figurines. The sword of 
no. 1916 (Fig. 42) seems to have been fairly 
long but is of course broken. Cf the long sword 
of the bronze warrior of Salamis Tomb 79 
(Figs. 9—10) and of the Kouklia vase no. 96 13 ! 

If, however, a dagger is worn at the belt or 
held in the hand of the warrior and a sword is 
worn in a strap over the shoulder, most wea- 
pons of our figurines are swords, for there are 
straps in most cases, visible or unvisible, either 
over the breast (nos. 1524 etc. and 1276) or 
only the shoulder (nos. 1084 and 2102). Cf the 
little horse rider of the Cyprus Museum (Fig. 
43), the Salamis bronze warrior (Figs. 9—10) 
and the terracotta busts of Kazaphani (Figs. 
13-15)! 

How the sword is hanging in its strap is 
never well indicated. For the sculptor it was 
evidendy enough to show a strap, e. g. on no. 
1524 etc. (SCE II pi. CC). On no. 1385 + 1530 
(SCE II pi. CXCIV, 2) there is no strap visible, 
but perhaps there has once been one in paint, 
for it is a figurine with details of the helmet 
and shield unusually well rendered, but no strap 
is indicated, neither for the sword nor for the 
shield. On the other hand, a little warrior of 
chariot group no. 1779 has a strap, but the 
sword has fallen off. 

Further, the swords worn in straps must be 

14 “Swords, Rapiers and Horse- riders.” Antiquity 
27, 1955, p. 67. 

15 ”A propos de quelques representations de chars 
sur des vases chypriotes de l’age du fer.” BCH 90, 
1966, p. 105, fig. 3. 

38 



Fig. 43. Terracotta horse rider. Cyprus Museum , 
Nicosia . 

supposed to be inside their scabbards. The wea- 
pons have no edges whatsoever. The decorative 
incised lines of the sheath of no. 1276 (BMNE 
3, 1963, fig. 26) may remind of similar lines on 
the sword itself, but the weapon is unbroken 
and its very blunt point proves the presence 
of a scabbard. 

Only in one case a warrior is drawing 
sword: that is the small idol no. 991 (SCE II 
pi. CCXXXI, 8), but it is too small to she* 
any interesting details. No. 1739 + 2345 (Fig^ 
3—4) is holding two weapons, one in each hand 
The presence of a pommel on the sword under 
the left arm excludes the eventuality that there 
might be only a scabbard to the left and the 
sword itself in the right hand. The weapon re 
the right hand is so short that it must be called 
a dagger or even a knife. Both weapons are 
somewhat bent, protected by clinging to tte 
body. 

No. 2072 + 2075 (SCE II pi. CCXIV) 
described in the SCE II as “probably havisr 
held a sacrificial knife". It is strange that the 
left arm is raised in a way as if to thrust - 
weapon. Since the right arm is lost, there is & 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



explanation as to why that was not used in- 
stead. 

The sword of no. 2102 (SCE II pi. CCII) 
which is worn in a strap under the left arm 
and which seems to pierce through his cuirass, 
does not come forth to show on the back, 
although the strap is indicated there and the 
> back side of the helmet is provided with a lot 
of tassels. However, there is no great wonder: 
backs are usually neglected and one must not 
believe that the sword should be short enough 
to finish in the arm-hole. Similarly does the 
sword of no. 1070 etc. finish “in the middle of 
the body”. In the chapter on the shields is 
discussed, whether the sword of no. 1385 + 
1530 (Fig. 41) is seen continuing backwards 
on the inside of the shield or whether there is 
a shield armband. If it is the sword, it is 
unusually long but might be so, because of the 
protection of the shield. 

To make a classification of the swords it 
would have been necessary to see the blades, 
but even the blade of no. 991, the only one in 
the act of being drawn, is invisible. The sword 
of no. 1276 (BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 26) with its 
incised lines may be understood to show the 
“blood channels” of the blade 10 , but it is the 
only one with any ambition of the kind. Very 
little is seen of the hilts, because the warriors 
are hiding them in their hand-grips. The pom- 
mels, finally, are in most cases just formless 
little clumps (e. g. no. 2344 + 2324, SCE II pi. 
CXCIX, 5-6). 

The hilt of no. 1524 + 2333 + 2346 (SCEIIpl. 
CC, 1—2) is not covered by the hand of the 
warrior. It is rather short, the shoulders of the 
blade, or rather the scabbard, are rather square, 
and the pommel is crescent-shaped. Similar is 
the pommel of the left hand weapon of no. 
1739 + 2345 (Figs. 3—4), while the dagger in 
the right hand of the same statue has got a 
round, conical knob. No. 2102 (SCE II pi. 

*• Cf A. Snodgrass , op. cit. fig. 5, g— j! 


CCII) is decorated with two horizontal, incised 
lines around the hilt 17 . 

For a comparative study of the pommels 
there is not much material available, since the 
pommel was very often made of another mate- 
rial than the sword itself, such as wood or ivory, 
and it has very often perished 18 . Crescent- 
shaped pommels are normally presumed to 
belong to the type of swords called “Naue II”, 
but they are actually best known from represen- 
tations in relief or paintings, e. g. from Bogaz- 
koy 19 , Zinjirli 20 , Khorsabad 21 , Greek Geometric 
vases 22 , the relief pithos from Mykonos 28 and 
from the Siphnian treasury of Delphi 24 . 

The pommel is preserved, however, on a 
dagger from Marion in Cyprus 25 to which may 
be compared the dagger of the right hand of 
no. 1739 + 2345 (Figs. 3—4). The pommel of 
sword no. 95 of Salamis Tomb 3 2e had decayed 
before the digging, but it had left a good enough 
impression in the soil for a restoration with a 
ball-shaped pommel, to which some of our 
terracotta representations may be equivalent: 
e.g. that of no. 2344 + 2324 (SCE II pi. 
CXCIX, 5—6), no. 1084 (Fig. 8) or no. 1385 
+ 1539 (SCE II pi. CXCIV, 2). Cf also the 
daggers with preserved crescent-shaped pom- 
mels from northern Iran 27 ! 

17 Cf op. cit. in note 4 above, pi. V. type 44! 

18 Cf A. Snodgrass, op. cit. figs. 5—6! 

H. Th. Bossert, Altanatolien, figs. 476 f. 

20 Op. cit. figs. 927 f. 

21 Y. Yadin, The Art of Warfare in Biblical Lands, 
pp. 422 f., 426. 

22 A. Snodgrass, op. cit. pis. 1—3. 

22 G. Daux, "Chronique des fouilles et dlcouvertes 
archeologiques en Gr&cc en 1961.” BCH 86, 1962, pp. 
854 ff., fig. 16, pi. XXIX; M. Ervin, “A Relief Pithos 
from Mykonos.” 'ApyaioXoY’.xov AeXtiov 18 A, 1963, 
pp. 37-75. 

24 R. Lullies — M. Hirmer , Griechische Plastik. 
Munchen 1956, pi. 49. 

22 SCE II pi. CXLIX, 5, Marion 43:29, SCE IV:2, 
fig. 19:6. 

28 V. Karageorghis, ”Chronique des fouilles . . . en 
1964.” BCH 89, 1965, p. 286, fig. 83; Excavations in 
the Necropolis of Salamis I, p. 38, no. 95, pis. XLV 
and CXXIX. 

27 A. Parrot, "Acquisitions et in6dits du Musee du 
Louvre. 14. Armes iraniennes.” Syria XL, 1963, pp. 
242-246, pis. XVII f. 


39 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


The pommels of nos. 2102 (SCE II pi. CCII) 
and 1070 etc. (Figs. 6—7) are a little more 
laboriously worked. For a long sword the pom- 
mel ought to be heavy in order to balance the 
weight of the blade. The length of these two 
swords cannot be calculated, but the pommels 
seem big. One material used as well for its 
weight as for its decorative qualities was ala- 
baster 28 . Ivory was another possible material, 
but here it might as well be wood, possibly 
covered with metal plate. Whatever material is 
supposed to be represented on the weapons of 
our statues, they are rare or even unique ex- 
amples of intact representations in round 
sculpture. Snodgrass refers several examples 
from vase pictures of Archaic times 29 , but con- 
temporary sculpture of the Eastern Mediterra- 
nean of this size does not show any weapons. 

H. L. Lorimer, op. cit. p. 276; G. Karo, Die 
Schachtgraber von Mykenai. Miinchen 1930/33, pp. 
108 f., 139, fig. 57, pis. LXXVI and LXXXIH. 

*• A. Snodgrass, op. cit . p. Ill, notes 44—47. 


SPEARS. 

The chapter on spears is scon finished because 
of the nearly total lack of such weapons among 
our figurines. Some of them have probably once 
been holding spears, perhaps made of wood or 
metal or even terracotta, but nothing remains 
of them: nos. 1189 (Figs. 11-12), 1490 (SCE 
II pis. CCI, 1 and CCIII, 1) and perhaps nos. 
1562 (SCE II pi. CCXXXVIII, 4) and 1741 
(SCE II pi. CCXXXVIII, 7-8). 

However, in chariot group no. 2000, after 
the picture of SCE II pi. CCXXXIV, 5 was 
taken, the warrior to the right has been restored 
with a spear or javelin (Figs. 38—39), so the 
chapter head is justified to a certain extent. 
The execution and state of the spear do not 
allow of any conclusions about its type. Not 
only is it broken now, but it has never been 
made with any care and interest for details. Cf 

40 


some little “spears” of Kaloriziki (Figs. 22- 
23) 1 . 

The “Ingot god” of Enkomi of the 1 2th Cent 
B. C. is holding a much better spear in his 
hand 2 . The Swedish Cyprus Expedition made 
several finds of spear-heads with examples of 
the Cypriote “sigynna” type as well as of leaf- 
shaped, more “international” types 3 . A later 
find is Salamis Tomb 3 no. 123, where the 
impressions made of the wooden shaft have 
been measured 4 . The total length of the spear 
was 2. 1 8 m. The length of the spear-head alone 
was 59.5 cm. This illustrates the sculptor's di- 
lemma: he had all reasons for either using 
another material than terracotta or arming the 
warrior with another weapon. 


i Figs. 22- 23 nos. 51-54; J. H. Young - S. H. 
Young, Terracotta Figurines from Kourion in Cyprus 
pi. 61, nos. 404, 405, 749, and 750. 

* V. Karageorghis, "Chronique des fouilles . . . en 
1963”. BCH 88, 1964, pp. 353 f., pi. XVI. 

* SCE IV:2 pp. 130 f., fig. 19 (iron) and pp. 138 f. 
fig. 23 (bronze). For Greek spears cf H. L. Lorimer. 
Homer and the Monuments, pp. 254—261 and A. 
Snodgrass, Early Greek Armour and Weapons, pp. 
115-139. For the Near East cf Y. Yadin, The Art of 
Warfare in Biblical Lands, illustrations passim, and 
H. Bonnet , Die Waffen der Volker des alten Orieot 
pp. 96-108. 

< V. Karageorghis, Excavations in the Necropolis o f 
Salamis I, pp. 39, 43 and 46, pis. XXXVIII, 6 and 
XLIII; "Chronique des fouilles... en 1964". BCH 
89, 1965, pp. 286 f., fig. 82. 


BOWS AND QUIVERS. 

The use of bow and arrows in Greece is of 
course handled by H. L. Lorimer 1 and A. 
Snodgrass 2 , but the so far last word has been 
said by G. Rausing in 1967 8 who goes back in 


» H. L. Lorimer, Homer and the Monuments, pp 
276-305. 

* A. Snodgrass, Early Greek Armour and Weapons 
pp. 141-156. 

* G. Rausing, The Bow. Some Notes on its Origin 
and Development. Bonn /Lund 1967. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



lis survey to older authorities for Near Eastern 
tnd Greek material, such as E. Bulanda 4 and 
\. Schaumberg 5 , to whom references are also 
;iven by Lorimer and Snodgrass. For the Near 
East there is, as usually, an important chapter 
>y H. Bonnet 6 , followed by a chapter on 
[uivers 7 . 

For Cypriote archery sources are scarce and 
he obvious lack of preserved bows limits the 
lirect knowledge of the use of arrows. One 
s referred to representations in art. 

Among the bigger statues of Ajia Irini there 
s no archer. There is one single small idol with 
i preserved bow and quiver, no. 893 (SCE II 
>1. CCXXXI, 3), one bow in a chariot group, 
to. 2000 (Figs. 38—39 and SCE II pi. 
ECXXXIV, 5), and at least five presumed bows 
mist have gone forlorn, on the evidence of 
reserved quivers or the position of the archers. 

Other Cypriote archers are one of a terra- 
otta group drawing his bow with the quiver 
tanging on his back 8 and a vase of c. 600 
1. C. 9 showing a chariot scene with an archer 
hooting from the chariot, a custom which 
eems to have been common in Cyprus. The 
tow of the vase scene is of an angular type 10 , 
/hile the bow of the terracotta group may be 
he same, but it is so crudely sculptured that 
o definite statement can be given. The bow 
f our chariot group no. 2000 is, however, 
learly a double concave bow according to the 
lassification system of Rausing 11 . Curved im- 

4 E. Bulanda, Bogen und Pfeil bei den Volkem des 
dtertums. Wien 1913. 

4 A. Schaumberg , Bogen und Bogenschutzen bei den 
iriechen. Erlangen 1911. 

4 H. Bonnet , Die Waffen der Volker des alten 
trients, pp. 1 18—173. 

7 Op. cit. pp. 173—181. 

* J. Myres , Handbook of the Cesnola Collection, 
p. 344 f. no. 2102; H. L . Lorimer , op. cit. pi. XXII, 

• H. L. Lorimer , op cit. pi. XXV, 2; V. Karageor- 
fiis, “A propos de quelques representations de chars 
jr des vases chypriotes de l’&ge du fer”. BCH 90, 
966, pp. 104 f., fig. 2. 

*• G. Rausing , op. cit. fig. 5. 

11 Op. cit . fig. 5. 


pressions from such a bow were found in Tomb 
3 of Salamis 12 . Cf also the later sculptures from 
Golgoi of a Herakles with a bow and arrows 13 
and a kneeling archer with a preserved quiver 14 ! 

Of our six preserved quivers there is not 
much to say; they may have been made of any 
material, but the archers who had to carry 
them themselves would probably have preferred 
a light material like leather. About 20 bronze 
quivers were found at Karmir Blur 15 . In Cyprus 
no finds are registered, but arrows in bundles 
with traces of leather were found in tombs at 
Salamis 16 . 

The position of the quivers on our chariots 
is either on the sides of the chariot box, out- 
side (nos. 1046, SCE II pi. CCXXXIV, 6 and 
2000, Figs. 38-39 and SCE II pi. CCXXXIV, 
5), or in front outside the chariot box (no. 
1170, SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 4). This way of 
hanging the quivers, often two in a crossed 
position, is common in older Assyrian chari- 
otry 17 , but in Assyria of the 8th cent, the custom 
changed, so that the quivers were put in front 18 . 

For Iron and bronze arrows of Cyprus of 
the Geometric and Archaic periods references 
are given in the SCE IV:2 19 . The arrow-heads 
seen in our quivers are unfortunately too crude 
and tiny to give any evidence of types. 


i* *• V. Karageorghis, Excavations in the Necropolis 
of Salamis I. Nicosia 1967 p. 52, pi. XXXVII, 3. 

J* L. P. di Cesnola, Cypcm. Seine alten Stadte, 
Graber und Tempel. Jena 1879, pi. XXIII. 

u Op. cit. pi. XXXIII; J. Myres, op. cit. pp. 246 f. 
no. 1409. 

1 ® B. B. Piotrovski, ’Teichebaini, centre ourartien 
du VII e stecle . . .” 8 e congres international d’archeo- 
logie classique (Paris 1963). Le rayonnement des civi- 
lisations grecque et romaine sur les cultures pirifi- 
riques. Paris 1965, p. 412, pi. 96, 1. 

1 ® V. Karageorghis, ’’Chronique des fouilles . . . en 
1964.” BCH 89, 1965, p. 286, fig. 82; Excavations in 
the Necropolis of Salamis I, pp. 45 f. fig. 6: In the 
SCE lip. 14 no. 58 (Amathus Tomb 2) “About fifty 
arrow-heads of iron rusted together to a large bundle” 
are mentioned but nothing is reported about a quiver. 

17 Y. Yadin, The Art of Warfare in Biblical Lands, 
pp. 298 f. and 386 ff. 

i® Op. cit. pp. 299 and 452. 

it SCE IV:2 pp. 132 f. and 138 ff., figs. 20 and 23. 


41 


Digitized by l^iOOQLe 



CHARIOT GROUPS. 

In 1907 F. Studniczka wrote an article called 
“Der Rennwagen im syrischphonikischen Ge- 
biet” 1 , where Cypriote chariots were discussed 
in relation to those of the neighbours, although 
the amount of known (terracotta) representa- 
tions was fairly small at that time. This article 
was part of a kind of team-work project, where 
three pupils of his also took up studies on 
chariotry in antiquity 2 . 

After that J. Wiesner studied chariotry in 
“Fahren und Reiten im Alteuropa and im alten 
Orient” 3 and F. Schachermeyer handled the 
warfare aspect in “Streitwagen und Streitwagen- 
bild im alten Orient und bei den mykenischen 
Griechen” 4 . In “The Art of Warfare in Biblical 
Lands” by Y. Yadin not only strategy and 
tactics were discussed, but among other things 
war chariots were richly illustrated 3 . In 1966 
appeared W. Nagel’s “Der mesopotamische 
Streitwagen und seine Entwicklung im Ostmedi- 
terranen Bereich.” 6 

Finds of Cypriote terracotta groups are 
numerous in publications from the time of the 
Cesnolas on 7 , especially a large number from 


* Jdl XXII, 1907, pp. 147-196. 

* O. Nuoffer , Der Rennwagen im Altertum. I. 
Leipzig 1904.; E. v. Mercklin , Der Rennwagen in 
Griechenland. I. Leipzig 1909; Nachod, Der Renn- 
wagen bei den Italikem. Leipzig 1909. 

* Der Alte Orient. Band 38:2—4. Leipzig 1939. 

4 Anthropos XLVI, 1951, pp. 705-753. 

5 London 1963, passim . 

* Berliner Beitrage zur Vor- und Friihgeschichte. 
10. Berlin. 

7 L. P. di Cesnola , Cypem. Seine alten Stadte, Gra- 
ber und Tempel. Jena 1879, pis. XXXVII, 4 and 
LX VII; A. P. di Cesnola , Salaminia. London 1882, 
pp. 239-243, figs. 226-229; J. Myres , Handbook of 
the Cesnola Collection of Antiquities from Cyprus. 
New York 1914, p. 346, nos. 2110-15; M. Obne- 
falsch-Richter, Kyprische Bildwerke. MDAI (A) 40, 
1915, pp. 53—70, pi. IX; L. Heuzy, Catalogue des 
figurines antiques de terre cuite. Musee Nationale du 
Louvre. Paris 1923, pi. X, 2 and 6; H. Th. Bossert, 
Altsyrien. Tubingen 1951, nos. 136 f., — Cf also 
bronze wheels from early excavations at Salamis: A. 
S. Murray — A. H. Smith — H. B. Walters, Excava- 
tions in Cyprus. London 1900, pp. 15 f., fig. 25:1456 
and 1460; C. F. A. Schaeffer, Enkomi-Alasia I. 
Paris 1952, pi. LXV, 10. 


42 


Kourion 8 . For the study of chariot groups 
seem, thus, to be well equipped, especially as 
recent finds have been made during the la a 
years at Salamis in Cyprus, giving rich informa- 
tion about both horses and chariots 9 . 

Vase pictures of the Levanto-Helladic style 
with chariot scenes from the Mycenaean period 
of Cyprus are numerous 10 . The chariots are or 
the “dual-bodied” type with four-spoked wheels 
and used for hunting 11 . In the next pictorial style, 
the Free field style of the Cypro-Archaic period, 
equivalent to the period of our terracotta groups, 
there are also some representations of chariots, 
some of which used for hunting and others as war 
chariots 12 . Here we find an influence from the 
East, but it is also true that war chariots were 
used in Cyprus itself to an extent that had no 
equivalent e. g. in Greece of that time 13 . 

That our chariot groups represent war char- 
iots is proved by the presence of armed soldiers 


* J. H. Young — S. H. Young, Terracotta Figurine 
from Kourion in Cyprus, pis. 18—29, 34, 36, 50 f_ I 
60, 63 and 66. 

• P. Dikaios, "A ‘Royal’ tomb at Salamis. Cypniv" 
AA 1963, pp. 148-167, figs. 17, 19 ff., 26-31: \ 
Karageorghis, “Recent discoveries at Salamis (Cypru>i 
A A 1966, pp. 223-242, figs. 18-21, 23 ff., 30, 42. 44. 
46 ff.; “Chronique des fouilles et d6couvertes archeo- 
logiques & Chypre en 1964.’’ BCH 89, 1965, pp. 26* 
287, figs. 68 ff., 72-75, 80 ff.; ”Chroniqoe . . . eti 
1965.’’ BCH 90, 1966, pp. 322, 366, figs. 58. 12* 
’’Chronique . . . en 1966”. BCH 91, 1967, pp. 33R-345 
figs. 139—147; Excavations in the Necropolis of SaU- 
mis, I, pp. 21-24, 46-53, 87 f., pis. IV-Vm. XIV- 
XVIII. XXVII-XXXVIII, XLVI-XLIX, LXVI1 
LXXIV, CXIV-CXXIV, CXXVIIf., CXXXIX 
CXLIII. For earlier finds see SCE IV:2 pp. 146 ft 
fig. 26. 

19 E. Sjdqvist, Problems of the Late Cypriote Bronze 
Age. Stockholm 1940, figs. 19 f., L. Astrom. “A Note 
on a Mycenaean Chariot Crater in Bonn”. Opmscat* 
Atlieniensia IV. Lund 1963, pp. 125—128, pi. I.; V 
Karageorghis, ‘Two Mycenaean Chariot Craters r 
Rochester, USA”. BCH 93, 1969, pp. 162—172. fir 
1-9. 

11 H. L. Lorimer, Homer and the Monuments, pp 
314 ff. 

it V. Karageorghis, “A propos de quelques rep resc: 
tations de chars...” BCH 90, 1966, pp. 101—11* 
figs. 1-12. 

Herodotus , Hist. V, 113; H. L. Lorimer , op. o: 
p. 323 n. 3; A. Snodgrass, Early Greek Armour arv 
Weapons, p. 165. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



in most groups where human figures are at all 
preserved: e. g. nos. 1166 (SCE II pi. 
CCXXXIV, 2, swords), 1170 (SCE II pi. 
CCXXXV, 4, shield and quivers), and 1781 + 
798 (SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 3, swords and 
shield). E. Gjerstad discusses the types of our 
chariots as being of both Egyptian and Assyrian 
derivation, the last one being the heavier, square 
type 14 . The traditionally light type of chariot 
known from relief pictures of the New Kingdom 
may be called Egyptian as a terminus technicus, 
but one had better remember that our know- 
ledge of contemporary Egyptian chariots is 
very limited 15 , while hunting and war chariots 
are abundant on Assyrian reliefs 16 . Actually our 
chariots, also those of the rounded, “light” type 
are all drawn by four horses, while the Egyptian 
chariots used to be drawn only by two horses. 

Here it may also be pointed out that the 
chariot group no. 249+115 (SCE II pi. 
CCXXXV, 6; BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 10) has been 
restored with a driver with a head of a moulded 
type that is very close to the Cypro-Egyptian 
sculpture style 17 , while the chariot is of the most 
typically square “Assyrian” type. This is, thus, 
an exception from the rule that the Cypro- 
Egyptian style was confined to stone sculpture 18 . 

Because of the rather bad condition of most 
of the chariots I do not want to go further in 
discussing various types. The terracotta material 
has necessitated some particular details, such 
as the supports that most of the chariot boxes 
are resting upon. However, the box of no. 1715 
(SCE II pi. CCXXXIV, 4) is resting directly on 
the earth and the wheels are just standing at the 
sides. No. 2388 + 2791 (BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 

U BMNE 3, 1963, p. 35. 

i* O. Nuoffer , op . cit. pp. 14 ff., pi. 1:13a (one 
relief from the 26th Dyn.). 

i« W. Nagel , op. cit. figs. 62—69; H. Frankfort , 
The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient, pis. 
84, 87 f., 1 10; O. Nuoffer , op. cit. pis. 5 ff.; Y. Yadin, 
op. cit. pp. 382—455 passim. 

17 SCE IV:2, pp. 103 f., pi. VI. 

i» Op. cit. p. 357. 


14) has no wheels at all! Most of our chariots 
are open in the rear and many of them have a 
kind of loop, e. g. nos. 1715 (SCE II pi. 
CCXXXIV, 4) and 2000 (Fig. 39), the use of 
which is explained in group no. 1781+798 
(SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 3), where a man is 
helping himself into the chariot by grasping a 
now missing loop. Cf also a recent find at Sala- 
mis, in Tomb 79 19 ! The chariot has left impres- 
sions of having been divided into two parts 20 , 
one to the left and one to the right, which is 
also normal for our groups with loops behind. 
This seems good for an equal number of men 
in the crew, but there are rather often three 
persons in the chariots. The length of the above 
mentioned chariot of Salamis Tomb 3 was 
60 cm 21 . That does not give much space even 
for two persons, so the models for our chariots 
may have been a little bigger, since e. g. no. 
1170 (SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 4) does not give 
the crowded impression of our no. 1125 (SCE 
II pi. CCXXXV, 1) or a group from Tortosa 22 . 
On Assyrian reliefs of the time of Ashurbanipal 
there may even be as many as four persons in 
one chariot 28 . 

In our groups with only two persons, one 
figure is often lost, but in some cases the war- 
rior beside the driver has had to protect himself 
with a shield, e. g. no. 1998 (SCE II pi. 
CCXXXV, 5; BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 9), which is 
elsewhere done by a third man in the crew if 
there is one. One man in group no. 1125 is 
holding an animal in his arms. That a parabates 
sometimes carries a votive gift is attested from 
Kourion 24 , but the case is unique among our 
groups. Although there is a loop, this chariot 

*• V. Karageorghis, "Chronique . . . en 1966.” BCH 
91, 1967, p. 339. 

*0 Loc. cit. 

** V. Karageorghis , Excavations in the Necropolis 
of Salamis I, p. 50. 

*7 H. Th. Bossert, Altsyrien, no. 136. 

7* O. Nuoffer , op. cit. fig. 40; F. Studniczka, Jdl 
XXII, 1907, pp. 170 ff ; Y. Yadin , op. cit. p. 452. 

7* 7. H. Young — S. H. Young, op. cit. p. 217. 


43 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



obviously cannot be divided as above, since 
the driver is standing in the middle. The two 
other men are turning one another their backs. 
The man with the animal is wearing a band on 
his head, while the driver and the third man, 
who is carrying a shield, are wearing helmets. 

A normal crew in our groups is composed 
of three persons: one driver, one warrior and 
the third a shield-bearer, who is supposed to 
protect the others. Cf no. 1780 (SCE II pi. 
CCXXXIV, 3) and no. 1170, where the shield 
has now been moved from the awkward posi- 
tions as shown on SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 4, so 
as to stand in front of the front man left. The 
driver is nearly always standing to the right 


and unarmed, his only visible protection beinf 
a helmet, most often of the straight type. He 
may of course wear a cuirass, but such details 
are not shown on so small figures. The warrior 
at his side has a straight or soft helmet or 
even a “cap", rather like a plain band round 
the head — or is that a kind of helmet? It is 
not very likely that even his head should be 
protected by the shield. 

Some warriors are armed with swords: cf 
groups nos. 1166 (SCE II pi. CCXXXIV, 2). 
1715 (SCE II pi. CCXXXIV, 4), 1779 (Fig 
44) and 1781 +798 (SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 3). 
Others are archers. In group no. 1 1 23 (BMNE 
3, 1963, fig. 11) the position of the man and 



Fig. 44. No. 1779. Chariot group. Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm. 

44 


Digitized by ^jooole 


traces of a quiver on the chariot are taken as a 
proof of that, and on chariots nos. 1046 (SCE 
II pi. CCXXXIV, 6), 1170 (SCE II pi. 
CCXXXV, 4) and 2000 (Figs. 38-39) there 
are complete quivers preserved, which must 
have implied archers in the crews. The quivers 
are on the front of chariot no. 1170 and on the 
sides of nos. 1046 and 2000. 

In the New Kingdom of Egypt quivers are 
often seen at the sides of the chariots, either 
two cross-wise over each other or one with a 
case for the bow crossed over it 25 . The cross- 
wise side position is common on Assyrian char- 
iots of the 9th Cent. B. C., but later they are 
put in front of the chariot 26 . Cf also a Cypro- 
Archaic vase scene with quivers in front and 
back 27 ! The King’s chariot in the great tribute 
procession of Persepolis has quivers in front as 
well as on the sides, or at least decorative re- 
miniscences of them 28 . One chariot of Salamis 
Tomb 3 had quivers on the outer sides 29 . 

In one of the chariots with quivers, no. 2000 
[Figs. 38—39), where a bow is actually also 
langing at the side of it, the warrior is hurling 
i spear, using that kind of weapon as the only 
>ne among our warriors. As a matter of fact, 
he arming of the warriors either with bow and 
irrows or with swords does not show much 
egularity. In group no. 1779 (Fig. 44) the two 
varriors are armed with swords and in no. 
781 + 798 (SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 3) two war- 
iors are using swords as well as shields, that is, 
hey are hoplites normally equipped for hand- 
o-hand fighting. 

This actualizes the much discussed question 
if how chariots were used in Homeric battles: 
aerely for transport of hoplites to the battle, 

*8 E. g. Y. Yadin, op. cit. p. 240. 

** Op. cit. pp. 299, 386 f. and 452. 

17 H. L. Lorimer, op. cit. pi. XXV, 2; V. Kara- 
eorghis, BCH 90, 1966, p. 104, fig. 2. 

*8 E. E. Herzfeldt, Iran in the Ancient East. Oxford 

941 , pi. Lxxvn. 

*• V. Karageorghis, "Chronique . . . en 1964.” BCH 
9, 1965, p. 286, fig. 82; Excavations in the Necropolis 
f Salamis I, p. 50. 


rather than as war chariots in a more literal 
sense of the word 80 ? The only occasion where 
real fighting between chariots is mentioned, is 
in Nestor’s advice to the troops 81 . But chariots 
are involved in many cases and the importance 
of the driver obvious, when he is killed instead 
of the warrior, since his task was to rescue the 
warrior in dangerous situations 82 . However, 
those who hurled the killing spears were not in 
their chariots themselves 88 and very often the 
warriors left the chariots to fight on foot, nor- 
mally using spears 84 . 

Returning to our chariot groups, we find only 
one spear, that is in group no. 2000 (Figs. 38— 
39) and as a matter of fact the warrior seems 
to be hurling it from the chariot. We cannot 
possibly know, if the major part of our warriors 
are armed with swords just because spears were 
liable to break when made of terracotta or if 
actually the sword was more used. It must, 
however, be taken as proved by our groups that 
swords as well as spears were used and not 
only bows and arrows, and that accordingly 
fighting took place both between chariot crews 
(or charioteer and foot-soldier) and hand-to- 
hand on the earth, at the time of our terracottas 
in Cyprus. 

The position of the chariot box is normally 
with the back over the wheel axle in contrast to 
the vase picture chariots of the Mycenaean pe- 
riod, where the box is placed centrally over the 
axle like on our no. 1125 (SCE II pi. 
CCXXXV, l). 85 As for the wheels we probably 

J. Kromayer — G. Veith, Heerwcsen und Krieg- 
fiihnmg der Gricchcn und Romer. Handbuch der 
Altertumswissenschaft IV, 3, 2. Miinchen 1928 p. 
26; H. L. Lorimer, op. cit. pp. 324—328; A. J.B. Wace 
— F. H. Stubbings, A Companion to Homer. London 
1962, p. 521; A. Snodgrass, op. cit. p. 175. 

si Homer, Iliad IV, 297-309. 

3* Homer , Iliad VIII, 119-129, 311-319; Iliad 
XIV, 737 ff. 

33 Homer Iliad XI, 320 ff. 

34 Homer, Iliad XI, 47-52; Iliad XVI, 426 f. and 
462—486. 

38 E. Sjdqvist, op. cit. figs. 19 f; H. L. Lorimer, op. 
cit. pi. XXV, 2. 


45 


Digitized by l^iOOQLe 



ought to imagine them all as spoked, although 
only four of the chariots have really modelled 
spokes: nos. 249+115 (SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 
6; BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 10, with 5 spokes), 1781 
+ 798 (SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 3, with 7 spokes), 
the fragmentary group no. 1993 (not illustrated, 
8 spokes) and no. 1998 (SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 
5; BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 9, with 11 spokes). 
Spokes are painted on the solid wheels of no. 
1782 (not illustrated) and we may suspect that 
paint indicating spokes has disappeared from 
many if not all of the others. The impressions 
in the soil of one chariot wheel in Salamis Tomb 
1 (ca 700—650 B. C.) according to P. Dikaios 
shows that is has been solid 36 , but later finds at 
Salamis (end of 7th century B. C.) has given 
evidence of spoked wheels from Tomb 3 87 . Cf 
also other Cypriote terracotta chariots with solid 
wheels and painted, concentric decoration as a 
contrast to the group in Athens said to be from 
Salamis 88 ! One may carefully suggest a chrono- 
logical development to modelled spokes in the 
later groups, although the dating of the other 
terracottas as well as ours is not very fixed: 18 
out of 20 chariots groups belong to period 4 of 
Ajia Irini, one to per. 5, and one is uncertain 
within periods 4— 6 89 . Per. 4 covers approxima- 
tely the years 650—560 B. C., so there are good 
chances for great differences of age among the 
groups. Stylistic evidence is not reliable in the 
case of these small idols. But on the whole the 
groups with spoked wheels seem to have more 
carefully rendered details — which might be 
explained by the different care and skill from 
the part of different sculptors. 

Usually there was only one yoke to all the 
four horses, but it was fixed to two poles 40 . 

AA 1963, p. 159. 

37 V. Karageorghis, A A 1966, fig. 46; Excavations 
in the Necropolis of Salamis I, p. 31, pi. XXXII, 5. 

38 F. Studniczka, op. cit. p. 166, figs. 13 f.; V. Ka- 
rageorghis , Excavations in the Necropolis of Salamis, 
I, fig. 8. 

8» SCE IV:2, table on Small human idols at p. 812. 

E. g. Y. Yadin, op. cit. p. 426; W. Nagel, op. cit. 
fig. 66. 

46 


However, there is an example of two smaller 
yokes, one for each pair of horses, no. 2000 
(Figs. 38—39). If there have been modeDed 
reins, they have normally fallen off, but remains 
are seen on e. g. group no. 249+ 1 15 (BMNE 
3, 1963, fig. 10). Yoking and harnessing of 
horses are discussed by W. Nagel 41 . Only one 
pole is used for four horses among the Assy- 
rians. Enough has been found, however, of real 
Cypriote chariots at Salamis to confirm what 
can be seen on our terracottas, and it is inter- 
esting to compare their dimensions with the 
proportions of our chariots: notice e. g. tomb 

I of Salamis, where the impressions of the yoke 
for four horses was 2.28 m and the poles were 
2.40 m 42 . This seems to be a reasonable length 
of poles even for the size of horses nowadays. 
The horses of our groups are variously propor- 
tioned: those of no. 1046 (SCE II pi. 
CCXXXIV, 6) have very short bodies com- 
pared to those of no. 1166 (SCE II pi 
CCXXXIV, 2). 

As far as rendering of horses’ gear is con- 
cerned there are no equivalents in terracotta to 
our best groups: e. g. nos. 249 + 115 (SCE II 
pi. CCXXXV, 6; BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 10). no 
1170 (SCE II pi. CCXXXV, 4) or 1998 (SCE 

II pi. CCXXXV, 5). Reality only can compete 
with this and it is most interesting to compare 
with recent finds of Salamis tombs, where such 
finds as blinkers, front bands, standards and 
trappings of bronze, ivory and leather remains 
are found from the Cypro-Archaic period 43 . 

Front bands are marked out in most of the 
groups 44 , but in nos. 249+115 and 1170 the 
horses’ heads are decorated with something like 
little hats or crests, which may best be com- 
pared to what Sargon’s horses are wearing oo 


41 Op. cit. figs. 66—75. 

4 * P. Dikaios, A A 1963, pp. 159 and 162, fig. 21 
4 * Cf above, note 9! 

44 SCE IV:2, fig. 26:32, 33; V. Karageorghis, A A 
1966, figs. 21 and 24. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



eliefs of the palace of Khorsabad 45 . Here may 
Iso be remembered of the horses’ breast deco- 
ations of the same reliefs 46 , which give us the 
int that the vertical incisions indicate tassels 
•n group no. 249+115 47 . Cf also the tasseled 
ollar decoration from Khorsabad 48 with our 

0. 804 + 944+ 1338 (BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 15)! 
ome horses have not only breast plates but 
rappings of cloth or leather covering the whole 
acks and sides of the bodies, e. g. no. 1170 49 . 
t is on the whole striking how much more 
iterest for such details is shown in the Ajia 
rini groups than e. g. in the groups from Kou- 
ion 50 . 

Y. Yadin, op. cit. pp. 420 and 426 f.; Cf also a 
;lief from Arslan Tash, J. A. H. Potratz, Die Pferde- 
ensen des Alten Orient. Analecta Orientalia 41. 
loma 1966, pi. XXI, 46. 

46 Y. Yadin, op. cit. pp. 420 and 427. 

47 Cf also a terracotta group from Amrith, M. 
thnefalsch-Richter, MDAI (A) 40, 1915 p. 60, figs. 
-2, and another from Tjiona, Archaeological Reports 
955 (Suppl. to the JHS, Vol. 76, 1956) pi. II, fig. 2d. 

4 # Y. Yadin, op. cit. pp. 420 and 427. 

4® Op. cit. pp. 452 and 458; J. A. H. Potratz , op. cit . 

1. VIII, 14. 

/. H. Young — S. H. Young , op. cit. pis. 18—27. 


UMMING UP OF INFORMATIONS 
ROM THE FIGURINES. 

is a source of information terracotta sculpture 
; not often regarded as very good. It is con- 
idered a secondary type, compared to stone 
:ulpture, which is usually both better executed 
nd preserved. The Ajia Irini terracotta statues 
re partly an exception, thanks to their size and 
eneral state. The terracotta material has there 
een used, not only for “pure idol plastic” but 
Iso real art sculpture, although the statues have 
11 served the same, sacral purpose. Gjerstad 
lakes a distinction between the sculptures with 
n artistic character and those without 1 , not 
lentioning the quality of size in that connec- 
on. However, size seems pratically to have 

* SCE II p. in. 


been the determining factor in many cases. Cf 
e.g. no. 1417 (SCE II pi. CCXXXII, 8; 21.8 
cm) with its beautiful, moulded head, and no. 
1741 (SCE II pi. CCXXXVIII, 7-8; 38.6 cm) 
with its expressive face, both classified as “idol 
plastic”, with the big statue no. 1860 (SCE II 
pi. CXCIV, 1; 158.0 cm)! It must be admitted 
that Gjerstad reckons with transitional cases 
between the idol plastic and art sculpture 2 . But 
usually “art sculpture” seems to be represented 
by statues of 60 cm height and bigger, “large 
idols” by such between 60 and 40 cm and those 
smaller than 40 cm are “small idols”. 

In spite of this it is true that the bigger stat- 
ues are often of greater interest, both from the 
artistical point of view and for what they tell 
about their “models”, i. e. the worshippers who 
have dedicated the statuettes as votive gifts 3 . 
Most of them appear as soldiers with attributes 
described above, but some of them are probably 
priests 4 or at least persons performing religious 
ceremonies. The best example of these is said 
to be no. 2072 + 2075 (SCE II pi. CCXIV), 
who is dressed in a long chiton and a mantle. 
Instead of a helmet he wears a band round his 
head and has probably held a sacrificial knife 
in his left (!) hand to perform a sacrifice. 
Actually, he is not only the best example — he 
is the only one of the kind. There are plenty of 
(or at least 23) statuettes with bands round their 
heads but they do not show any signs of making 
a sacrifice. Five statuettes with band round 
their heads are carrying votive animals or ob- 
jects, whereas sixteen dressed in helmets are 
doing the same (cf e.g. nos. 1495, 573 and 1784 
fig. 45!). Ten figurines with bands are ar- 
med with swords or other, probably not sacral 
weapons. In this connection we might remember 
Herodotus’ description of the Cypriote army 5 , 

* SCE IV:2p. 127. 

8 E. Sjoqvist in Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft 
30. Leipzig /Berlin 1933, p. 333. 

4 E. Sjoqvist, op. cit. pp. 343 f. 

5 Herod. Hist. VII, XC. Cf H. Brandenburg , Studien 
zur Mitra. Munster 1966, pp. J 54 f. 


47 


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Fig. 45. Nos. 1495, 573 and 1784. 

Cyprus musem, Nicosia. 

where the princes wore “mitrai” and the war- 
riors “kitharis”, both of which would mean pie- 
ces of cloth twisted like that of our no. 2072 + 
2075, such as can also be seen among the war- 
riors in our chariot groups, e. g. no. 1 166 (SCE 
II pi. CCXXXIV, 2), and among terracotta 
figurines from Kourion, where bands round the 
heads are very common 6 . 

The very fact that nearly ail the figurines 
represent male persons is rather extraordinary 
in terracotta, but this appears more often in 
Cyprus than in Greece 7 . This has of course led 
to the conclusion that a male god, a war god, 
was worshipped at the sanctuary 8 . Warriors are 
rather frequent in small bronze sculpture in 
Greece, but there is not much comparable ma- 
terial in terracotta. 

In the chapter on armour and dress we 

• J. H. Young — S. H. Young, Terracotta Figurines 
from Kourion, pp. 200 f. 

7 H. B. Walters, Catalogue of the Terracottas in the 
Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities in the 
British Museum. London 1903, p. xxxii. 

8 E. Sjdqvist, op. cit. pp. 340 ff. 

48 


discussed, whether the long “garments” of most 
of the statues were really representing garments 
or were a mere substitute for modelled legs, 
which the artist for some reason or other did 
not bother to sculpture. Inability or laziness 
may be the reason why most of the larger and 
all the small idols are sculptured with negligence 
for other parts of the body than head and arms. 
But what about the big statues? The tallest one 
(187 cm) no. 2106 + 2103 (SCE II pi. CXC) 
is according to the catalogue “dressed in a 
girdled chiton . . . overfold with side-flaps . . .' 
and according to our first chapter he is wearing 
a cuirass and (the reminiscence of) a mitrt 
protecting the abdomen. Could it be that he i; 
too tall to get sculptured legs like those of nos 
1 + 1618+1619 (SCE II pi. CXC I, 1; heigh 
1 18.3 cm) and 1728+1740 (SCE II pi. CXCI 
2—3; height 105.0 cm) to which statues he is ven 
near akin? That is not very probable. Big 
statues get big, clumsy legs, but still legs, I 
wanted. Cf nos. 1763 + 1845 (SCE II pi 
CXCVIII; height 155.5 cm) or 2102 (SCE II 
pi. CCII; height 177.7 cm)! 

A suggestion that one of our sculptors model 
led the legs and others preferred the long gar 
ments is proved to be wrong by the very similai 
nos. 2106 + 2103, 1 + 1618 + 1619 and 17284 
1740, which must be sculptured by the sam 
hand. Cf also nos. 1767 (modelled legs) am 
1 044 + 2495 (covering garment) on SCE II pj 
CCV! The last example is one of those garmem 
made intentionally half-way between short aa 
long, not due to either negligence or inability 
There are quite a few of this kind, e. g. na 
573 (Fig. 45), 1016 + 2505 (SCE II p 
CCXVII), and 1028 + 2077 (SCE II (j 
CCV III). A variation is shown e. g. in na 
1196 + 2437 (SCE II pi. CXCIV, 3), 2069 
2087 (SCE II pi. CXCIX, 2-3), and 2072 
2075 (SCE II pi. CCXIV), where the dress 
“cut off’ in front to show the feet. Finally thej 
is one group with toes peeping forth benea 
the dress, e. g. nos. 1052 + 2442 (SCE II (j 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



rXIX, 2), 1099 + 2735 (SCE U pi. CCXXIII, 
-5), and 1509 (SCE U pi. CCVII, 1-2). 

For what purpose, on which occasions were 
bese garments used? They are combined with 
arious kinds of helmets: nos. 1389 (SCE II pi. 
:XCIX, 1), 1196+2437 (SCE II pi. CXCIV, 
), 1044 + 2495 (SCE U pi. CCV, 2), and with 
urbans: nos. 1796 (SCE II pi. CCXIII, 6), 

072 + 2075 (SCE H pi. CCXIV). These stat- 
es are very “neutral”, neither wearing weapons 
or votive gifts. Looking, on the other hand, 
pon the statues with legs modelled a bit above 
lie knees, such ones provided with weapons 
eem to be rather frequent: nos. 1070 + 1072 + 

073 + 1075 (Figs. 6-7), 1385 + 1530 (SCE H 
1. CXCIV, 2), 1524 + 2333 + 2346 (SCE H pi. 
:C, 1-2), and 2102 (SCE II pi. CCII). There 
re also statues with modelled legs, without 
offensive weapons but wearing helmet and cui- 
ass: nos. 1 + 1618 + 1619 and 1728 + 1740 
SCE II pi. CXCI), 1767 (SCE U pi. CCV, 1), 
nd 1189 (Figs. 11—12) who may have held a 
pear in his right hand. In the chariot groups 
here are armed men in “long chitons”, but 
ince they are all “small idols”, where no 
lodelled legs can be expected, they do not 
nter into this discussion. 

Thus the “uniforms” of the warriors show 
ather varied traits. We do not even know 
rtiich of the figurines are wearing “uniforms”, 
ut the terracotta material is not the reason for 
lat, rather the sculptors, who did not care very 
luch about how they equipped the warriors. 

As mentioned in the chapters above on the 
arious kinds of weapons, spears are nearly 
Itogcther lacking, except for one in chariot 
roup no. 2000 (Figs. 38—39). This is evidently 
ecause of the material, which was not suitable 
>r such tiny things. We do not know whether 
ther spears have also existed, made of terra- 
otta and now broken, or whether other ma- 
arials like wood or metals were used, or even 
hether in some cases the position of the warrior 
lould be enough for the on-looker to imagine 


a spear, as with the bows of nos. 893 (SCE II pi. 
CCXXXI, 3) and chariot group no. 2000, 
where the strings are lacking but the curved 
bows are enough to indicate the weapons. 
Whether the strap over the shoulder of no. 893 
belongs to the bow or the quiver, is not possible 
to see. The arrow-heads are seen in the quivers. 
Such as they are, they would not be of much use 
in a fight, but it is not very likely that metal 
arrows of the same size would have been much 
sharper. Regarding the quivers it is not possible 
to guess, if they are supposed to be of leather, 
wood, or metal. 

A fair number of swords, or pieces of swords, 
are preserved. Since they are normally inside 
the scabbards the sculptor has not had any 
problem with getting sharp edges, for which the 
terracotta would not have been very good. On 
no. 1524 + 2333 + 2346 (SCE H pi. CC, 1-2) 
it is interesting to see how the sword in its 
scabbard is attached to the side of the body, 
while the strap has no connection with it. 
Similarly no. 1276 (BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 26), 
although part of the strap has fallen off, but 
the sword would actually be hanging in the air, 
if it were not fixed to the body itself. This would 
have been impossible to do in stone sculpture. 
But cf the bronze warrior of Salamis (Figs. 
9—10), where the strap quite clearly carries the 
sword! Our no. 2102 (SCE II pi. CCII) is 
holding his sword tightly between the overarm 
and the body, although there is a strap but with- 
out functional connection with the sword. This 
is also normal for the little swords and straps 
of the chariot groups. No. 2344 + 2324 (SCE 
II pi. CXCIX, 5—6) is also pressing the sword 
between arm and body, while others, nos. 571 
and 991 (SCE II pi. CCXXXI, 9 and 8), 1070 
etc. (Figs. 6-7), 1385 + 1530 (SCE II pi. 
CXCIV, 2), 1739 + 2345 (Figs. 3-4), and 1916 
(Fig. 42) hold their swords with a hand-grip. 
Cf also the terracotta busts from Kazaphani 
(Figs. 13—15), where great pains are taken to 
show the scabbards and the straps, so that one 

49 


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cannot be mistaken of the function, although 
the rendering is not even here quite realistic. 

It is not much otherwise with shields. Most 
preserved shields are placed in such a way as to 
hide how it is held by the warrior, e. g. nos. 991 
and 1257 (SCE II pi. CCXXXI, 8 and 7). The 
biggest shield, that of no. 1385 + 1530 (SCE II 
pi. CXCIV, 2), is clung to the body in an inex- 
plicable way, which would not have been pos- 
sible in marble and hardly in metal. 

The helmets of the smallest figurines are 
often made with straight tops and in one piece 
with the head, which is of course the easiest 
way in any material. Such helmets are also used 
for larger idols and statues like that of no. 
1726 (SCE II pi. CXCH, 3). Others may 
actually be made in one piece with the head but 
are marked out with a border as if being model- 
led separately, e. g. nos. 1524 + 2333 + 2346 
(SCE H pi. CC, 1-2) or 1028 + 2077 (SCE II 
pi. CCIV). But not seldom the helmet is ac- 
tually made separately, e. g. those of nos. 1 + 
1618 + 1619 and 2106 + 2103 (SCE II pi. 
cxcn, 2 and 1). We must imagine some kind 
of helmet on nos. 1763 + 1845 (SCE II pi. 
CXCVIII) and 2344 + 2324 (SCE II pi. 
CXCIX, 5—6), where the naked skulls show 
signs of having been covered. 

The upturned cheek-pieces are not always as 
literally upturned as on the helmets of nos. 
1842 and 1860 (SCE II pi. CXCIV, 5, 4 and 
1), 1509 (SCE II pi. CCVII, 4), or 1727 (SCE 
II pi. CCXV, 1), but modelled upon the helmet 
surface, e. g. nos. 1824 + 2139 (SCE II pi. 
CCVII, 3) and 2102 (SCE II pi. CXCVII). 
Various ways of modelling helmets can be 
studied on SCE II pi. CCXV (nos. 906 + 928 + 
931, 1727, and 2071). 

Variants of helmets with back-bent tops are 
well rendered in terracotta. They certainly 
represent leather helmets. The one of no. 1028 
+ 2077 (SCE II pi. CCIV) is very stiff, the top 
being bent only very little. The helmet of the 
small idol no. 1279 (SCE II pi. CCXXX, 10) 

50 


is already a little more bent, intentionally or 
not, but the major part of these helmets have 
tops like that of no. 2106 + 2103 (SCE II pi 
CXCII, 1), where the top can never have been 
intended to stand up but is hanging down back 
as a tail. Cf also nos. 1566 (SCE II pi. CXCV, 
1-2), 1567 (SCE H pi. CXCVI, 1), and 1509 
(SCE H pi. CCVII, 1-2 and 4)! On nos. 1010 
+ 1030 (SCE II pi. CCXII, 1—2) it is no more 
the whole top of the helmet that forms the '‘tail” 
but the front piece of it which looks like a sort 
of a handle on top of the head. Cf also no. 1824 
+ 2139 (Figs. 1-2 and SCE D pi. CCVII, 3) 
and no. 1741 (SCE II pi. CCXXXVm, 7-8) 
where the helmet itself is a small round thing, 
but the cheek-pieces and the tail-formed top are 
very big. Such helmets with back-bent tops are 
very rare in other materials than terracotta. On 
the other hand, forwards-curving and stilted 
crests are rare in this material (but cf the crests 
on figs. 21—23!), and among our figurines there 
is none. 

A propos of leather, the cuirasses may be 
mentioned here. There were of course different 
kinds of skin and leather used for them, and 
the one used for helmets ought to have been a 
harder type. If one should judge from the appa- 
rent stiffness of the terracotta statues, the cui- 
rass leather would have been as hard as sole 
leather, but then the whole dress would be made 
of such a stiff material, which cannot seriously 
be presumed. In the chapter above on armour 
and dress the material problem was mentioned 
and it must be maintained here that the terra- 
cotta material somewhat disguises the type of 
material it is supposed to represent If the long 
garments are not mere substitutes for modelled 
legs, so that there was no material whatsoever 
in the sculptor’s mind, a leather garment down 
to the feet will seem to have prevented move- 
ments in a very uncomfortable way and a linen 

• Cf e. g. Y. Yadin, The Art of Warfare in Biblical 
Lands, pp. 418 ff. 


Digitized by ^aOOQle 



one would have done nearly the same without 
even giving as much protection. The long, 
scaled garments of Assyrian archers 9 always 
leave the feet free for walking, and we can 
certainly presume that our feet-hiding “robes” 
are exaggerations. Cf e. g. no. 1052 + 2442 
(SCE II pi. CCXIX, 2)! But half-long garments 
must have been used. Some of the cuirasses 
have seams indicated in a very outspoken way: 
e. g. nos. 2106 + 2103 (SCE II pi. CXC), 1728 
+ 1740 (pi. CXCI, 2-3), or 1144 (SCE II pi. 
XCXVI, 3—4). It seems natural to understand 
these as laced seams, which are normal for 
sewing in leather. Some of the supposed leather 
cuirasses lack indications of seams altogether, 
but there may once have been such ones in 
paint. Others have seams marked out by thin- 
ner, incised lines: nos. 1536 (SCE II pi. CC, 3, 
5) and 1509 (SCE II pi. CCVII, 1-2), which 
give a similar idea of laced seams on the shoul- 
ders. Incised lines are not very much used, 
comparatively seen. Paint has probably been 
used to a rather great extent, to show such de- 
tails as seams and plies of drapery, but there are 
incisions e. g. on nos. 1071 (SCE II pi. CXCV, 
3, 6), 1727 (SCE II pi. CCXI), and 1359 (Fig. 
46). For a similar use of incisions and paint, see 
no. 1821 (SCE II pi. CCXIII, 3, 5), where the 
shoulder seams are incised, while the long side 
seams on the lower part of the garment are 
painted. 

What made the artist use the one or the other 
method, incising or painting? Incisions were 
made before the firing, but the application of 
the paint was made after 10 . Thus the artist 
will often have left such details until after the 
firing, although he must have had a general 
idea of the statue from the beginning. The pain- 
ter may of course also have been another person 
than the sculptor. For hair and beard various 
kinds of incisions were often used: e. g. nos. 

10 Cf R. A. Higgins, Catalogue of the Terracottas 
in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 
British Museum. I. London 1954, pp. 5 and 7. 



Fig . 46. No. 1359. Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm. 


1028 + 2077 (SCE II pi. CCIV), 1044 + 2495 
(SCE n pi. CCVI, 6), 2102 (SCE II pi. 
CXCVII), 2072 + 2075 (SCE II pi. CCXIV) 
and 2374 (SCE II pi. CCVII, 6). On no. 2374 
incisions are also used to indicate scales or 
tusks for the helmet (cf chapter on helmets!). 

The colours must have illustrated much that 
we can only guess at now, because it has disap- 
peard with time, much to our regret. The re- 
maining colours are mostly red and black, 
sometimes with brown, blue, or violet varia- 

51 


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Figs. 47—48. No. 2465. Front and back. 
Cyprus Museum, Nicosia. 


dons. There is usually a buff or light brown slip 
on the often rather red terracotta. Especially in 
earlier periods colours could be applied as 
purely ornamental patterns without any func- 
tional sense, e. g. on animal figurines (cf no. 
2049, SCE II pi. CCXXIV, 4)>». It is probably 
still so with our human figurine no. 2465 (Figs. 
47—48), whose dress is square-patterned. 

Black colour sometimes remains on details 
like helmets (e. g. no. 1363, SCE II pi. CCIII, 
3-4) or beards (e. g. no. 1728 + 1740, SCE II 
pi. CXCI, 2—3), or as a lower border on small 
and larger idols (nos. 92 and 874, SCE II pi. 

11 It was suggested by E. Sjdqvist, op. cit. p. 335, 
that this decoration should be a reminiscence of a 
cult cloth. 

52 


CCXXXII, 13 and 12). The borders of mantles 
indicated in relief are often coloured, e. g. nos. 
1052 + 2442 (SCE II pi. CCXIX,2) or 1141 
(SCE U pL CCXI1, 6-7), where also the folds 
are indicated in paint as well as in relief. But 
on no. 1323 (SCE II pi. CCXXXVIH, 3) only 
colour indicated the mantle which is worn 
obliquely over the breast and one shoulder. 
Similarly the small idol no. 893 (SCE II pi. 
CCXXXI, 3). On many of the small idols the 
painted lines are probably mere decorations for 
the idols seen as idols, rather than illustrating a 
real chiton pattern (cfSCE II pis. CCXXXI— II!). 
But on the larger statues it is otherwise. There 
have probably often been coloured borders at 
the side seams: cf nos. 1821 (SCE II pi. 
CCXIII, 3), 1040 (not illustrated), and 1525 
(SCE II pi. CCXXXVIH, 6). Nos. 1467, 1642 
(not illustrated), and 1980 (BMNE 3, 1963, 
fig. 49) have converging lines on the breast like 
those of a statue in Stockholm without number 
(Fig. 49, neg. no. 2511). These lines illustrate 
folds of the garment rather than a woven pat- 
tern. Cf also the badly damaged no. 2467 + 
Suppl. no. 2802 (BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 35) with 
black borders and a red woven (?) pattern over 
the shoulders! 

Unusually much colour has been preserved 
on no. 1727 (SCE n pis. CCXI and CCXV) 
causing some trouble to the interpreter. The 
“apron” on the lower part of the figure is 
probably the front of an outer, thicker garment, 
worn on top of the thinner one with folds indi- 
cated by incised lines at the bottom. That 
nothing of these garments is worked out on the 
back is rather normal. Backs are usually neglec- 
ted, although there are exceptions like that of 
no. 1028 + 2077 (Fig. 5), where, however, the 
big vent-hole makes sure that the statue was 
only to be seen from the front side. 

A mysterious, painted decoration is the one 
on the tunic of no. 1070 etc. (Fig. 6), which is 
in the catalogue understood as a bag hanging 
from the waist. This does not seem very likely 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


— it may rather be seen as a purely ornamental 
pattern. 

The absence of greaves is total, in the round 
and in paint. As for foot-gear, most of the feet, 
when shown, are naked, but some of the war- 
riors wear sandals: nos. 1 + 1618 + 1619, 1728 
+ 1 740 (SCE II pi. CXCI), 1 1 89 (Figs. 11-12) 
and 1524 + 2333 + 2346 (SCE II pi. CC, 1-2). 
They are all of the same type with thongs 
fastened between the first and the second toe. 

Tassels and fringes are details that our 
artists have rather often shown in the round. 
Such are very rare in stone sculpture 12 . Among 
our statuettes fringes are rather frequent on a 
certain kind of narrow mantle, thrown obliquely 
over one shoulder like an bandolier: e. g. nos. 
909 (BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 51), 1505 a + b (Fig. 
26 and SCE II CCXXXVIII, 5), 1562 and 
1741 (SCE n pi. CCXXXVIII, 4 and 7-8). 
On no. 1016 + 2505 (SCE II pis. CCXVI f.) 
the fringes are diminutive, but on no. 1363 
(SCE II pi. CCm, 3—4) there are magnificent 
fringes, especially those at the lower border. 
No. 2344 + 2324 (SCE II pi. CXCIX, 5-6) has 
fringes round the waist, probably not belonging 
to a mantle but to the lower border of a short 
cuirass. Cf nos. 1070 etc. (Figs. 6—7), 1189 
(Figs. 11—12) and the Kazaphani terracotta 
busts (Figs. 13—15)! 

The fringes of no. 1028 + 2077 (SCE II pi. 
CCVIII) are puzzling. Why the border under 
the fringes? There was obviously no technical 
need for such an extra piece of cloth under the 
fringes of the mantles in other cases. But this 
dress is on the whole mysterious. 

Both fringes and a big tassel decorate the 
skirt of no. 1524 + 2333 + 2346 (SCE II pi. 
CC, 1—2). Most tassels mentioned in the 
catalogue are less impressive and normally 

** Cf /. My res, Handbook of the Cesnola Collec- 
tion, pp. 141 ff. no. 1004; H. B. Walters, Catalogue 
of Sculpture in the Department of Greek and Roman 
Antiquities of the British Museum. I:II. Cypriote and 
Etruscan. London 1931, pp. 31 f. no. C 47, fig. 36; 
In terracotta cf SCE III pi. CCII, 4 (from Arsos)! 



Fig. 49. Without number, Medelhavsmuseet, 

Stockholm. 


53 


Digitized by ^rOOQle 


r 


placed on helmets. No. 2102 (SCE II pi. CCII) 
has two vertical rows of tassels placed like the 
fringes of no. 1524 etc. on the tunic. Rather 
similar are the tassels of no. 1189 (Fig. 12), 
while the slit up side of the tunic of no. 1070 
etc. (Figs. 6—7) is likely to be connected with 
these but there are no tassels. 

The tassels on the helmets are generally smal- 
ler. Those in the necks of e. g. nos. 1 505 a (Fig. 
26) and b are actually no tassels but knots tied so 
as to hold up the cheek-pieces. Other helmet 
tassels are merely decorative: nos. 1071 (SCE 
II pi. CXCV, 3 and BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 20), 
1727 (SCE II pis. CCXI and CCXV, 1), and 
2102 (SCE II pi. CCII). 

Much of the information given by the figuri- 
nes is actually incomplete, so we have to fill 
out the empty space with the help of our imagi- 
nation, either expected to do so from the begin- 
ning or because time and conditions have 
changed the statuettes. Still there are things 
apt for rendering in terracotta, which would 
have given a marble sculptor difficulties to work 
out in his material, above all the stamped or 
drawn incisions and small “pellets” like the 
decorations on shields, arrow-bundles in quivers, 
and much of the horses’ gear on the whole (e. g. 
no. 249 + 115, BMNE 3, 1963, fig. 10!) 

It is not within the scope of this study to 
discuss stylistic and chronological relations of 
the sculpture as such. When he treated the 
subject in the SCE IV:2, Gjerstad much regret- 
ted that e. g. Cypriote sculpture found in Samos 
was not fully published then 18 . In 1962 the 
Cypriote terracottas of Samos were the subject 
of a dissertation in Munich by G. Schmidt, 
which has now appeared in extended form as 
Samos Band VII, published by the German 
Archaeological Institute 14 . Schmidt disagrees 

« Pp. 327 and 332 f. 

14 Kyprische Terrakotten aus dem Heraion von 
Samos. Munchen 1962. Dr Schmidt very kindly lent 
me this typewritten dissertation; Samos VII. Gerhard 
Schmidt, Kyprische Bildwerke aus dem Heraion von 
Samos. Bonn 1968. 

15 Op. cit. pp. 93—98. 

54 


with Gjerstad on some chronological points 1 ". 
There are also others who prefer a higher chro- 
nology than the dates proposed in the SCE 19 
The very special “Cypriote character” of the 
Proto-Cypriote sculpture remains, however. The 
equipment of our figurines is also of a special 
type: e. g. there is nothing of the Greek interest 
in the naked human body, but also nothing of 
Oriental luxury in dressing. The round shields 
of varied sizes but with a (tapering) spike seem 
to be characteristic for Cypriote warriors, even 
if they were not the only ones using round 
shields. The use of leather or linen corslets 
(besides scaled ones) at a time when metal cui- 
rasses began to flourish in Greece does not 
prove that Cyprus lagged behind. The Cyprio- 
tes may have had good reasons for using their 
materials, considering that their fighting tactics 
were different from those of the Greeks, as illu- 
strated by the war chariot groups. Until more is 
known about the use of leather and linen cors- 
lets in surrounding countries, the interconnec- 
tions cannot be established. Both in details and 
seen as a whole the equipment of the Ajia Irini 
figurines confirms the general impression of 
independence from foreign dominance of the 
Proto-Cypriote period. 


11 J. Birmingham, who gives very early dates for 
the Ajia Irini terracotta sculpture, writes in “The 
Chronology of Some Early and Middle Iron Age 
Cypriot sites”. AJA 67, 1963, pp. 15^42, on p. 19: 
“The nonceramic dating evidence is virtually all from 
sculpture” (with reference to Ajia Irini). Cf Gjerstad 
in the SCE II pp. 818 f. on the evidence of scarabs, 
giving the year 663 B. C. as a terminus post quern 
for period 4 of Ajia Irini. More modified opinions, 
based upon ceramic evidence, about the chronology 
of the Cypriote Geometric and Archaic periods are 
expressed by V. Karageorghis — L. G. Kahfl in 
”T6moignages eub6ens k Chypre et chypriotes a 
£r6trie”. An tike Kunst 10, 1967, pp. 133 ff, and 
J. N. Coldstream, Greek Geometric Pottery. London 
1968, pp. 318 ff., 383 f. 


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LIST OF MUSEUMS 


ABBREVIATIONS. 


The Ajia Irini terracottas mentioned in the 
article are now placed as follows: 

Lund, Antikmuseet: 

Nos. 1524 + 2333 + 2346 and 1916. 

Malmo, Malmo Museum: 

Nos. 936 and 1842. 

Nicosia, Cyprus Museum: 

Nos. 1 + 1618 + 1619, 573, 576, 577, 893, 904, 
906+928 + 931, 921, 926+1059, 940, 973, 
991, 1025, 1028 + 2077, 1032, 1052 + 2442, 
1081, 1083, 1107, 1125, 1138, 1141, 1150, 
1151, 1166, 1170, 1189, 1191, 1201, 1257, 
1320, 1323, 1385 + 1530, 1393, 1417, 1454, 
1467, 1470, 1490, 1495, 1505a, 1516, 1536, 
1541, 1562, 1566, 1567, 1588, 1642, 1715, 
1724, 1727, 1729 + 2345, 1741, 1763 + 1845, 
1767, 1780, 1781 + 798, 1782, 1784, 1796, 
1804, 1805, 1821, 1824 + 2139, 1933 + 2378 
+2314, 2000, 2069 + 2087, 2071, 2102, 2106 
+2103, 2169 + 1603 + 2475, 2332 + 2360, 

and 2465. 

Stockholm, Medelhavsmuseet: 

Nos. 33, 249 + 115, 342,804 + 944+ 1338,909, 
930, 1010+1030, — 11, 1016+2505, 1031, 
1037, 1040, 1044 + 2495, 1046, 1049+1054 
+ 1325 + 2799, 1070 + 1072, + 1073 + 1075, 

1071, 1076, 1084, 1123 + 789 + 790+1864 + 
1971, 1124, 1137, 1144, 1196, 1276, 1354, 
1359, 1363, 1369, 1405, 1406, 1416, 1421, 
1427, 1439, 1451, 1465, 1489, 1505b, 1509, 
1525, 1538, 1542, 1564, 1725, 1726+1843, 
1728+1740, 1746, 1747, 1779, 1860, 1980, 
1998, 2072 + 2075, 2079 + 2105, 2100, 2324 
+2344, 2374, 2388 + 2791, 2435, 2439, 2467 
+2802, 2497, 2795, 2797 and one without no. 

Uppsala, Gustavianum: 

Nos. 1099 + 2735 and 1389. 


AA =Archaologischer Anzeiger. 

Beiblatt zum Jahrbuch des 
Deutschen Archaologischen 
Instituts. 

AJA = American Journal of Ar- 

chaeology. 

Annuario = Annuario della (R.) Scuola 

Archeologica di Atene e delle 
missioni Italiane in Oriente. 

BCH = Bulletin de Correspondance 

HelMnique. 

BMNE = Bulletin. The Museum of Me- 

diterranean and Near Eastern 
Antiquities. 

BSA =The Annual of the British 

School at Athens. 

Cesnola, Atlas = L. Palma di Cesnola, A De- 
scriptive Atlas of the Cesnola 
Collection of Cypriote Anti- 
quities in the Metropolitan 
Museum of Art, New York. 
Boston; New York. 1885— 
1903. 

Jdl = Jahrbuch des (K.) Deutschen 

Archaologischen Instituts. 

Op. Athen. = Opuscula Atheniensia. 

SCE =The Swedish Cyprus Expedi- 

tion. 


55 


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arAMrono univkrsitv 

”ftlE MUSEUM OF MEDITERRANEAN AND NEAR EASTERN ANTIQUITIES 

medelhavsmuseeT' 6 * m 

5?5 


[ 

Bengt E. J. Peterson 

keichnungen 
bus einer T otenstadt 


BULLETIN 7—8 1973 


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THE MUSEUM OF MEDITERRANEAN AND NEAR EASTERN ANTIQUITIES 


MEDELHAVSMUSEET 


BUI ETIN 7—8 1973 


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iEICHNUNGEN AUS 
EINER TOTENSTADT 


ildostraka aus Theben-West, 
ire Fundplatze, Themata und Zweckbereiche 
litsamt einem Katalog 
er Gayer-Anderson-Sammlung in Stockholm 


on 

IENGT E. J. PETERSON 


STOCKHOLM 1973 


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© Bengt E. J. Peterson 


Distribution Office: 

Medelhavsmuseet , Storgatan 41, 114 55 Stockholm, Sweden 
ISBN 91-7192-137-0 

Printed by Berlingska Boktryckeriet, Lund 1974 


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Vorwort 


An dieser Stelle mochte der Verfasser alien, die bei 
Jer Gestaltung dieser Arbeit behilflich waren, seinen 
Dank aussprechen. Professor Torgny Save-Soder- 
xrgh in Uppsala hat ihr grosses Interesse entgegen- 
idjracht und wertvolle Ratschlage und Hinweise ge- 
feben, was den Inhalt wie auch die technische Aus- 
fuhrung angeht Einige der hier publizierten Bild- 
Ktraka sind in seinem Seminar in Uppsala diskutiert 
rorden, wobei wichtige Gesichtspunkte zutage traten. 
)r. phil. Beate George, Stockholm, hat bereitwillig 
hre Ansichten mitgeteilt und eine kritische Durch- 
icht vorgenommen und auch viel Arbeit auf die 
leutsche Sprache der Abhandlung verwandt. Dozent 
2arl-Gustaf Styrenius, Stockholm, hat die Arbeit 
reundlich unterstihzt und seine Zustimmung zu ihrer 
tafnahme in die Bulletin-Serie des Medelhavsmuseet 
legeben. Die Fachredakteurin der Universitat Upp- 
ala Gunnel Sj5rs hat die Drucklegung dieser Ab- 
landlung erleichtert, und Frau Brita Eriksson und 
lerr Gunnar Eriksson in Uppsala haben ihre Hilfe 
ei der technischen Ausfiihrung des Tafelteils zur 
ferfiigung gestellt, eine Arbeit, die durch T. Save- 
oderberghs Veranlassung im Victoriamuseum in 
Jppsala ausgefiihrt wurde. 


Da der Verfasser friiher nicht in einer grosseren 
Arbeit die Moglichkeit hatte, denen zu danken, die 
ihn in das Wissen um das alte Agypten eingefiihrt 
haben, mochte er an dieser Stelle Professor Aron 
Borelius, Lund, nennen, der ihn zu der Bekanntschaft 
mit der Agyptologie begeisterte, Mag. art. Eva Rich- 
ter-Aeroe, Kopenhagen, die ihn zuerst in die Welt 
der Hieroglyphen einfuhrte, und die damaligen Leh- 
rer am agyptologischen Institut in Kopenhagen Pro- 
fessor C. E. Sander-Hansen, Professor W. Erichsen 
und Dr. phil. Marie-Louise Buhl. Viele Jahre hat 
dann Professor Torgny Save-Soderbergh bereitwillig 
seine Kenntnisse weitergegeben, und Dozent S. V. 
W&ngstedt, Uppsala, hat wahrend seiner Zeit als 
Museumsvorsteher in Stockholm dem Verfasser mit 
Generositat in verschiedenen wissenschaftlichen Fra- 
gen beigestanden. Aller dieser sowie auch der vielen 
Kollegen, deren Bekanntschaft dem Verfasser zu 
Freude und Nutzen gereichte, sei hiermit dankbar 
gedacht. 

Bengt E. J, Peterson 


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Inhaltsverzeichnis 


Einleitung 9 

Bildostraka aus dem Tal der Konige .... 11 

Darcssys Fundmaterial . 11 

Personen hinter den Bildera 12 

Die Graber im Tal der Konige .... 13 

Ostrakonbilder und Konigsgraber .... 14 

Bilder mit Verbindung zu Privatgrabem . 17 

Votivbilder 19 

Die grossen Tempel und das Ostrakon- 

material 20 

Obungsskizzen — Details und Fragmente . 23 

Technik 24 

Sporadische Ostrakonfunde im Tal der Konige 25 

Zusammenfassung 27 

Bildostraka aus Deir el Medineh 29 

Deutsche Ausgraber in Deir el Medineh . . 29 

Aus der Bilderwelt der Grabmalerei ... 30 

Votivbilder 32 

Bilder aus den Tempeln 33 

Profane Malerei 33 

Literarische Motive 34 

Franzosische Archaologen in Deir el Medineh 35 

Religioses Leben — Kultstellen und G5tter 36 

Der Dekor der Kultkapellen 37 

Hausmalerei 37 

Graber in Theben-West 38 

Palastmalerei 41 

Fundplatze der Bildostraka 42 

Bildthemata 43 

Auswertung und Zusammenfassung .... 52 

Bildostrakonfunde aus Tempeln und Privatgra- 

krn in Theben-West 57 

Funde in Tempeln 57 


Bildostraka aus Privatgrabem 58 

Zusammenfassung 60 

Sammlungen von Bildostraka aus Theben . . 61 

Norman de G. Davies iiber fiinf Ostraka . . 61 

Ein Blick in das Lager der Antiquitatenhand- 

ler 62 

Bilder aus dem Motivkreis des Grabdekors 62 

Bilder mythologischen Inhalts 62 

Tempelbilder 62 

Varia nebst kurzer Zusammenfassung . . 63 

Thebanische Ostraka in deutschen Sammlun- 
gen 63 

Aus dem Motivkreis der Graber .... 63 

Votivbilder 64 

Aus der Tiergeschichte 64 

Die Briisseler Sammlung 64 

Theben und Amama 65 

Die Gayer- Anderson-Sammlung von Bildostraka 

in Stockholm 67 

Katalog 68 

Die kdnigliche Sphare 68 

Die mythologische Sphare 75 

Die private Sphare 88 

A. Bilder aus der Tiergeschichte ... 101 

B. Wochenlaubeszenen 103 

Hieroglyphen — Inschriften und Zeichen- 

iibungen 104 

Schlussbilanz 108 

Anmerkungen Ill 

Zitierte Literatur 122 

Index 133 

Tafel- und Parallelenverzeichnis 141 


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Einleitung 


)straka ist die Bezeichnung fiir Steinsplitter Oder 
mch Tonscherben, die mit Texten Oder Bilddarstel- 
ongen versehen sind. Dieses Material wurde in Agyp- 
cn ausser fur Bilder in sehr grossem Umfange auch 
Sir Texte verwandt. Es ist ein Medium, das in Er- 
nangelung des Schreib- und Zeichenmaterials par 
>ref6renoe Papyrus — teuer und empfindlich — in 
possem Ausmasse Verwendung fand. Ostraka gibt 
s aus alien Epochen der altagyptischen Kultur. 

Bildostraka sind vor allem in Theben gefunden 
rorden. Die, welche in verschiedenen Sammlungen 
wliegen, stammen hauptsachlich aus dem Neuen 
teich, ca 1550 — 1000 v.Chr. Dieses Material besteht 
oeistenteils aus Zeichnungen und Malereien auf 
Lalksteinscherben. Diese sind bei archaologischen 
Jntersuchungen vor allem an einigen bestimmten 
Jtcllen in Theben-West angetroffen worden, haupt- 
achlich im Tal der Konige und im Dorf Deir el 
tfedineh. Es ist vollig klar, dass eine gewisse Gruppe 
r on Kiinstlern aus diesem Dorf Urheber der meisten 
Beser Darstellungen ist. 

Theben-West bildet ein eigenartiges Milieu. Hier 
Hirde wahrend des Neuen Reiches die grosse Felsen- 
prabernekropole angelegt, die Agyptens bedeutendster 
7 riedhof fiir sowohl konigliche als auch private Per- 
onen aus dieser Zeit ist. Hier gab es Traditionen 
ms dem Mittleren Reich, das grossartige Monumente 
n Gestalt von Grabern und Tempeln draussen in den 
fergen gegen die Westwiiste geschaffen hatte in 
felsenmassiven, die von der El Kum-Spitze be- 
lerrscht werden. Im Neuen Reich wurden prachtige 
Tempel der Bergkette entlang in der Ebene beim 
Fluss errichtet, wahrend auf dessen anderem Ufer die 
Heichsheiligtiimer Kamak und Luxor mit standig 
linzukommenden Erweiterungen aufgefiihrt wurden. 
Es sind die koniglichen „Totentempel“, Anlagen fiir 


den Kult des verstorbenen Pharao, die sich entlang 
der Berge erhoben, aber auch Palaste und Garten 
bestimmen das westliche Theben. Die umfassende 
Palaststadt Amenophis’ III., sein grosser kiinstlicher 
See, von einer prangenden Flora umgeben, die stark 
gegen die umgebende Wiiste kontrastierte, befanden 
sich hier. 

Oberall in Theben-West, wenn man sich von der 
Ebene zu den Bergen wandte, wenn man den Weg in 
die Taler einschlug, in denen der Schatten gegen die 
von der Sonne scharf beleuchteten farbenreichen 
rauhen Bergwande steht, stiess man auf Monumente, 
die den Gottern und den Toten geweiht sind. In alien 
diesen fand sich eine charakteristische Bilderwelt, auf 
den Tempelwanden in klaren Farben leuchtend, in- 
nen in den halbdunklen Kammern der Graber auch, 
in die man hineingehen konnte, um dahingegangenen 
Verwandten Opfer darzubringen. In Westtheben hat 
es eigenartige Bildtraditionen gegeben, die von Kiinst- 
lern und Handwerkern, die selbst innerhalb des Ge- 
bietes der Nekropole wohnhaft sein konnten, durch 
Jahrhunderte iiberliefert wurden. 

Diese Abhandlung hat die Absicht, ein Bildmate- 
rial, das eng mit der thebanischen Nekropole verbun- 
den ist, zu prasentieren. Dieses Material von Bildost- 
raka ist zum grossen Teil bei archaologischen Unter- 
suchungen entdeckt worden, aber auch Sammlungen, 
die mit grosser Sicherheit nach Theben verwiesen 
werden konnen, sind Gegenstand der vorliegenden 
Untersuchung, die vor allem ikonographischer Art 
ist. Es soil der Versuch unternommen werden, ver- 
schiedene Bildthemata zu prazisieren und ihre 
Zweckbereiche zu untersuchen, zu sehen, inwieweit 
dieses Ostrakonmaterial mit der Bilderwelt, die auf 
verschiedenen thebanischen Denkmalem belegt ist, 
zusammenhangt, aber auch, inwieweit es besondere 

9 


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Ziige aufweist, die das Vorhandensein von Bildthe- 
mata, die sonst nicht bekannt oder erhalten sind, an- 
deuten konnten. Mit Rilcksicht auf die starke Ambi- 
valenz, die das Material kennzeichnet — die Viel- 
deutigkeit, die eine exakte Klassifizienmg sehr er- 
schwert — kann kaum eine strenge Methode ange- 
wandt werden. Es ist notwendig, dem Material zu 
folgen und eine Beurteilung nach und nach sich 
bilden zu lassen. Eine praktiscbe Einteilung kann die 
topographische sein. Wir beginnen damit zu betrach- 
ten, welcher Art der Ostrakonfund ist, der in dem 
isolierten und etwas abseits gelegenen Tal der Kdnige 
zutage gefordert wurde. Daran schliesst sich eine 
Analyse der Funde aus dem Wohnort der Kiinstler 
an, wobei viele interessante Faktoren dem Bikle der 
kunstlerischen Tatigkeit neue ZUge verleihen werden. 
Danach soli betrachtet werden, was bei Tempeln und 


Privatgrabem gefunden worden ist, Ostraka, die gan 
andere Urheber als die zur Deir el Medineh-Grupp 
Gehorigen haben konnen. Wenn man auf diese Weis 
ein Bild der grossen Fundkomplexe gewonnen un 
ihre Eigenart gesehen hat, kann es wichtig sein, di 
Struktur des Materials unskherer Herkunft zu sti 
dieren. Gibt es etwas darm, was von der oder de 
Linien, die im Material von bekannten Fundorte 
vorherrschend sind, abweicht? 

Eine der grossten Ostrakongruppen ohne exakl 
Provenienzangabe befmdet sich im Medelhavsmusti 
in Stockholm. Sie ist fa9t ganz unpubliziert und so 
im Rahmen dieser Abhandhmg veroffentlicht werdei 
Sie soil hier wie die anderen Gruppen von Bile 
ostraka prasentiert und ausserdem in Gestalt dm 
dokumentierten Kataloges behandelt werden. 


10 






Bildostraka aus dem Tal der Konige 


I 


Wessys Fundmaterial 

Me erste grossere Sammlung Bildostraka, die zusam- 
oengetragen wurde, besteht aus den Funden, die 
j. Daressy machte, als er im Marz — April 1888 
we i von den Felsgrabem im Tal der Konige sau- 
lerte 1 . Es handelte sich um die Graber Nr. 6 und 
fr. 9, die Ramses IX. bzw. Ramses VI. gehorten, 
bs ietzte eines der am besten erhaltenen und pracht- 
ollsten von alien im Tal der Konige. Sie liegen ein 
jutes Stuck von einander entfemt und sind in zwei 
janz unabhangige Felsmassive hineingeschlagen. In 
len Gangen der Graber stiess Daressy auf Ostraka, 
owohl solche mit Inschriften allein als auch solche 
ait Bildem darauf. Er sagt in semem viele Jahre 
pater veroffentlichten Bericht, dass er sie gesammelt 
■abe „dans les decombres qui occupaient les tran- 
bees“*, und er gibt an, dass sich in Grab Nr. 6 
twa hundert, in Nr. 9 ungefahr die doppelte Anzahl 
and. Dies gilt fur beide Typen, Text- und Bildostra- 
a. In Grab Nr. 6 gab es anscheinend nicht viele 
Wdostraka — die, welche daher stammen, waren 
ach Daressys Beurteilung grob und schlecht aus- 
cfuhrt. Die Ostraka, die innen in den Grabera ge- 
onden wurden, konnten dorthin gelangt sein, nach- 
tm die Graber am Ende des Neuen Reiches ge- 
lundert worden waren, etliche konnten aber zum 
chutt gehoren, der nie ausgeraumt wurde. Es geht 
us Daressys Darstellung nicht hervor, was beim 
Kngang und was im Innem der Graber gefunden 
worden ist. 

Aus Grab Nr. 9 stammte also der Hauptanteil 
tildostraka dieses grossen Fundes im Tal der Konige. 
Hese sollten nach Daressy von bedeutend hoherer 
huditat in der AusfUhrung sein als die aus Grab 
fr. 6. Unter diesen Bildern befanden sich keine — 


sagt Daressy — die direkt mit dem Grabdekor zu 
tun hatten: „oe sont des simples exercises pour s’en- 
tretenir la main, ex6cut6s par les scribes charges de 
la surveillance des travaux“\ Unter diesen Ostraka 
fand sich ausserdem eine Planskizze fur ein Konigs- 
grab, die zusammen mit einem Papyrus in Turin ein 
wichtiges Dokument bildet; das Bild gibt jedoch 
nicht den Plan des Grabes, in dem es gefunden wur- 
de, wieder, sondera den von Nr. 6, Ramses’ IX. 
Grab 4 . 

Daressys Fundmaterial wurde nach Kairo ge- 
bracht, und 1901 lag sein Katalog uber Ostraka im 
Museum von Kairo vor 5 . Beim Transport waren die 
Scherben aus den beiden Grabera durcheitnander ge- 
raten, so dass es fur Daressy nicht mehr moglich 
war, die Herkunft fur eine Anzahl von ihnen an- 
zugeben; er konnte nicht immer „indiquer Torigine 
exacte de chacun d*eux“*. Deshalb konnen die Ostra- 
ka niemals mit absoluter Sicherheit einem der zwei 
Graber zugewiesen werden. 

In Daressys Katalog erscheint auch eine Anzahl 
Ostraka mit bildlichen Darstellungen, die aus andera 
Grabem im Tal der Konige stammen. Aus dem 
Grabe Ramses’ III., Nr. 11, wohlbekannt seit dem 18. 
Jahrhundert und in akerer Literatur oft als Bruce's 
tomb nach dem beruhmten Reisenden zu den Quellen 
des Nils zitiert, kommen zwei Bildositraka (D 25 008 & 
25 013). Aus Grab Nr. 37, unvollendet und vielleicht 
nie benutzt, kommt dagegen eine grossere Anzahl 7 . 
Es sieht aus, als ob dieses Grab als zeitweUiger 
Aufenthaltsort fiir Arbeiter und Schreiber im Graber- 
tal gedient habe. Die Scherben, die sie mit Text und 
Bild versahen, blieben dort liegen, tief innen im Ost- 
teil des Tales, weit entfemt von den Grabera der 
Ramessidenzeit. 

Von Fundorten ausserhalb des Tales der Konige 

11 


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sind in Daressys Katalog Mit Rahineh und Sakkara 
durch je cm Ostrakon reprasentiert (D 25 142 bis A 
25 147), sonst umfasst dieser nur Bildostraka aus dem 
Tal der Konige, die, wie gezeigt werden soil, eine 
geschlossene Gruppe aus einer relativ kurzen Epoche 
am Ende des Neuen Reiches bilden. 


Personen hinter den Bildern 

In den Inschriften auf einigen der Bildostraka, die 
Daressy vorlegt, findet sich eine Reihe Namen und 
Titel von Privatpersonen. Diese Angaben kommen 
hauptsachlich auf den Scherben vor, die als Votiv- 
gaben interpretiert werden konnen; Titel und Name 
des Stifters und oft auch ein Verwandter, vieileicht 
Vater oder Bruder, sind erwahnt. Es ist eine kleine 
Gruppe Privatpersonen, die in diesen Inschriften vor- 
kommt, und ihre Titel erlauben uns schnell, sie zu 
bestimmen. Sie sind auf verschiedene Weise verbun- 
den mit dem Konigsgrab und der Nekropole, „dem 
Platz der Wahrheit‘\ also mit der Gruppe aus der 
Handwerkersiedlung Deir el Medineh, und sind als 
Schreiber oder Handwerker beschaftigt. Sie konnen 
ausserdem Priestertitel tragen oder auf andere Weise 
in Verbindung mit ihren Schreiber- oder Handwer- 
kertiteln ihre Beziehung zu dem speziellen Schutz- 
herm der Handwerkersiedlung Konig Amenophis I. 
andeuten, der den besonderen Kult der Deir el Me- 
dineh-Bewohner genoss*. 

So kommen nicht nur die Titel „Schreiber“ (s$) 
und „Kdniglicher Schreiber 4 * (sS nswt) allein vor, 
sondern auch der Zusatz „zugehorig zum Herm der 
beiden Lander am Platz der Wahrheit 44 (n nb fiwy 
m st mYty. Ebenso wird der haufige Titel ..Zeichner 44 
oder „Maler“ (s$ kdwt) manchmal mit diesem Zusatz 
verbunden. Dieser letzte Titel ist fast der einzige vor- 
kommende Handwerkertitel. Manchmal wird er auch 
verbunden mit „am Platz der Wahrheit 44 (m st m^t) 
'oder mit dem Zusatz, der sich auf das Konigsgrab 
bezieht, „im Horizon t der Ewigkeit 44 (m 1ft/ nhh). Ein 
paarmal kommen Leiter fur Arbeitergruppen von 
Deir el Medineh vor (ftry iswt m st m**/) 10 , und mehr- 
mals ist die ziemlich neutrale, allgemeine Bezeich- 
nung fur eine Zugehorigkeit zur Deir el Medineh- 
Gruppe belegt, „Diener am Platz der Wahrheit 44 
(sdm ( s m st m^t). Einmal ist ein „Koniglicher Mund- 
schenk, zugehorig zum Herrn der beiden Lander 44 
( wdpw nswt n nb rtwy) erwahnt, den man sich natur- 
lich als Amtstrager bei einem lebenden Konig vor- 

12 


stellen kann, wenn er nicht zu dem Hofstaat eine 
toten Herrschers gehorte. I 

Unter den Priestertiteln kommen medrigere Grad 
wie „Gottesvater“ (i/-n|r) und „Reinigungspriester < 
(w'b) vor, aber auch die selteneren Titel „Kammei 
herr 44 (imy-ft/i/) — mit dem Zusatz „zugehorig zi 
Amun 44 bzw. , zugehorig zum Herm der beiden Lan 
der am Platz der Wahrheit 44 (n tmn bzw. n nb Bwy ■ 
st mVt) — und .Jloherpriester 44 (ftm-nfr rpy), diese 
letzte verbunden mit dem „Herm der beiden Lai 
der 44 , also in diesem Falle wohl Amenophis I. 

In einigen Fallen sind historisch wohlbekann* 
Privatpersonen genannt, die nicht zur Deir el M< 
dineh-Gruppe gehorten, die aber mit Sicherheit do 
Arbeitern im Grabertal bekannt gewesen sein diirftei 
Dies gilt teils fur den Hohenpriester des Amun Rana 
sesnacht und teils fur den Wesir NeferrenpeL Da 
erste ist bekannt aus der Zeit Ramses’ IV. und seine 
unmittelbaren Nachfolger 11 , der andere begann unte 
demselben Regenten seine Laufbahn, urn seine Std 
lung bis zur Zeit Ramses’ VI. innezuhaben 1 *. 

Hauptsachlich ist es gerade die 20. Dynastie nad 
Ramses III., welche diese BOdostraka zu reprasen 
tieren scheinen. Betrachtet man, welche Privatpet 
sonen von Deir el Medineh vorkommen, so weisa 
ihre Namen, trotz grosser Identifizierungsschwierig 
keiten, da viele Namen in dem onomastischen Mate 
rial dieses Ortes Homonyme sind, ziemlich einheitlid 
auf diese Dynastie. Mehrere Personen im Ostrakon 
material finden sich zweifellos in der onomastischd 
Sammlung, die B. Bruy&re zusammengestellt und sai 
sonweise in seinen Grabungsberichten von Deir t 
Medineh wiedergegeben hat, wieder. Die, welche mi 
ziemlich grosser Sicherheit identifiziert werden kofl 
nen, wie der mit vielen Titeln versehene Schreibc 
tmn-htp, sein ebenfalls titelreicher Bruder P>-n-t>-wrl 
der Zeichner Nb-nfr, der Arbeitsleiter und Schreibei 
Nht-m-mwt, der Zeichner &ri u.a., diese habd 
wahrend der 20. Dynastie gelebt, soweit man mi 
B. Bruy&res auf ein reiches Material gegriindeta 
Datierungen folgen darf. 

Betrachtet man die Ostraka mit Konigsnamen, z.H 
die Namen bei dem Bild eines Konigs, bekommt ma 
dasselbe Resultat. Am haufigsten kommt der Naini 
Ramses’ IV. vor. Keine Bildostraka aus dem Materia 
mit Konigsnamen sind friiher als Ramses III., dessel 
Name nur auf den beiden Ostraka erscheint, die bd 
oder in seinem Grab gefunden wurden. Dann sini 
Konigsnamen bis zum Ende der 20. Dynastie belegt 
Wenn man das Material, das aus dem abgelegenei 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Irab Nr. 37 kommt, gesondert betrachtet, erhalt 
lan ein entsprechendes Bild. Es sind die Konige 
fer 20. Dynastie, die erscheinen, mit Ramses IV. als 
rstem und zahlenmassig haufigstem Reprasentanten. 

tie Graber im Tal der Konige 

Im einen Hintergrund fur eine Behandlung des auf 
en Scherben vorliegenden Bildmaterials zu gewin- 
en 7 ist es wichtig, die Konigsgraber und ihren Dekor 
u untersuchen, nicht zuletzt deswegen, weil viele 
lldelemente in diesen wiederholt auf dem Ostrakon- 
laterial vorkommen. Daressys Behauptung, dass kein 
lotiv „en rapport direct avec la decoration de la 
Kobe" 1 * sei, kann bei naherer Untersuchung nicht 
nfrechterhalten werden. Wichtig ist auch zu sehen, 
as bei diesem Material als Ganzem fehlt, wenn 
lan es mit Ostrakongruppen von anderen Fundstel- 
n in Theben vergleicht. Es wird klar werden, dass 
cwisse Gruppen von Darstellungen hier gar nicht 
elegt sind, die man in spater gefundenem Ostrakon- 
fcaterial aus z.B. Deir el Medineh selbst findet. Es ist 
inz deutlich, dass die Umgebung und die Beschafti- 
ungen, die die Manner von Deir el Medineh im Tal 
er Konige hatten, dem dort gefundenen Scherben- 
laterial sein Geprage gaben. 

Von Amenophis I. an, dessen Grab nicht gefunden 
wrden, dessen Tempel aber lokalisiert ist, also vom 
infang der 18. Dynastie an legen die agyptischen 
Lonige ihre Graber im Tal der Konige an 14 , also in 
iheben — dem religiosen Zentrum, das so bedeu- 
ingsvoll und reich an ehrwiirdigen Traditionen des 
littleren Reiches ist. Die Graber werden angelegt 
of eine Art, die teilweise an altes Herkommen an- 
nupft, teilweise aber Anderungen mit sich bringt. 
ladikal t remit man Grab und Kultanlage — die 
icmpel, in denen die notigen Opfer und Zeremonien 
httfinden konnen, legt man in der Ebene vor den 
©hen Westbergen an der Grenze zur Wiiste an, 
Ahrend das eigentliche Grab in den Berg hineinge- 
auen wird, wie es schon Generationen friiher fur 
Kirsten wie fur Privatpersonen in der thebanischen 
iekropole geschehen ist. Diese Massnahme kann 
bren Grund in der Gefahr der Grabplunderung ha- 
«n, die sicher immer drohte — wir sehen an den 
©niglichen Grabern der 12. und 13. Dynastie, die 
©ch Pyramidenform haben, deutlich eine emeute 
fendenz, die Grabkammer so unzuganglich wie mog- 
kh zu machen. In Theben nun grenzt man bald — 
icher seit Thutmosis I. — ein Tal in den Westbergen 


fur die Konigsgraber ab. Nur ausnahmsweise wurden 
Privatpersonen hier begraben in diesem Tal, das 
streng bewacht und im Prinzip geschlossen war. Un- 
zuganglich, schweigend und einsam sollte es liegen. 
Und im Innera der massiven Berge, nackten Felsen 
ohne Pflanzenwuchs, sollten Generationen von Ko- 
nigen verborgen liegen, umschlossen von ihren Sargen 
innerhalb von Sarkophagen, umgeben von ihren 
Schatzen, von ihren magisch wirkenden Geraten und 
von dem ganzen Arsenal magischer Texte und Bilder, 
das auf die Verwandlung des Konigs vom Tode zum 
Leben, von Mensch zu Gott abzielte. So hatte es 
sein sollen in alle Ewigkeit, wenn nicht alles brutal 
umgestiirzt worden ware durch die grossen Grabrau- 
berligen, die hier vor allem am Ende des Neuen 
Reiches tatig waren, aber auch schon friiher, in der 
18. Dynastie 16 . Die Graber wurden geleert, die Ko- 
nigsmumien aufgerissen auf der Jagd nach Gold und 
Wertgegenstanden, und dann war es die gute Tat der 
Priester, die Reste der alten Herrscher zu verbergen 16 . 
Nur Tutanchamuns Grab ist einer vollstandigen 
Plunderung entgangen. Hier also legte man funf Jahr- 
hunderte lang Konigsgraber an im vollen Bewusstsein 
der Pliinderungsgefahr, hier fiihrte man kontinuier- 
lich in feierlichen und von unzahligen Zeremonien 
begleiteten Begrabnisziigen die Mumien der Konige 
— mit Ausnahme der des Konigs Echnaton — in das 
unterirdische Reich hinab, das die Graber reprasen- 
tierten. 

Im allgemekien ist der innere Dekor der Konigs- 
graber, polychrome Bilder und Texte auf Wanden 
und Decke, gleichartig, obwohl er unerhort vielfaltig 
aussieht. Die Bilder, die hier vorkommen, geben nicht 
wie in Privatgrabern aus vor allem der ersten Halfte 
des Neuen Reiches Szenen aus Alltags- und Festtags- 
leben mit Einschlag einiger religios betonter Dar- 
stelhingen, in denen den Gottera oder dem Grabbe- 
sitzer geopfert wird oder in denen er die Herren der 
Unterwelt und der Gefilde der Seligen trifft, wieder. 
In den Konigsgrabem dominieren fast ganz religiose, 
mythologische Darstellungen, die verschiedene Text- 
und Bildgruppen bilden: Pfortenbuch, Hohlenbuch, 
Aker-Buch, Totenbuch, Amduat, Buch vom Tage und 
der Nacht, Mundoffnungsbuch, Buch der Himmels- 
kuh und das Buch mit Re-Hymnen 17 , die neben den 
Texten auch Reihen von Gottern und einzelne Szenen 
mit mythologischen Vorgangen enthalten. Dieser 
ganze Typ von Dekoration hat seinen Ursprung in 
Handschriften auf Papyrusrollen. Dies tritt deutlich 
in den Konigsgrabem der 18. Dynastie hervor, wo 

13 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



die Wande gleichsam mit einem ausgebreiteten Papy- 
rus bedeckt und Text und Bilder vom Duktus des 
Schreibpinsels in schwarzen Linien gepragt sind. Erst 
mit dem Grabe Amenophis’ III. andert sich dies, eine 
stilistische Erneuerung findet statt, und die Bilder auf 
den Grabwanden werden der gelaufigen Relief- und 
Malkunst der Zeit angenahert. 

Ausser den mythologischen Szenen, die zu den 
erwahnten Text- und Bildsammlungen gehoren, von 
denen die meisten fast ohne Ausnahme nur in Ko- 
nigsgrabern vorkommen 19 — Mitglieder der Konigs- 
familie konnen sie jedoch auch haben, wie mehrere 
Beispiele im Tal der Koniginnen zeigen 19 — kann 
man eine Anzahl Szenen feststellen, die haufig ohne 
Verbindung zu den ,3iichern“ an verschiedenen Stel- 
len in den Grabero vorkommen konnen. Die hau- 
figste Szene ist ein Bild des Konigs opfernd oder 
anbetend, oft vor Gottem stehend. Er kann auch 
zusammen mit Gottern dargestellt werden, wie er 
von ihnen gefUhrt wird oder sich auf andere Weise in 
ihrer Gesellschaft befindet. Gotter konnen auch allein 
vorkommen als Schutzer an verschiedenen Stellen des 
Grabes, z.B. auf Turpfosten, oder auch in loser Ver- 
bindung zu Opferszenen z.B. auf Pfeilern. Weiterhin 
erscheinen verschiedene dekorative Elemente, die oft 
wiederholt werden, z.B. die Geiergottin, die mit ihren 
Fliigeln den Konig beschiitzt, die gefliigelte Sonnen- 
scheibe, Hathorkopfe auf Pilastem, Kobras, Skara- 
baen usw. Ausserdem gibt es oft eine sogenannte 
astronomische Decke, eine Himmelsdarstellung, in 
der verschiedene, haufig komposite Gestalten Stem- 
konstellationen und Himmelskdrper reprasentieren 
konnen. 

Es gibt nur wenige Ausnahmen von dem gewohn- 
lichen Typus des Dekorprogrammes. Tutanchamuns 
Grab hat ein verkiirztes und ist in gewisser Weise 
eigenartig — der abgebildete Leichenzug gehort mehr 
zur Tradition der Privat- als der Konigsgraber — 
aber dieses Grab nimmt eine Sonderstellung ein und 
ist wahrscheinlich nicht das urspriinglich fur den 
jungen Konig geplante. Das ansonsten fruheste Bei- 
spiel fiir eine Abweichung von dem regularen Sche- 
ma ist Konig Ejes Grab, in dem es zwei einzigartige 
Szenen gibt. In der einen jagt der Konig zusammen 
mit seiner Konigin Nilpferde mit der Harpune* 0 , in 
der anderen erscheint er auf einem Papyrusboot, teils 
zusammen mit der Konigin, teils bei der Vogeljagd 91 . 
Beide Motive kommen in Privatgrabem in Theben 
aus derselben Dynastie vor; die Nilpferdjagd hat 
klar religiose Bedeutung”, die Vogeljagd indessen ist 

14 


vielleicht nicht auf gleiche Weise mit religioser Syn 
bolik verbunden. Was die Nilpferdjagd und vielleid 
auch die Vogeljagd angeht, so konnten die Bikk 
hier Ersatz fiir Rundskulpturen sein; in TutancJ 
amuns Grab sind ja Skulpturen gefunden worden, 4 
den Konig bei der Jagd wiedergeben” 

Das andere Beispiel fiir eine markante Abweichui 
von den regularen Szenen befindet sich im Gn 
Ramses' III. In einigen Seitenraumen findet sich ea 
Vielfalt von Szenen, die das tagliche Leben schilder 
Szenen eines Typs, der sonst zu Privatgrabem ai 
der ersten Halfte des Neuen Reiches gehort 94 . Hii 
gibt es Backer, Koche, Schlachter, Brauer und Lede 
arbeiter in voller Tatigkeit. Hier kommen Schiffe ai 
dem Nil mit vollen Segeln, hier erscheinen Harfei 
spieler* 9 . An anderen Stellen im Grabe ist auch dj 
Leben im Jaru-Gefilde geschildert, also Szenen a 
religiosem Hintergrund, die zum Repertoire 4 
Totenbuches gehoren und die sonst in Privatgrabel 
vorkommen, nicht aber in Konigsgrabem. In diesi 
Bildem kann man Pfliigen, Saat und Emte sehe 
Ackerbau wie im Alltagsleben. Abgebildet sind aui 
Gegenstande, die zur Grabausriistung gehoren: Be 
ten, Kopfstiitzen, Gefasse verschiedener Typo 
Schlitten, Felle, Kisten, Korbe, Stiihle, Bogen, Schi 
de und andere Waffen usw., also Reihen von Ged 
ten, die als Elemente im Grabdekor eine lange G 
schichte haben und deren Ursprung in dem sogj 
nannten „Geratefries“ vom Ende des Alten ReidM 
gesucht werden muss* 9 . Eine Szene ausserdem, d 
eines der altesten ikonographischen Themata un to 
den Darstellungen des Konigs bildet und die in ui 
zahligen Zusammenhangen auftritt, aber sonst in d4 
Konigsgrabem fehlt, ist das Bild des Konigs, 4 
seine Waffe gegen Feinde schwingt; in einem Koi 
ridor ist Ramses III. in dieser traditionellen Haltui 
abgebildet”. 

Ostrakonbilder und Konigsgraber J 

Zahlreiche Ostraka aus Daressys Fund tragen Bildt 
des agyptischen Konigs. Darstellungen Pharaos kofl 
men ja viele Male auf Monumenten aller Art 
von kolossalen Tempelwanden bis zu Miniaturbilda 
der KJeinkunst und des Kunsthandwerkes. Wei 
man das Material dieser Konigsbilder auf DaressJ 
Ostraka betrachtet, wird man feststellen, dass did 
nicht von traditionellen Wiedergaben abweichen. Vd 
sucht man, eine Verbindung zwischen den Biidei 
auf Ostraka und denen in den Konigsgrabem hd 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



BteUen, so ist dieses leicht; man wird finden, dass 
ese Ostraka sich eng an Bilder des Konigs in den 
rabem anschliessen lassen. 

Es ist oben gesagt worden, dass Darstellungen des 
Rfemden oder anbetenden Konigs neben Illustra- 
men zu den „Buchem“ in den Grabern am haufig- 
sn sind. Bei einer Klassifizierung von Daressys 
itraka kann man folgende Typen von Bildern mit 
m Konig allein feststellen: 

der Konig stehend, Werhrauch und Libation dar- 
brmgend**. 

der Kdnig stehend mit Weihrauch”. 
der Konig stehend mit zwei nw-Gefassen* 0 . 
der Konig kniend mit zwei nw-Gefassen* 1 . 
der Konig kniend und opfemd**. 
der Kdnig stehend, eine Hand betend erhoben”. 
i der Konig stehend, beide Hande betend erhoben 34 . 
der Konig stehend, ein Szepter haltend”. 
der Konig stehend, ein langes Szepter haltend 9 *. 

enn man diese Gruppe von Konigsdarstellungen 
trachtet, kann man konstatieren, dass diese Bilder 
Uig gelaufiger Art sind. Wenn zu einem Bild eine 
there Verbindung in Form einer exakten Parallele 
th nicht anfUhren liess, so ist dies von geringer 
rfeutung. Diese Bilder sind alle solcherart, dass 
in sie prinzipiell in mehreren verschiedenen Zu- 
mmenhangen erwarten darf, in denen der Konig 
t Hauptperson ist. Es liegt nahe, diese Bilder als 
irlagen, Skizzen oder Obungen fur Darstellungen 
den Konigsgrabem zu betrachten. Es muss aber 
tmtrichen werden, dass ihr Charakter so allgemein 
» dass man sie als Reprasentanten eines festen Be- 
indteiles in dem kanonischen t) bungs material des 
r den Konig arbeitenden Kunstlers betrachten 
uss. Auch Details solcher Bilder wie z.B. Konigs- 
pfe sind zahlreich vorhanden in Daressys Material 
» 25 021, 25 072, 25144£f.). Konigshaupt, Profil 
s Herrschers und seine Krone sind wiederholt auf 
dksteinscherben gezeichnet worden — dieses Ma- 
tial ist iiberall legio, wo man auf Kiinstlerskizzen 
fft, Zeichnungen sowohl wie Reliefs”. 

Dass die Konigsbilder zu einem Skizzenmaterial 
horen, wird auch aus dem Umstand klar, dass 
chrere Ostraka dieser Art auch andere Bilder tra- 
il, Z.B. einen Falken und ein Szepter, Hieroglyphen- 
ichen, einen Stier, eine Krokodilgottheit, einen Vo- 
1 und verschiedene Kritzeleien und Markierungen 
1 25 022, 25 012, 25 021, 25 013, 25 016, 25 015). 


Soweit man Daressys Lesung der Konigsnamen, 
die auf einigen Ostraka vorkommen — sie sind nicht 
immer deutlich lesbar auf seinen Abbildungen — 
trauen darf, haben diese Ostraka keine Verbindung 
mit den Grabern, bei denen sie gefunden worden 
sind, die meisten tragen den Namen Ramses’ IV. Eine 
Ausnahme bilden die beiden Ostraka, die aus dem 
Grabe Ramses’ III. stammen; sie weisen beide den 
Namen dieses Konigs auf (D 25 008 & 25 013). 

In einem Falle kommt das Bild einer Konigin vor, 
die zwei Sistra hochhalt (D 25 126). Dies ist eine 
Darstellung, die man gem als thematische Parallele 
zu den Bildern des opferaden Konigs ansehen moch- 
te und die man zum Dekor eines Koniginnengrabes 
in Beziehung setzen konnte. Aber in diesem Falle 
kann es sich sehr wohl wie bei den meisten Konigs- 
darstellungen auch um ein Bild aus einer ganz an- 
deren Denkmalergruppe handeln wie z.B. den Ste- 
lendarstellungen. Auf einer Stele in einer englischen 
Sammlung z.B. erscheint die Konigin Ahmes-Nefer- 
tere mit Sistra vor Amun-Re**. Dies ist ein privates 
Monument, mit dem ein Einzelner mit der vergott- 
lichten Konigin als Mittlerin Amun-Re, den Gotter- 
konig, anruft* 9 . Ahnlich konnten natiirlich die Bilder 
des Konigs interpretiert werden — anhand dieses 
Beispiels sehen wir deutlich etwas von der Ambiva- 
lenz des Materials. 

Wenn man die Ostraka betrachtet, die Gotter wie- 
dergeben, stellt man schnell fest, dass diese Dar- 
stellungen in der Regel leicht mit Bildern in den 
Konigsgrabem zu verbinden sind. Aber andererseits 
sind auch diese Darstellungen so allgemeinen Charak- 
ters, dass man sie ebenso wie die Konigsbilder — 
und vielleicht noch mehr als diese — als Bestandteil 
des Bilderschatzes ansehen muss, mit dem der Ktinst- 
ler taglich und stundlich zu tun hatte. Nicht nur in 
Konigs- und Privatgrabera, sondem auch in Tem- 
peln und auf religiosen Monumenten aller Art wie 
Stelen, Votivbildem, Amulet ten usw. kommen diese 
Bilder vor. Es ist deshalb von Interesse, Daressys 
Material aus dem Tal der Konige daraufhin zu unter- 
suchen, welche Gotter darin vertreten sind, die gar 
nicht in den Konigsgrabem vorkommen. Soweit es 
auf der Basis der leider summarischen Publikationen, 
aber mit Hilfe des Repertoireverzeichnisses in der 
topographischen Bibliographic von B. Porter und 
R. Moss festzustellen moglich ist, waren die Gott- 
heiten, die von den Konigsgrabem auszuschliessen 
sind — und hier sind auch die Bilder eingeschlossen, 

15 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



die unten, wenn auch manchmal lose, in die Gruppe 
der Votivbilder gewiesen werden sollen — der ver- 
gottlichte Amenophis I. (D 25 005, 25 010, 25 011, 
25 014), Reschef (D 25 063), Bes (D 25 071) und 
Sobek (D 25 013) sowie die Triade von Elephantine, 
Chnum, Anukis und Satis (D 25 060). Von diesen 
Gottera hat besonders Amenophis 1. eine ganz spe- 
zielle Beziehung zu den Leuten von Deir el Medineh; 
Reschef ist ein vorderasiatischer Gott, der vermutlich 
eine Kultanlage in Westtheben hatte 4 * und der ein 
paarmal, aber nicht oft, auf Monumenten der Deir el 
Medineh-Gruppe vorkommt 41 . Der zwergengestaltige 
Bes ist unendlich oft auf alien erdenklichen Monu- 
menten abgebildet, er gehort zu den popularsten Gdt- 
tem und fehlt natiirlich nicht in den Konigsgrabem, 
obwohl er nicht im Wanddekor aufzutreten scheint — 
er ist auf Gegenstanden funeraren Charakters, die 
Teil der Grabausstattung waren, vorgekommen — 
aus Tutanchamuns Grab gibt es Beispiele dafiir, 
z.B. im Dekor eines Bettes 4 *. Der Krokodilgott Sobek 
ist nicht so haufig auf thebanischen Monumenten 
belegt; man kann ihn aber z.B. auf dem Relieffrag- 
ment eines Privatmannes aus Deir el Medineh, ge- 
funden im Grab Nr. 37 im Tal der Konige, also 
dem Fundplatz mehrerer von Daressys Ostraka 4 *, 
Oder auf anderen Darstellungen aus Deir el Medineh, 
vor allem Stelen 44 , wiederfinden. Die Triade von Ele- 
phantine hat nicht unwahrscheinlich eine besondere 
Bedeutung gerade fiir die Bewohner von Deir el 
Medineh gehabt. In Theben treffen wir sie auf Denk- 
malern nur dieser Gruppe, auf Stelen z.B. 4 * sowie in 
einem Privatgrab 4 *, an. 

Die iibrigen Gotter, die in Daressys Material be- 
legt sind, kommen grosstenteils im Standardpro- 
gramm fiir den Dekor eines Konigsgrabes vor. Es 
ist eine Anzahl der am besten bekannten Gotter der 
agyptischen Mythologie. Es verdient festgehalten zu 
werden, dass keiner von ihnen fiir die Konigsgraber 
exklusiv ist. Auf den Scherben sieht man Bilder von 
Re-Harachte (D 25 043), Horns als Falken mit Dop- 
pelkrone (D 25 030, vielleicht auch 25 174), Osiris 
(D 25 056, 25 264), Nephthys (D 25 070), Isis (D 
25 067, 25 069), Ptah (D 25 054, 25 028 bis), Amun 
(D 25 047—25 050, 25 141), der thebanischen Triade 
Amun, Mut und Chons (D 25 058), Hapi(?) (D 
25 141), Meretseger (D 25 173, 25 174[?]), Thoeris 
(D 25 064), Heh 47 . Weiterhin kommen gottliche We- 
sen wie Paviane mit Pektoralen (D 25 097, 25 099 
vielleicht 25 067), eine Schlange mit zwei Beinen 
(D 25 153), die Beziehungen zu Darstellungen eines 

16 


Unterweltsbuches 4 * haben konnte, und einige oid 
naher zu identifizierende Gottinnen (D 25 07J 
25 073, 25 127) vor. Eine Sphinx syrischen Typs gj 
hort zu der Art gottlicher Wesen, die als dekorative 
aber magisch geladenes Element in verschiedeoc 
Zusammenhangen auftreten kann, z.B. auf Thrones 
oder auf anderen Mobeln; das Bild einer solchen ai 
einem Ostrakon (D 25 090) ist im Prinzip nicht oh| 
Bezug zum Dekor der Konigsgraber. 

Bei den verhaltnismassig wenigen Ostraka, 4 
mythologische Szenen, in denen Gotter zusamna 
auftreten oder in denen der Konig ihnen opfei 
wiedergeben, sieht man die Verbindung zum Bill 
programm der Konigsgraber deutlich. Zwei Bild 
zeigen den Konig, wie er einer grossen Sonnenscbeil 
Opfer darbringt (D 25 128, 25 075). Solche Darstc 
lungen kommen am Eingang mehrerer Konigsgrah 
vor*° und diirfen als exklusiv fiir diese angesehe 
werden. Ebenso sind zwei verschiedene Wiedergabc 
der Himmelsgottin Nut und des Sonnengottes so es 
mit der solaren Thematik der Konigsgraber verba 
den, dass man ohne weiteres annehmen kann, did 
beiden Skizzen seien in direktem Anschluss an Gnd 
bilder gemacht. In dem einen Falle tragt Nut i 
ihrem Schosse eine Sonnenscheibe mit dem Bill 
eines Kindes darin* 1 , eine Darstellung, die oft wiede 
kehrt**. Im anderen Falle handelt es sich um ein wol 
einzigartiges Bild eines Kuhkopfes en face, zwischc 
dessen Homera sich eine Sonnenscheibe befindet, i 
der ein widderkopfiger Gott — Amun-Re — sitzt' 
rechts von dem Kuhkopf steht ein Pavian, der wall 
scheinlich ein Pendant auf der anderen Seite hatl 
die nicht mehr vorhanden ist Dieses Bild des Kul 
kopfes steht seiner Art nach ganz im Einklang m 
Bildem zum Thema Nut-Re in den Konigsgraben 
Zu derselben Gruppe gehort auch ein Detail wie zw 
Arme, die eine Sonnenscheibe halten (D 25 176), ai 
einer Scherbe mit klarem Skizzencharakter. Zu da 
solaren Programm gehort weiter das Bild des Sol 
nenschiffes, in welchem der Sonnengott liber dfl 
Himmel fahrt, das so oft auf religiosen Monumente 
aller Art wiederkommt, und dies besonders in de 
Konigsgrabem. In Daressys Sammlung erschefi 
dieses Motiv auf zwei Scherben (D 25 182, 25 164). 

Die mythologische Szene mit den Gottinnen hi 
und Nephthys bei einem In-Zeichen kniend ist ei 
Bild, das man in jedwedem funeraren Zusammenhaa 
erwarten kann und das prumpiell auch Szenen de 
Konigsgraber nahesteht. H. Schafer hat hierfur afl 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



ie Darstellungen auf Konigssarkophagen hingewie- 
ra, und z.B. im Grab Sethos’ I. kommt jede Gottin 
ar sich mit einem 1/i-Zeichen in derseiben Haltung 
rie auf dem Ostrakon der Daressy-Sammlung vor 64 . 

Der Konig vor Gottem, oftmais Opfer darbrin- 
end, ist ein besonders haufiges Motiv. Auf Daresays 
tetraka erscheint der opfernde Konig einmal vor 
imun, Min(?), Meretseger und Mut (D 25 113), ein- 
aal vor Sokar (D 25 068), Bilder, die gut zum Re- 
ertoire der Graber passen, obwohl Tempeldarstel- 
tagen als alternative Parallele angefiihrt werden 
»nnen M . Fur andere Ostrakonbilder wie Re-Harach- 
e, der Ramses IV. umarmt (D 25 107), ein Gott, 
ter einen Konig an der Hand fiihrt (D 25 108), oder 
in Konig zwischen zwei Gottem (D 25 112) bestehen 
fcine Hinderaisse, sie im grossen und ganzen auf die 
iraber zuriickzufuhren, obwohl auch hier die Bilder- 
telt der Tempel eine ebenso richtige Verbindungs- 
noglichkeit liefert 

Eine Anzahl Ostraka, die grosstenteils nur er- 
rahnt, aber nicht abgebildet ist bei Daressy, steht 
tfenbar im Zusammenhang mit mythologischen Dar- 
tellungen in den Konigsgrabem — jedenfalls sind 
fese Bilder haufig in funerarem Kontext belegt. 
£s handelt sich teilweise um Details, die oft als vor 
ilem dekorative Elemente vorkommen konnen, wie 
das heilige Auge (D 25 079, vgl. 25 171), die 
icfliigelte Sonnenscheibe (D 25 197), das Hathorge- 
icht (D 25 177, 25 178). Bei dieser Gruppe sollen 
chliesslich Bilder einer Mumie(?) (D 25 082), eincr 
fciris-Krone (D 25 178) und eines Halskragens (D 
15 181), vielleicht als Opfergabe gedacht, sowie eines 
)pfertisches (D 25 166, im Tafelteil falsch unter 
15 165) erwahnt werden. 

Wilder mit Verbindung zu Privatgrabern 

Unter Daressys Ostraka gibt es Bilder, die man in 
frster Linie mit Darstellungen in Privatgrabern zu 
*rkniipfen geneigt ist. Mehrere von ihnen, die Pri- 
fctpersonen wiedergeben, kann man sich jedoch auch 
n anderen Denkmalergruppen vorstellen; z.B. kann 
hs Bild eines „Grabherra“ oder einer anbetenden 
®der opfemden Person zu kleineren Monumenten wie 
Stelen oder anderen hauptsachlich funeraren Gegen- 
ttanden gehoren. 

Typische Darstellungen eines Grabherm zeigen ihn 
rtehend mit einem Szepter und einem Salatkopf in 
4er Hand M (D 25 024, 25 025, 25 035) oder nur mit 
®inem Szepter (D 25 026, 25 027); in anderen kann 

2— Medelhavstmiseet Bulletin 


er sitzen, einmal allein vor Opfergaben (D 25 136), 
ein anderes Mai zusammen mit einer zweiten Person 
(D 25 137). 

In Privatgrabern und auf kleineren, meistens fune- 
raren Denkmalem erscheinen oft opfernde oder an- 
betende Personen — sie konnen sich vor dem Grab- 
herm oder vor verschiedenen Gottem befinden, im 
letzten Falle ist es in der Regel der Grabherr selbst, 
der vor seine Gotter tritt. Auf den Ostraka befinden 
sich solche Bilder von Privatpersonen in opfemder 
oder adorierender Haltung, Manner stehend oder 
kniend (D 25 028, 25 033, 25 039, 25 036), Frauen 
Opfer herbeibringend (D 25 045, 25 046). 

Unter diesen Darstellungen ist eine von grosserem 
Interesse, da sie eine historisch bekannte Privatper- 
son wiedergibt, den Hohenpriester Ramsesnacht aus 
der 20. Dynastie 57 . Er steht mit beiden Handen wie 
zur Adoration erhoben und erhebt den einen Fuss 
ein wenig wie zu einem Tanzschritt. Es kann sich 
natiirlich um eine Art „Augenblicksbild“ des dem 
Kiinstler sicher wohlbekannten Mannes handeln. Die 
Scherbe, auf die es gezeichnet ist, tragt ausserdem 
das Bild eines Falken; der Skizzencharakter ist offen- 
bar. Das Motiv ist aber auch auf einem andern Ostra- 
kon in Daressys Material belegt 51 und somit nicht 
ganz unik. Sucht man eine Verbindung mit Ramses- 
nachts eigenem Grab 08 , das aber grossenteils zerstort 
und nicht publiziert ist, kann man mit Hilfe des 
Bildrepertoires der topographischen Bibliographic 
von B. Porter und R. Moss keine solche finden. Eine 
ahnliche Haltung wie die Ramsesnachts findet sich in 
sowohl profanem als auch religiosem Zusammen- 
hang — im ersten Falle z.B. bei der Entgegennahme 
von Gold und Ehrenbezeichnungen aus der Hand des 
Konigs, ein nicht ungewohnliches Thema in den 
Grabern der 18. Dynastie, aber auch in Tempelbil- 
dern des spaten Neuen Reiches vorkommend 10 ; im 
zweiten Falle konnte auch eine Beziehung zu Darstel- 
lungen funerarer Tanze angenommen werden 11 . Ram- 
sesnacht, der auch auf Tempelreliefs als Opfertrager 
auftritt", stand sicher in personlicher Verbindung mit 
den Kiinstlem in Deir el Medineh, tatsachlich war er 
als Letter der Arbeiten an alien Monumenten Amuns 
in Kamak und an Grabern und Statuen, deren Aus- 
fiihrung der Konig befahl, ein Arbeitschef, der in 
direkten Kontakt mit seinen Untergebenen kam. Wir 
wissen, dass er mit grosster Wahrscheinlichkeit in 
eigener Person mit auszog, wenn es praktische Ar- 
beiten gait; er war Leiter einer Steinbruchexpediition 
zum Wadi Hammamat”. 

17 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Interessant festzustellen ist, dass noch eine andere 
historisch bekannte Privatperson auf zwei Ostraka 
vorkommt (D 25 033, 25 036). Beide Bilder gehoren 
zu dcr Gruppe opfemder und anbetender Privatper- 
sonen. Es handelt sich um den Wesir Neferrenpet, 
der sein Amt mmdestens in der Regierungszeit Ram- 
ses’ IV. innehatte, wahrscheinlich sogar noch etwas 
langer. Es ist nicht ausgeschlossen, dass direkte, per- 
sonliche Kenntnis den Hintergrund fiir diese Bilder 
auf den Ostraka bildet. Ohne fiir irgendwelche offen- 
baren bestimmten Dekorzwecke abgesehen zu sein, ist 
die Person im Rahmen des iiblichen ikonographi- 
schen Schemas abgebildet, und die Bilder sind mit 
Inschriften versehen, die Namen und Titel angeben. 
Naturlich konnte man auch hier Beziehungen zu dem 
— uns unbekannten — Grab dieses Wesirs suchen; 
wichtig ist aber, mit dem Faktor zu rechnen, dass das 
Bild ohne besondere Verbindung zu einem speziellen 
Zusammenhang entstanden sein konnte. 

Auf den Ostraka, die die hier behandelten Bilder 
tragen, konnen sich ausserdem auch noch ganz an- 
dere Darstellungen befinden. In einem Falle handelt 
es sich um ein richtiges „Skizzenheft“: eine Scherbe 
ist bedeckt mit Bildern eines Pferdekopfes, einer ge- 
ballten Hand, eines Menschenprofils und eines Lo- 
wenhauptes (D 25 026). 

Eine Reihe von Genreszenen, Privatpersonen bei 
verschiedenen mehr Oder weniger profanen Beschaf- 
tigungen, kann auch in erster Linie als Beispiel fiir 
Verbindungsmoglichkeiten zum Bildprogramm der 
Privatgraber klassifiziert werden. Man muss jedoch 
im Gedanken an das Datum des Materials — spatra- 
messidische Zeit — des Problems der Kongruenz mit 
dem Dekorprogramm der Privatgraber gewartig sein. 
Die Motive, die auf diesen Ostraka auftauchen, sind 
offensichtlich solche, die nicht die Bilder der gleich- 
zeitigen Privatgraber reflektieren, die fast ausschliess- 
lich religiose Themata haben. Aber eine griindliche 
Auswertung des thebanischen Grabmaterials kann bei 
dem Mangel an in extenso publizierten Grabera nicht 
zufriedenstellend vorgenommen werden. Fiir gewisse 
in diesem Zusammenhang aktuelle Szenen ist es auch 
moglich, einen Anwendungsbereich auf anderen Den- 
malem wie Stelen zu finden, bei anderen ist es denk- 
bar, dass sie nichts weiter als zufallige „Augenblicks- 
bilder“ sind, mehr oder weniger frei von den iiblichen 
ikonographischen Traditionen. 

Der Harfenspieler auf einem Ostrakon (D 25 038) 
ist, wenn auch fragmentarisch, ein geschickt und ein- 

18 


fUhlend ausgefuhrtes Bild, bei dem die BeweguiH 
der Hande liber die Saiten ein gewisses Raffinemefl 
hat. Dieses Bild ist das einzige in dieser Gruppe, dd 
auch eine Verbindung zu den Konigsgrabem habei 
konnte — im Grabe Ramses’ III. als allein dastehen 
der Ausnahme kommen ja Harfenspieler vor* 4 . Sons 
ist der Harfenspieler nicht ungewohnlich in thebani 
schen Privatgrabem, sogar auf Stelen** kommt a 
vor, verbunden wie er ist mit einer literarischen Gat 
tung**; selbst in Tempeln findet man auch manchma 
Szenen mit Harfenspielem wieder* T . 

Zu der Welt der Genreszenen der Privatgrabd 
muss auch das Bild eines Mannes, der die Doppei 
flote blast**, gewiss grob karikiert, gerechnet werdd 
sowie das Bild eines Mannes mit einem Affen ad 
der Schulter, welcher Affe auch Doppelflote spiel 
(D 25 138) — in vielen Zusammenhangen kann ma* 
den zahmen Affen im Bildrepertoire finden**. Urd 
auf diesem letztgenannten Ostrakon gibt es ausser 
dem fliichtige Skizzen von Mannera bei der Arbei! 
an Gefassen, vielleicht Handwerkern. Auf einem an 
deren kommen Manner in einer Reihe mit Gefassd 
auf der Achsel, einige ziehen an einem Seil (11 
25 139), auf einem weiteren erscheinen Bauarbeitci 
(D 25 139 bis) — derartige Szenen finden sich ii 
Grabern, die eine Verbindung mit Deir el Medinel 
haben konnen 70 , sie konnen also prinzipiell auf Privat 
graber zuriickgefuhrt werden. Dasselbe gilt fiir eirrt 
Reihe anderer Szenen wie einen Mann mit einei 
Kuh (D 25 142), den Mann vor einem Gefass aid 
einem Gestell und den Mann mit Stock (D 25 173] 
und vielleicht den bei Daressy nicht abgebildeter 
Wedeltrager (D 25 028 bis). Ebenso gehort zu diesa 
Kategorie von Genreszenen auch ein Bild, das zwri 
Widder, die mit den Homern zusammenstossen (II 
25 062), zeigt, eine Szene aus dem Alltagsleben aui 
den Feldern, die jedoch nicht unbedingt wie aud 
viele der schon erwahnten einer bestimmten Dekor 
gruppe zugezahlt werden muss — gewisse Bilder kon 
nen als blosse Reflexe der Darstellungen in Grabeni 
und an anderen Stellen betrachtet werden; sie brau 
chen im Augenblick des Zeichnens nicht unmittelbai 
in Beziehung zu einem bestimmten Zweck gestanden 
haben. 

Von den in ramessidischer Zeit in Privatgrabem 
so dominierenden mythologischen Szenen finden sid 
kaum Reflexe in Daressys Material. Die einziged 
Bilder mythologischen oder funeraren Charakters, die 
primar Privatgrabem zugerechnet werden konnen. 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


leigen Gestalten, die zum Themenkreis des Toten- 
lerichtes gehoren. Die betreffenden Darstellungen 
lefinden sich auf einem und demselben Ostrakon (D 
15 057). Es sind Osiris und das Untier Totenfresserin 
amt Anubis, der das Herz des Toten halt. Es handelt 
ich also urn das Drama der Wagung des Herzens 
les Verstorbenen, um das diese Gestalten gruppiert 
Yaren. Ein solches traditionelles Totengericht ist 
licht in den thebanischen Konigsgrabern belegt, ob- 
rohl das Thema nicht fremd ist — etwas spater zu 
Vnfang des letzten Jahrtausends vor Christus treffen 
nr es im Zusammenhang mit Konigsgrabern an 71 , 
as muss jedoch erwahnt werden, dass das Motiv in 
topyrusillustrationen sehr haufig ist Ein weiteres 
lild zeigt einen Ba-Vogel (D 25 106), der vielfach in 
irabern sowie auf Stelen vorkommt, sowie auch in 
rielen anderen Zusammenhangen. Ein Bild wie dieses 
mn man gewiss mit sowohl Privat- als Konigsgra- 
*rn verbinden. Die mythologischen Gestalten wie 
lie vielen Gotter, die sich mit den Konigsgrabern in 
/erbindung bringen lassen, sind naturlich auch fiir 
lie Privatgraber aktuell. Es ist meistens nicht mog- 
ich, eine scharfe Trennungslinie zu ziehen. 


Votivbilder 

jewiss konnen die Fundumstande ziemlich nichts- 
tagend scheinen, wenn es gilt, Daressys Material zu 
tlassifizieren. In der Nahe der Konigsgraber eine An- 
ahl Skizzen mit einigermassen direktem Bezug zur 
Motivwelt in ihrem Innern zu finden ist naturlich, 
lariiber hinaus eine Reihe von Themata zu sehen, 
lie zu dem Oblichsten im kanonischen Motiworrat 
sines Kiinstlers gehoren, verwundert nicht. Zu diesen 
gelaufigen Motiven gehoren Gotterbilder, die schon 
m Anschluss an das Bildrepertoire der Konigsgraber 
xhandelt worden sind. Eine weitere Gruppe bilden 
iagegen die Darstellungen von Gottern, die hier 
hauptsachlich als Votivbilder klassifiziert werden sol- 
len. 

Diese Gotterbilder sind von derselben Art wie die 
inderen, ihre Ikonographie ist die iibliche und in 
vielen Falle konnte man ohne weiteres gerade diese 
Ostrakonbilder als Skizzen, Vorlagen Oder Obungen 
fur Bilder in Grabem oder auf kleineren Denkmalem 
ansehen. Das, was jedoch manchmal eine Bestim- 
mung als Votivgaben zulasst, ist der terminus techni- 
cs, der oft wiederkehrt, ir.n, „gemacht von; gestiftet 
von", worauf der Name des Stifters folgt. Es handelt 


sich hier nicht um eine Signierung des Bildes als 
eines von einer bestimmten Person ausgefiihrten 
Werkes, sondera um die Identifikation des Stifters. 
Diese Art der Introduktion des Stifters einer Votiv- 
gabe kommt auf unzahligen agyptischen Denkmalem 
vor. Naturlich kann in der kleinen Gruppe von Deir 
el Medineh-Leuten sicher in einigen Fallen der Name 
des Stifters mit dem des Herstellers zusammenf alien; 
zu entscheiden, wann dies der Fall ist, ist aber eine 
heikle Sache. Vielleicht kann manchmal sogar in 
erster Linie die Angabe den Zeichner und nicht den 
Geber meinen. Gelegentlich aber sollte man stattdes- 
sen den Terminus vielleicht mit ,*gemacht fiir“ iiber- 
setzen, wobei es sich ebenfalls um eine Votivgabe 
handeln konnte. Moglicherweise kann weiterhin in 
gewissen Fallen eine bestimmte Form, bearbeitete 
und geglattete Kanten einer Scherbe, andeuten, dass 
es sich um eine Gabe handelt, die man sorgfaltig 
hergestellt hat; dies ist aber ein ziemlich unsicheres 
Kriterium. Oft kann man auch blosse Skizzen auf 
in dieser Weise bearbeiteten Scherben finden. 

Es ist wohlbekannt, wie die thebanischen Berge 
auf dem Westufer des Nils von vielen kleinen Heilig- 
tiimem durchsetzt waren, manchmal nur primitiv 
durch ein paar aufgestapelte Steine markiert 7 *, 
manchmal richtig in den Berg hineingehauen und 
mit Stelen versehen 73 . Es ist iiberhaupt eine Frage, 
ob nicht die ganze westliche Nekropole als heiliges 
Gebiet betrachtet wurde und als Ganzes wie in Ein- 
zelheiten als numinos erlebt wurde. Nicht zuletzt das 
abseits gelegene, von Stille und Verlassenheit gepragte 
Tal der Konige, das ja nicht andauemd von Leichen- 
ziigen durchquert wurde und wo nicht standig Klage- 
geschrei der Frauen widerhallte, konnte ein Kraftfeld 
sein, dem man sich nicht ohne Furcht naherte. Die 
wenigen Leute, die Moglichkeit hatten, in die Nahe 
der Konigsgraber zu kommen, konnten sich nicht nur 
zu den iiblichen Platzen mit ihren Votivgaben wen- 
den, ihren auf Kalksteinscherben gezeichneten und 
gemalten Gotterbildern mit dem Namen und 
manchmal auch dem Bild des Gebers, sondera sie 
konnen auch das Bediirfnis gehabt haben, solche Bil- 
der mit ihrem Aufenthaltsort in der Nahe des Tals 
der Konige 74 und vielleicht mit den Konigsgrabern 
selbst zu verbinden. Denn waren diese nicht ein 
Heiligtum liber den Konig hinaus auch fur das ge- 
samte agyptische Pantheon? Hier sind ja Reihen von 
Gottern und Gottinnen als Opferempfanger darge- 
stellt, hier bildet das Grab eine umfassende Kultan- 
lage und gleichzeitig ein kosmisches Zentrum, dessen 

19 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Kern der gestorbene Konig 1st. In diesem Zusammen- 
hang kann auch auf die Vergottlichung von Konigs- 
grabern in Pyramidenform hingewiesen werden, die 
mehrfach belegt ist 7ft . Deshalb brauchen die Bilder 
mit Votivcharakter, die Daressy in der Umgebung der 
Konigsgraber fand, nicht nur als Skizzen fur andere 
Denkmaler oder als fiir andere Orte beabsichtigt 
betrachtet zu werden. Sie sollen viellcicht als Trager 
einer bestimmten religiosen Funk t ion an dem heiligen 
Platz, den die Kdnigsgraber darstellen, aufgefasst 
werden. 

Diese Votivostraka weisen verschiedene Schemata 
der Einteilung auf. Manchmal befindet sich auf der 
einen Seite das Bild eines Gottes, auf der anderen 
das einer anbetenden Person, z.B. ein adorierender 
Mann zusammen mit einem Gebet an Thoth und auf 
der anderen Seite dieser Gott — und in diesem Falle 
noch die Gottin Seschat und die Namen der heiligen 
Schiitzer der thebanischen Nekropole, Amenophis’ I. 
und seiner Mutter Ahmes-Nefertere 7 *. Auf einem an- 
deren Beispiel sieht man Chons auf der einen Seite 
und auf der anderen den anbetenden Mann mit Na- 
men und Titel (D 25 041). Manchmal konnen die 
Gotter auf beide Seiten verteilt sein (D 25 095 bis). 

Ein anderer Typ zeigt die adorierende Person und 
die Gottheit auf derselben Seite der Scherbe, ein 
weiterer nur den Beter, wobei die Inschrift den Na- 
men des Gottes angeben kann, an den man sich 
wendet (D 25 031, 25 032), oder nur den Stifter na- 
mentlich nennt (D 25 037). Es gibt auch Scherben, 
auf denen nur der Gott abgebildet und manchmal der 
Stiftername erwahnt ist. Eine gewisse Vorsicht ist 
bei der Beurteilung von Daressys Material jedoch 
ratsam, da nicht immer klar hervorgeht, inwieweit es 
sich um beschadigte Scherben handelt. 

Unter den verehrten Gottern befinden sich ausser 
den schon genannten — Thoth (auch D 25 095 bis), 
Seschat, Chons — mehrere der grossen und bedeu- 
tungsvollen Gotter in Theben. Amun-Re (D 25 114, 
25 115, 25 117 bis) erscheint ein paarmal zusammen 
mit Mut und Chons, die die thebanische Triade bilden 
(D 25 059, 25 117, 25 051), aber ein paarmal ist er 
auch als Bock oder Widder dargestellt 77 . Ptah (D 
25 052, 25 053) fehlt nicht; einmal kommt er zusam- 
men mit dem Pavian des Thoth vor 79 . Ptah gehorte 
als Schutzherr der Handwerker zu den beliebten Ge- 
stalten in Deir el Medineh. Eine gewisse besondere 
Verbindung zu den Leuten dort muss auch die ele- 
phantinische Triade gehabt haben 79 — Chnum, Anu- 

20 


kis und Satis finden sich auf einer unvollendete 
Scherbe (D 25 060). Ebenfalls eine Verbindung mj 
Westtheben hat Meretseger, die Schlangengottin, di 
in der Stille und dem Schweigen der Graber ihro 
Heimatort hatte 90 . 

Andere Gotter sind Re-Harachte (D 25 129), hi 
(D 25 065, 25 066), Hathor als Kuh (D 25 093 
25 093), Apis (D 25 094, 25 095), Reschef (D 25 063 | 
der einzige auslandische Gott in diesem Zusammei 
hang, und Nilgotter in symbolischer Darstellung* 
Amenophis 1. kommt mehrmals vor (D 25 00] 
25 010, 25 011, moglicherweise 25 014, vgl. auo 
25 032), eine anonyme Konigin (D 25 044) soli vie) 
leicht seine Mutter sein. Ein skizzenartiges Bild va| 
Bes (D 25 071) soil erwahnt werden, gehort abt 
moglicherweise nicht zu den Votivbildern. 

Noch einige weitere Ostraka sollen besonders hei 
vorgehoben werden. Es handelt sich um Bilder, i| 
denen ein Konig oder eine Konigin opfemd vq 
einer Gottheit erscheinen. Die koniglichen Persona 
fungieren hier als Medium fiir den Stifter, der o| 
— wie auf Stelen — nicht in eigener Person im Bild 
auftritt”. Diese Scherben sind hier ausgesondert un 
als Votivbilder klassifiziert worden, da sie in da 
meisten Fallen eine besondere Form zu haben scbej 
nen — ihre Kanten sind oftmals bearbeitet und $ 
glattet, was bei dem reinen Skizzenmaterial wenige 
haufig ist. Dies ist allerdings kein zwingendes Krit^ 
rium, sondern nur ein Hinweis auf die Mdglichkei] 
diese Bilder, die man sich sehr wohl auch als mi 
den Grabbildern verbunden vorstellen kann, als Vo 
tivgaben zu deuten, obwohl sie keine Inschriften tn 
gen, die einen Anhalt, z.B. durch ir.n , geben. 
dieser Gruppe kommen zwei verschiedene Einteilung^ 
schemata vor: 1. der Opfernde auf der einen Seii) 
und der Empfanger auf der anderen, 2. Opferndej 
und Empfanger auf derselben Seite. Zur ersten Kate 
gone gehoren die folgenden Beispiele: Ein Konig mi 
rcw-Gefassen opfert einem krokodilkopfigen Got) 
wohl Sobek (D 25 013), eine Frau koniglicher Ah 
stammung opfert Re-Harachte” Zur zweiten gehora 
Bilder Amenophis’ I., der Amun-Re opfert (E 
25 111), und Ramses’ IV., demselben Gotte opfemd* 1 

Die grossen Tempel und das Ostrakonmaterial 

Die grossen Reliefs, die seit der 19. Dynastie sowoh| 
die Tempel von Karaak und Luxor als auch dii 
koniglichen Totentempel auf der anderen Seite da 
Nils beherrschen, bilden vielleicht die bedeutendstt 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



meuemng in der Kunst des spaten Neuen Reiches, 
ihilderungen von Feldziigen und koniglichen Taten 
if dem Schlachtfeld Oder in gefahrlichen Jagdgebie- 
n sind das lebendigste Element im Tempeldekor 
eser Zeit — gleichzeitig zeugen sie auch von dem 
sstreben, das historische Geschehen in der Balance 
i halten, durch magisches Beschworen die kosmi- 
he Ordnung intakt zu erhalten 85 . Diese Reliefs, die 
ren Ursprung in der dynamischen Kunstproduktion 
r 18. Dynastie haben 88 , spiegeln eine Tradition wi- 
r, in der Pharao der Aufrechterhalter der Weltord- 
ng ist, nach der Agyptens Feinde niedergeschlagen 
d vemichtet werden. Und diese Tradition wiegt 
lwerer als die tatsachlichen historischen Ereignisse, 
: nur indirekt in den Tempelreliefs wiedergegeben 
rden. Ebenso sind die koniglichen Jagddarstellun- 
i Bilder, die dem Konig auf magische Weise Herr- 
laft iiber die Naturkrafte geben; Bilder von Wild- 
;ren und Lowen, die erlegt werden, sind allegorie- 
fte Bilder, die vom Konig als alleinigem und mach- 
sm Weltherrscher zeugen 87 . 

£s kann von Interesse sein, einen kurzen Blick auf 
en der am besten bewahrten Tempel ramessidi- 
er Zeit, namlich den von Medinet Habu, zu wer- 
und die Hauptthemata zu betrachten, die im 
kor auftreten. 

Siidlich von Deir el Medineh innerhalb eines be- 
rmen Gehabstandes von dem Dorfe liegt der grosse 
npel Ramses’ III. 88 . Es ist ein Totentempel in der- 
>en Tradition wie die der friiheren Konige, die in 
»r Reihe am Rande des Fruchtlandes liegen, das 
i vor der Bergkette im Westen offen ausbreitet 
l an die Wiiste grenzt, in der das Land der Toten 
t. Der Tempel ist aber nicht nur eine Totenkultan- 
er hat auch andere Teile, die manchmal tradi- 
tell sind so wie der Palast, wo der Konig mit 
em Hofstaat wohnen konnte, etwas, das schon in 
ieren Totentempeln vorkommt, und die manch- 
eigenartige Ziige aufweisen wie die starke Be- 
igung. In der architektonischen Gestaltung deuten 
irere Besonderheiten auf ein gewisses Neudenken 
Neuschaffen hin. 

lie monumentalen Reliefs, die den grossartigen 
ipel innen und aussen schmiicken und die teil- 
\e — obwohl man allgemein in der Regel das 
5 re nicht betreten durfte — sichtbar gewesen sein 
sen fur alle, die in die Nahe kamen, besonders 
ie urspriinglich in Farben leuchteten, diese kniip- 
im Ganzen an die traditionellen Themata fiir 
cfs in den Tempeln des Neuen Reiches an: rituel- 


le Szenen, die den Konig im Verkehr mit den Got- 
tern zeigen, sowie solche, die sein Handeln mit der 
Umwelt wiedergeben. 

Zu der ersten Kategorie gehort das oft wieder- 
kehrende Bild des Konigs, der den Gottem Opfer 
darbringt, vor allem Amun und Re-Harachte. Der 
Konig kommt mit verschiedenen Opfergaben, er 
schlagt Feinde nieder vor dem Gott oder iibergibt die 
Trophaen des Feldzuges: Gefangene werden vorge- 
fiihrt, Beute wird uberreicht. Es konnen auch Szenen 
vorkommen, die zu bestimmten rituellen Zusammen- 
hangen gehoren — der Konig wird als Hauptperson 
in verschiedenen herkdmmlichen Zeremonien geschil- 
dert, und von hier ist es nicht weit zu ausfiihrlichen 
Darstellungen von Gotterfesten. 

Von der anderen Kategorie, von den „historischen“ 
Darstellungen, die des Konigs Taten an der Spitze 
des Heeres zeigen, auf seinem Streitwagen mit Pfer- 
den oder im Kampf mit Libyem oder Hethitem oder 
andem Volkern, als Befehlshaber der agyptischen 
Flotte, die die Seevolker besiegt, von diesen Szenen 
gibt es einiges, das in Medinet Habu besser bewahrt 
ist als in irgendeinem anderen Tempel. Zu dieser 
Gruppe sollen auch die Jagdszenen gerechnet wer- 
den — der Konig befindet sich draussen auf der 
Jagd, verfolgt und erlegt Antilopen, Wildesel, Stiere 
und Lowen — Bilder, die wie die vorhergehenden 
eine magisch-religiose Implikation haben und nicht 
darauf abzielen, nur bestimmte zeitgebundene Ge- 
schehnisse direkt wiederzugeben, sondem die auch 
auf normsetzende Weise die Aufrechterhaltung der 
Weltordnung und des historischen Geschehens be- 
schworen. 

Ein paar Darstellungen in Medinet Habu konnen 
als ungewohnlich ausgesondert werden. In einem 
Falle handelt es sich um Reliefs ausserhalb des 
eigentlichen Tempels in dem Portalbau, der aus 
mehreren Stockwerken besteht und der in der Mauer, 
die den heiligen Bezirk umschliesst, auf der Haupt- 
achse den Eingang zum Tempelbezirk bildet 88 . In 
einigen Raumen im ersten und zweiten Stock finden 
sich Bilder des Konigs zusammen mit Familienmit- 
gliedern, Bilder intimeren Charakters als die monu- 
mentalen Darstellungen an anderen Stellen. Prin- 
zessinnen kommen mit Musikinstrumenten und Fa- 
chern, in einer Szene spielt der Konig Brettspiel mit 
einer Prinzessin, die gleichzeitig einen Spielstein fasst 
und eine Blume an die Nase des Konigs halt. Diese 
Szenen sind nicht so sehr Genreszenen, die sich dem 
Typ nach von anderen „offiziellen“ Darstellungen im 

21 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 



Tempel unterscheiden; vielmehr sind sie eher von der 
Steifhck der Opferszenen gepragt, als dass sie infor- 
melle Familienszenen sind der Art, wie man sie z.B. 
in der Palastmalerei in Amama antreffen konnte 90 . 

Reihen lebendiger Zweikampfszenen kommen in 
einem Register unter dem sogenannten Erscheinungs- 
fenster vor, das den Palast im Siiden mrt dem ersten 
grossen Hof des Haupttempels verbindet. Sie sind 
zeremonielier Art, gehoren mit bestimmten Fest- 
brauchen zusammen und bilden eine abgegrenzte 
Gruppe 91 , da sie nicht direkt mit Kampf- und Jagd- 
szenen zusammengehoren und auch nicht mit einem 
bestimmten sonst im Tempel vorkommenden Gotter- 
festthema verkniipft sind. 

Schliesslich soli das Vorkommen von Bildern des 
Typs „Geratefries“ erwahnt werden: Tempelaus- 
riistung wie Statuetten und Musikinst rumen te, aber 
auch Opfergaben in den inneren kleinen Raumen des 
Tempels. Weiterhin gibt es als besoodere Typen von 
Darstellungen „astronomische“ Decken der Art, wie 
man sie in den Konigsgrabem antrifft, und ausser- 
dcm einige Illustrationen aus der Bilderwek des 
Totenbuches. Diese Typen dominieren aber ganz und 
gar nicht im Tempeldekor als Gesamtheit 

Es verwundeit nicht, dass Bilder aus dem Dekor- 
programm der Tempel im Ostrakonmaterial wieder 
auftauchen". Einige von Daressys Ostraka zeigen 
Konig Ramses IV. auf seinem mit Pferden bespann- 
ten Streitwagen, neben dem em Lowe lauft, des 
Konigs „Schlachtlowe“ (D 25 122). In zwei anderen 
Darstellungen desselben Konigs ist der Lowe dabei, 
mit seinen Kiefern einen Auslander zu ergreifen, in 
einer von rhnen halt der Konig gleichzeitig gefangene 
Auslander (D 25 123, 25 124). Der Lowe ist ein 
wichtiges allegorisches Motiv. Gewiss ist man berech- 
tigt anzunehmen, dass man zahme Lowen hatte, die 
dem Konige folgten, aber in den Bildern dominiert 
die allegorische Bedeutung, der Lowe ist mk dem 
Konig identisch, der Konig ist der allein siegende 
Lowe 9 *. Dieses Motiv kommt auch separat auf einem 
Ostrakon vor (D 25 135), ein Detail, Pferde und ein 
Ldwe, auf einem andem zeugt von dem Skizzencha- 
rakter dieser Bilder (D 25 143). Ebenso verhalt es 
sich mit den Darstellungen auslandischer Gefangener 
(D 25 133, 25 134) — die man sich jedoch sogar im 
Zusammenhang mit Konigsgrabem denken kann — 
sie sind Skizzen zu Themata, die wieder und wieder 
in den Tempeln auftreten. Parenthetisch soil noch 
gesagt werden, dass das Motiv des Lowen, der einen 

22 


Gefangenen verschlingt, in ramessidischer Zeit aud 
als Rundskulptur vorkommt 94 . 

Noch einige weitere Bilder gehoren in dieselbc 
Gruppe der Tempekzenen, obwohl sie auch anderswc 
belegt werden konnen. Ein Kdnig schlagt Feinde mit 
einem Krummschwert vor Amun nieder, der gleicb 
zeitig dem Konig eine Waffe gibt", ein Motiv, da 
man wiederholt z.B. im Tempel Ramses’ III. in Me 
dinet Habu antreffen kann — keinem, der im Terrah 
von Deir el Medineh berumgestreift ist, kann da 
krenelierte hohe Tor an der Ostseite dieses Tempels 
entgangen sein, wo riesenhafte Darstellungen diese 
Motivs in starken Farben vor dem Kai und den 
Kanal, der zum Tempeleingang fiihrte, leuchteten" 
Andererseits muss man bedenken, dass das Bild des 
Konigs, der seine Feinde niederschlagt, eins der her 
kommlichsten in der ganzen agyptischen Ikono 
graphic ist — es kann im Neuen Reich bei so vielef 
ganz verschiedenen Motivgruppen vorkommen, voi 
grossen Schiffen bis zu den winzigsten Schopfungej 
der Klemkunst 97 . In einem Falle — und das ist wicb 
tig, in diesem Zusammenhang hervorzuheben — er 
scheint es ja auch in einem Konigsgrab, namlich den 
Ramses’ III.**. Und das Bild des Gottes, der Waffei 
uberreicht, ist nicht ungewohnlich. Eine verwandtt 
Darstellung, die im Zusammenhang mit diesem Moth 
zitiert werden kann, ist eine Stele von Deir el Me 
dineh, auf der Amun einem Konige ein Schwert iiber 
gibt, in diesem Falle dem vergottlkhten Aroen- 
ophis I. 99 . 

Em anderes von Daressys Ostraka zeigt einen Ko- 
nig mit Kiiegshelm, der, mit einer Axt geriistet, ein 
Biindel auslandischer Gefangener halt (D 25 119); ein 
entsprechendes Bild konnte sicher in Tempeldekoi 
gefunden werden 100 . Eine Darstellung zweier ringea 
der Manner 101 darf auch zum Tempelrepertoire ge- 
rechnet werden; sie kann namlich mk der Serie zere- 
monieller Kampfe in Medinet Habu 10 * verkniipft wer- 
den. Schliesslich sollen zwei Ostraka mit Bildern ge- 
bundener Gefangener (D 25 042, 25 141) erwahol 
werden, die beide sowohl mit Grabem wie Tempeta 
verbunden werden konnen und die vermutlich auch 
noch in anderm Zusammenhang relevant sind; sk 
gehoren zu einem gelaufigen kanonischen Repertoire. 

Da Ramses IV. auf mehreren dieser oben genann- 
ten Ostraka namentlich genannt ist, ware es naturlicfe 
von Interesse zu sehen, inwieweit diese Motive mit 
seinen Denkmalem verkniipft werden konnen. la 
seinem Grab im Tal der Konige (Nr. 2) gibt es natur- 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


bch keine Bilder dieser Art. Die Errichtung von Tern- 
peln und die Herstellung von Skulpturen waren Ram- 
ses IV. sehr angelegen; mehrere grosse Steinbruch- 
expeditionen wurden wahrend seiner kurzen Regie- 
rungszeit untemommen 108 . Ein grosser Tempel in der 
Gegend von Deir el Bahri nicht weit vom Ramesseum 
ist ganz zerstort 104 . Etwas weiter nach Norden ist ein 
anderer seiner Tempel lokalisiert worden, dessen Er- 
haltungszustand jedoch auch keinen Aufschluss iiber 
das Dekorprogramm geben kann. Ein Totentempel 
im Medinet Habu-Bezirk, geschleift und nicht unter- 
sucht, kann ebenfalls keine Zeugnisse liefem 108 . 
Einige Raume im Chonstempel in Karaak, die imter 
Rainses IV. ausgeschmiickt worden sind, haben keine 
Szenen, die als Parallelen zu den Ostrakonbildern 
angefuhrt werden konnten 108 . Aber die auf den 
Ostraka belegten Darstellungen sind jedoch so all- 
jemeiner Art, dass sie nicht als spezifisch fiir eben 
diesen Konig angesehen werden konnen. 

Am Rande sollen in diesem Zusammenhang ein 
paar Ostrakonbilder erwahnt werden, die eine gewisse 
Verbindung mit Tempelbildem zu haben scheinen. 
iVir kennen ja nicht soviele von den Totentempeln in 
Westtheben, da viele stark zerstort sind; mit Hilfe 
ier Kleinkunst aber konnen bis zu einem gewissen 
Grade Darstellungen monumentaler Skala wenn nicht 
lirekt rekonstruiert, so doch vorgestellt werden 107 — 
ein wichtiges Beispiel sind die Bilder auf einer klei- 
aen Truhe aus Tutanchamuns Grab. Auf ihr kommt 
i-a. eine Lowenjagd vor wie spater in Medinet 
rtabu 108 , da in monumentalen Reliefs. Das von Da- 
rcssy erwahnte Ostrakon eines Lowen, der von einer 
Lanze getroffen ist 100 , gehort wohl gerade zu solch 
iiner Gruppe. Dagegen sollte ein anderes Bild, das 
ttnen Lowen darstellt, der von einer „Ldwin“ ver- 
olgt und in die Hinterbeine gebissen wird (D 25 084), 
rorsichtiger interpretiert werden. Die „Lowin“ ist 
rielleicht ein Hund, und man konnte in dem Bilde 
ane Satire sehen, nicht zuletzt weil eine Inschrift 
Conigsepitheta enthalt, die sich auf den Lowen-Konig 
Kziehen konnten, dem es hier schlecht ergeht. So 
autet H. Kischkewitz’ Deutung 110 . Jedenfalls ist es 
noglich, die grossen Lowenjagdbilder als Hinter- 
jrund der Darstellung zu sehen. Die Inschrift braucht 
licht unbedingt mit dem Lowen in Verbindung ge- 
wacht zu werden, da sie ein oft wiederkehrender 
Teil der Konigstitulatur ist, den man aus einem an- 
icren Grund separat hier niedergeschrieben haben 
tann. 


Ein Ostrakonbild mit einem Konig und einer Ko- 
nigin auf mit Pferden bespanntem Wagen, die sich 
mit Pfeilen beschiessen, und mit Nicht-Agyptem im 
unteren Register, die sich ebenfalls mit Pfeilen be- 
schiessen, ist eigenartig 111 . Der thematische Hinter- 
grund findet sich in den Kampfschilderungen der 
Tempel, die Einteilung in Register stimmt mit iibli- 
cher Tradition uberein. Ausserdem tragt die Rtick- 
seite die Wiedergabe der Gesichtsziige eines Auslan- 
ders, also ein gelaufiges Motiv aus dem Kreise der 
Kampfszenen. Was in diesem Falle merkwiirdig ist, 
ist die Konigin, die sonst nirgends in der Rolle als 
Kampferin auftritt 112 . Aber wie H. Kischkewitz her- 
vorgehoben hat u *, braucht man hierin nicht eine 
Illustration aktueller politischer Ereignisse zu sehen, 
sondem literarisch tradierter Themata. Die in romi- 
scher Zeit auf Demotisch belegte Erzahlung vom 
Streit zwischen Agyptem und Amazonen 114 konnte 
hier, wie Kischkewitz bemerkt hat, angefuhrt werden. 
Dass gerade literarische Motive den Ostrakonbildern 
zugrunde liegen konnen, soli unten weiter ausgefiihrt 
werden im Zusammenhang mit den Szenen aus der 
Welt der Tiergeschichte, die in Deir el Medineh von 
Ausgrabern gefunden wurden. 

Obungsskizzen — Details und Fragmente 

Eine Reihe von Scherben zeigt Detailbilder, die 
hauptsachlich reines Skizzenmaterial sein diirften, 
Obungen in der Kunst, ein elegantes Profil eines 
Gesichtes oder das Bild eines der vielen Tiere, die so 
oft als Hieroglyphenzeichen wie als Manifestationen 
von Gottheiten vorkommen, wiederzugeben. 

Ziemlich wenige dieser Bilder konnen eigentlich 
als freie „Augenblicksbilder“ angesehen werden, als 
entstanden aus dem spontanen Bedurfnis, einen be- 
stimmten Gegenstand nach der Natur abzubilden. Es 
entsteht eher der Eindruck zielbewusster Obungen; 
die Tradition kanonischer Darstellungen von Men- 
schen und Tieren nach herkommlicher Weise hat 
nicht gebrochen werden konnen. Natiirlich kann ein 
gewisses Mass an Spontaneitat imd Freiheit in diesen 
Bildem gefunden werden, aber die Spannweite in den 
Themata und der Art der Darstellung ist relativ be- 
grenzt. In den Bildem erscheinen Details der Motive, 
die in Grabern, Tempeln und wahrscheinlich auch 
anderen Zusammenhangen beheimatet sind. Sie sind 
hauptsachlich so allgemeiner Art, dass es nicht immer 
moglich ist, sie strikt zu klassifizieren. 

Die Konigskopfe sind oben schon zitiert worden 

23 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


— wie diese sind Menschenkopfe im Profil Oder 
sogar en face nicht selten, auch nicht menschliche 
Gestalten in traditionellen Haltungen. Era paarmal 
kommen Details wie Augen Oder eine Hand (D 
25 167, 25 026) vor, die letzte ist vor allem in der 
Kunst der Amarna-Zeit ein libliches Obungsmotiv 118 . 

Tiere gibt es unzahlige: die haufigsten sind Falken, 
Stiere und Lowen, die bedeutungsvollsten aller Sym- 
boltiere, alle mit starker Verbindung zum Konig, alle 
Symbole fiir den Herrscher. Das Bild des Falken, oft 
mit Doppelkrone (D 25 101, 25 173, 25 195), ist hau- 
fig eng mit hieroglyphischer Ornamentik verkniipft; 
die Konigstitulatur, die durch em Falkenzeichen ein- 
geleitet wird, war eine wichtige und vielmals wieder- 
holte Aufgabe fiir den Kiinstier. Ebenso verhalt es 
sich mit dem Stier — ausser seiner Darstellung als 
Gottheh findet sich sein Bild in den Hieroglyphen 
der Konigstitulatur; ein Ostrakon zeigt gerade den 
Beginn derselben mit Falken- und Stierzeichen (D 
25 195). Der Lowe kommt oft in verschiedenen Zu- 
sammenhangen als Sinnbild des Konigs vor; das 
Scherbenmaterial zeigt Skizzen von Lowenkopfen, 
aber auch ab und zu von dem ganzen Tier (D 25 175, 
25 061, 25 026 bzw. 25 085, 25 087, 25 027). 

Widder- oder Bockskopfe (D 25 104, 25 105) kniip- 
fen an Gdtterdarstellungen an, vor allem die Amuns. 
Andere Tiere mit Verbindung zu Gottheiten sind 
Geier (D 25 103), Krokodil (D 25 091) und Skara- 
baus (D 25 108, 25 179), der letzte jedoch auch be- 
deutsam als rein dekoratives Element, wobei der ur- 
spriingliche Symbolwert sicher oft verloren gegangen 
ist. 

Andere Tiere sind typische Opfertiere, z.B. die 
gebundene Gazelle oder Antilope (D 25 179, 25 180, 
vgl. 25 176) oder die gerupfte Ente (D 25 179) — 
und hier konnten eventuell weitere Tierbilder einge- 
reiht werden, die Daressy erwahnt, aber nicht abbil- 
det — wahrend andere nicht unbedingt mit einem 
bestimmten religiosen Hintergrund verbunden zu 
werden brauchen, wie z.B. der Pavian auf alien 
Vieren (D 25 089, vgl. 25 098), ein spontan betontes 
Bild, das man aber auch anderswo in einem Skizzen- 
material antreffen kann 118 , das Schaf, das seinen 
Riicken leckt (D 25 180, vgl. 25 179), oder die fliich- 
tig gezeichneten Schakale, die nicht von dem hiera- 
tischen Stil der Gottertiere gepragt sind u \ Der Pfer- 
dekopf (D 25 026, 25 149) gehort wohl zu den thema- 
tischen Obungen. Vielleicht von religioser Symbolik 
bestimmt sind Bilder eines Panthers 118 , einer Schild- 
krote 119 und eines Schlangenkopfes (D 25 176). Die 

24 


auf einem Bild wiedergegebenen Tiertatzen (] 
25 167) sind wohl eine reine Obung. 

Weiterhin sollen hier Bilder einzelner Hierogl| 
phenzeichen (D 25 034, 25 160, 25 179, 25 210) gc 
nannt werden; ein unidentifizierbarer Vogel (J 
25 016) gehort mbglicherweise zu dieser Gruppe. Eic 
mal findet sich das Bild eines Phantasietieres, das an 
einem Feuersteinstiick geschaffen worden ist, desse 
Form dazu inspirierte, die Gestalt mk ein paar Pis 
selziigen hervorzulocken 1 * 0 . 

Abgesehen von einigen Scherben mit verschiedeno 
Details und Kritzeleien (z.B. D 25 015, 25 176) sowi 
Obungen, Kartuschen mk Konigsnamen zu schrd 
ben (D 25 185 ff.), die zahlreich vorkommen — eih 
Gruppe, deren oraamentaler Charakter an die Wd 
der Bildscherben angrenzt — sollen in diesem Zusam 
menhang einige Bilder hervorgehoben werden, di 
eigenartig sind und nicht immer deutliche Parallels 
haben. Ein Ostrakon tragt den Plan eines Brettspiefl 
(D 25 183). Es gehort zu dem iiblichen Dreissigf elder 
Typ, der zusatzlich drei besondere runde Feldd 
hat 1 * 1 , und ist auf einer 45X24 cm grossen Scherb 
ausgefiihrt. Es handelt sich also um ein komplette 
Brettspiel, das wahrend der Arbeitspausen angewand 
werden konnte, wenn man aus dem dunklen Innen 
der Berge herauskam, um etwas auszuruhen. 

Der Plan eines Konigsgrabes ist schon friiher er 
wahnt worden. Es ist nicht die emzige Planskizze 
die auf einem Ostrakon gemacht worden ist; in ani 
deren Fundgruppen gibt es mehrere Parallelen 1 ”. i 

Schliesslich soli das sehr schlecht erhaltene Bild 
zweier Mause (D 25 132), deren eine vielleicht eim 
Frucht isst, angefiihrt werden. Moglicherweise gehoU 
es zu der Gruppe von Tierbildem mit Verbindung a| 
der Welt der Tiergeschichte, die unfen behandelt wer- 
den soil, und ware dann der einzige Beleg fiir did 
Thema im Material aus dem Kdnigsgrabertal. Das 
Bild ist jedoch zu unklar, um eine nahere Klassifizi^ 
rung zuzulassen. 

Technik 

i 

Zum Abschluss der Betrachtung von Daressys Ostra- 
ka kann es angebracht sein, die verschiedenen Tech- 
niken bei der Ausfuhrung der Bilder zu beschreibea. 
Mit einigen wenigen Ausnahmen, bei denen Too* 
oder Feuersteinscherben vorkommen, sind alle Bilder 
auf Kalksteinscherben ausgefiihrt, die manchmal ge- 
glattet und in regelmassige Form gebracht worden 
sind. In der Regel sind die Bilder mit rot oder 


I 

i 


Digitized by ^jOOQle 


thwarz oder mit beiden Farben gezeichnet. Oft wen- 
et man die rote Farbe fiir einen ersten Entwurf an, 
cr danach mit schwarzen Konturlinien nachgezeich- 
et wird. In gewissen Fallen hat man gelbe Farbe 
enutzt, allein oder zusammen mit schwarz und rot, 
jdoch nur relativ selten (D 25 043, 25 055, 25 064, 
5 075, 25 079, 25 111, 25 144, 25 197). Bei wenigen 
tcLspielen ist das Bild koloriert; ausser schwarz, rot 
nd gelb, die beim Skizzieren gebrauchlich sind, 
ommt hier noch grlin vor (D 25 136). Die Bilder, 
ie koloriert sind, d.h. die innerhalb der Konturlinien 
hrbflachen aufweisen, zeigen Gotter (D 25 055, 
5064, 25 130), Stiere (D 25 075, 25 079), einen 
Lonigskopf (D 25 144) und eine Privatperson (D 
5 136). 

Eine weitere Bearbeitung ist bei einigen Ostraka 
estzustellen, bei denen man die Bilder im Relief 
lerausgearbeitet hat. Dafiir gibt es sogar unfertige 
letspiele (D 25 001, 25 046, 25 072, 25 130, 25 155, 
5170, 25 171), die alle Menschendarstellungen sind. 
Sin paarmal hat man eine Zeichnung ausgewischt, 
in Platz fiir ein neues Bild zu bekommen (D 25 032 
gl. 25 093), oder hat sie abgewaschen (D 25 042, 
5 043). In einem Falle ist eine Hilfslinie fiir die 
toportionierung angewandt worden (D 25 002). 

Diese technischen Daten sind fiir Ostrakonmaterial 
us Theben uberhaupt giiltig. Wenn nicht bedeutende 
Ibweichungen auftreten, werden die technischen An- 
aben fiir das Material, das in dieser Abhandlung be- 
ondelt wird, nicht besonders beschrieben. 


Iporadische Ostrakonfunde im Tal der 
Conige 

^aressys Ostrakonmaterial ist die einzige grossere 
hmmlung aus dem Tal der Konige. Nur wenige der 
htraka, die dariiber hinaus verschiedene Ausgraber 
u diesem Ort gefunden haben, sind publiziert — 
iele, die iiber verschiedene Sammlungen verstreut 
iod, haben keine zufriedenstellende Dokumentie- 
nng. Hier sollen einige Beispiele von verschiedenen 
mnden aus dem Tal der Konige aufgenommen wer- 
welche jedoch kaum fiir Daressys Material neue 
fcpekte liefern. 

Zwei grossere Ostraka im British Museum kommen 
ius einem Konigsgrab 1 **, aus